TOPICS OF THE DAY.
PEACE.
THB objection to Mr. Cobden's proposal of international peace- commissions is only half stated in pointing out the fact that such a commission would be, in its very nature, incompetent to enforce its own behests: the plan wholly neglects the direction in which an effective appeal is to be found. It tends to set up a machinery in which any reliance must be fallacious, and to disarm the sole power in which trust can safely be placed. It starts from a wrong basis, not only as to the power available for intervention, but also as to the nature of the issue in warfare. Survey the actual state of Europe after thirty years' peace, and say in how many instances such a peace-commission would be applicable.
The Emperor of Russia has just proclaimed a crusade, in which he declares that " he will employ all his power to stem the tor- rent of impiety and revolt" from Western Europe ; and his armies are already afield : now what could a peace-commission do to stay him! what issue is there to be handled by such a commis- sion ? what could it urge to gain his attention ? Hatred of a spirit abroad may be a sufficient motive for war, as it has often been before ; but it is no subject for the deliberations of a peace- commission.
How would such a tribunal apply to the actual position of the French in Rome? The French Government made a most in- discreet advance upon that city,—an advance unjustified by any formality, by precedent, by the experience of Paris, by common sense, or by uncommon sense : the sole hope of ulterior justifica- tion fay in the presumed and compulsory acceptance of the Ro- mans : the French received a very unexpected rebuff; and now the question with the Government at Paris is simply one of " honour " for the French themselves. It would be a mark of exalted wisdom and generosity in the French if they could of their own free will withdraw from that false and unworthy posi- tion : in default of their doing so, England might declare that she would stand up in defence of the injured and oppressed Romans ; but in such a case how could any foreign negotiator play the schoolmaster to France? Lord Palmerston has truly said that national honour cannot be trusted to the jurisdiction of any alien tribunal ; and the French, who still preserve the custom of duelling, are not likely to make more concessions than he would. The point which is sufficient motive to the French for the ag- gression on Rome is not a subject to be handled by a peace-com- mission.
It is a mistake to suppose that the issues even of international wars are always of that distinct and tangible kind that they could be dealt with like questions at law between individuals ; they oftener belong to those irregular classes of questions which among private individuals are settled by some kind of Lynch law—that is, by an unlicensed and irregular code. Nor is peace broken only by wars between separate communities; at this very moment it is defied in scores of cases by intestine quarrels. The preliminary war that is waged throughout half of Europe is civil war. But civil war furnishes no subject that could come within the cognizance of an international peace-commission. In civil war, still more signally than in international war, the con- test is seldomer one of right against wrong, than a struggle for power between rival parties, each of which assumes right to be absolutely on its own side. In the case of private litigation, common principles are usually admitted on both sides, and the aid of the judge is invoked only for the application of those prin- ciples to the particular issue ; but in the case of civil war, the principles themselves, a whole regime or its opposite, are in issue, and there is no common appeal. Hence the instinctive conclu- sion of publicists which makes them recognize de facto govern- ments.
It is true that, in spite of all the disorder in Europe, a general reluctance to engage in war is manifested : but indeed, neither that reluctance nor the universal disorder is the most remarkable trait of the times ; the most singular characteristic of the day is the faltering of purpose which, in all countries, seizes all parties, just as they appear to reach the goal of their wishes. The Pope, Frederick William, the French " Republican's de la veille," Charles Albert, the Sclavonians at Prague, the Viennese, Francis Joseph and his new Ministry, the Frankfort Assembly, the Tuscan Re- publicans,—princes and peoples, statesmen and revolutionists, have come forth with all the aspect of vehemence and resolve, have overborne resistance, and then have stopped as if arrested by some internal failure Of vital action, and have shrunk before the opposition which they had conquered. Each in turn marched to the most prominent place, as if merely to ask what was next to be done, and, by retiring, to confess a total barrenness of coun- sel or an inherent weakness which forbade consummation. So now, amid all the confusion, the throne of power everywhere vacant, not one party advances with prompt and firm step to seize it: every party is awaiting the turn of events—to see what others will do, and to filch opportunity from some lucky imbe- cility in its rivals.
This condition of the Continent seems to be but the rough re- flex of our own "fusion of parties" at home; where the state of affairs is not at all dissimilar. The Peelites attain a victory, to go out of office. The Whigs rush " into power," to occupy it without possessing it or using it. The Chartists made a de- monstration on their own 10th of April, only to discover their own utter powerlessness. The Protectionists array a great force against the Navigation-laws Bill, only to open their ranks and let the bill pass. The Financial Reformers prepare for nights in Parliament—to sing small. The Peace people depute, Mr. Cob- den to move their proposition, in a speech which is pronounced to be " warlike"! Parties and leaders fail each other, at home and abroad. Leaders possess no personal influence sufficient to carry away with them whole bodies of adherents. It is not that we are " tranquil" : on the Continent it is a farce to talk of tran- quillity; at home we see such men as Thomas Cooper, intelligent, unsatisfied, moved by strong convictions, complaining that they are excluded from political recognition. Mr. Cooper says that the working classes will not get it through the new league ; and he is right. He sees no alternative but organized petitioning or insurrection : he ought to know that organized petitioning is an exploded humbug ; and insurrection leads to nothing unless the insurgents are strong, in their faith in each other and their leaders, and guided by definite purpose. Yet the Chartists appear to be no better off than Whigs or Tories, than French or Germans, for effective leaders.
Our modern rationalists have outdone Phocion—have exag- gerated his supercilious independence and vulgarized it. Dis- daining the arts of courting popularity, they have devoted them- selves to statistics, organized agitation, league-making, and the other appliances of modern politics, and have wholly neglected the art of gaining and holding the affections of a people. O'Con- nell possessed the art in some degree, but he degraded it—and he is gone. Kossuth lives, a stronger instance, but not, we fear, the most exalted ; and he is alone. Lamartine has failed. Mazzini is on trial. History never witnessed a time when there was so much action, such wide and multifarious opportunity, and such absence of men to use it. Yet that influence is the very life of government—the art which makes the intellect of the leading few powerful to guide and govern the many—the art which endows wisdom with political power and makes good government effective.
It is the art which secures to the world all the peace that it has had. Each state, sovereign in itself, is to itself the only last appeal ; and until society shall entirely have changed, the only guarantee for peace is the development of high intelligence, good faith, and generous feeling in the several states. But those are personal traits, depending for their best impulses on personal ex- ample and personal instance—upon the existence of a chivalrous feeling, and a chivalrous class to vindicate that feeling, in each country. Nothing has checked wars, especially by the strong upon the weak, more than that feeling. To secure peace, then, you must encourage the intelligence and generosity of the nations,— feelings not to be put in commission, or created to demand like articles of commerce. The art has fallen into oblivion amongst modern politicians, and it is time to revive it : but we cannot re- cognize Manchester as the best of schools for such a purpose.
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