Dtbates anti lprottebings in Varliaintnt.

SECURITY OF THE QUEEN'S PERSON.

Sir ROBERT PEEL moved, on Tuesday, for leave to bring in a bill to provide for the further security and protection of the Queen. Within two years, he observed, three assaults upon the person of the Sovereign bad been committed by a discharge, or an attempt to discharge fire-arms. He thought his object might be effected without constituting new treasons, or inflicting new capital offences: needless forms and solemnities which encumber the trial of certain offences and are calcu- lated to administer to the morbid vanity of miscreants, who commit crimes partly from desire of gaining an unenviable notoriety, should be dispensed with. Sir Robert reviewed the laws relating to the subject. In 1800, after the attempt of Hatfield on George the Third, an act was passed, which, in cases of compassing the death of the Sovereign ac- companied by an overt act, abolished the forms of trials for high treason, which secure to the prisoner long delays, a peremptory challenge of the jury, and twice the amount of testimony that would be sufficient in si- milar prosecutions in the case of subjects. Sir Robert proposed to ex- tend that change of procedure to cases where a charge is made of com- passing the wounding of the Sovereign. He explained some of the grounds on which it had been determined to remit the capital pu- nishment in the case of Francis-

" We did not come to this determination until after the most mature deli- beration. We decided, with the conviction that the Jury who had found the verdict acted from pure and honourable motives, and upon sufficient grounds, and that their hitelligenee and independence were not to be called in question. But, at the same time, however base the motives, however heinous the offence,

yet, still acting in conformity with the commands of a gracious Sovereign, whos.11t prerogative it is to administer justice and to dispense mercy, we determined tct apply the same principles to the case before us as we would with respect to any other case infolving capital punishment. Two Cabinet Councils were held. We reviewed the whole firths evidence taken against Francis : we resolved not to decide without an interview with the three Judges by whom or in whose presence the prisoner was tried, and without a conference with the Law-officers of the Crown, the Attorney-General and the Solicitor-General, by whom the prosecution ass conducted. The result of the conference with the three Judges was an unanimous expression of opinion that it was not advisable that the capital sentence should he carried out. The opinions of the Judges were found to be in accordance with those of the Law-officers of the Crown ; and, under these circumstances, I think the House will he of opinion that we have taken a more effectual security against the repetition of the offence, by apply- ing the same principle to the case of Francis as we would have applied to any ordinary case of charge of murder, than we should have done had we stretched the law, or, if not actually stretched it, at least had departed from the usual principles of justice for the purpose of making a severe example. It was no feeling of false humanity which tempted us to remit the capital sentence : but into the reasons which influenced us I am sure the House will not expect that I should enter in detail."

Sir Robert read to the House the class of offences against which his measure was to provide-

" I propose, that after the passing of this act, if any person or persona shall wilfully discharge, or attempt to discharge, or point, aim, or present at or near the person of the Queen, any gun, pistol, or other description of fire-arms whatsoever, although the same shall not contain explosive or destructive sub- stance or material, or shall discharge or attempt so to discharge any explosive or destructive substance or material ; or if any person shall strike or attempt to strike the person of the Queen with any offensive weapons or in any manner whatever ; or if any person shall wilfully throw or attempt to throw any sub- stance whatever at or on the person of the Queen, or with intent in the cases aforesaid to break the public peace, or with intent, in any of the cases afore- said, to excite the alarm of the Queen," &c.

The punishment in all such cases-

" I propose that any party so offending, that is intending to hurt the Queen, or to alarm the Queen, shall be subject to the same penalties which apply to cases of larceny—that is, that he be subject to transportation not exceeding seven years: but we propose also another punishment, snore suitable to the offence, and more calculated to repress it—that there be a discretionary power of imprisonment for a certain period, with authority to inflict personal chas- tisement. (Cheers from both sides of the House.) I think this punishment will make known to the miscreants capable of harbouring such designs as are pointed out by this bill, that instead of exciting for thew offence a most mis- placed, and I may say stupid sympathy, their base and malignant motives in depriving her Majesty of that relaxation which she must naturally need after the cares and public anxieties of her station, will lead to a punishment propor- tioned to their detestable acts. I do confidently hope, that without calling for any powers of extreme severity, the provisions of this bill will be effectual for the purpose. For observe what we have to guard against—it is not any traitorous attempt against the peace of the nation by conspiring to take away the life of the Sovereign ; but it is the folly or malignity of wretches who are guilty of acts prompted by motives which are scarcely assignable. The law, in its charity to human nature, has omitted to provide for the case of any being, formed like a man, who could find a satisfaction in firing a pistol at a young lady, that lady a mother, and that mother the Queen of these realms. (Prolonged cheers from both sides.) It never entered into the conception of former lawmakers that any thing so monstrous should arise as that the Queen of these realms should not enjoy a degree of liberty granted to the meanest of her subjects. I am sure the House will respond to the pmpositipn to give the security of this law for the protection of her Majesty." (Cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL expressed his cordial assent to the motion ; ob- serving that, as it was the offence of base and degraded beings, a base • and degrading kind of punishment was most fitly applied to it. Mr. HUME, Mr. O'Cositentm, and Colonel SIBTHORP testified their concur- rence. The bill was brought in, read a first and second time, and ordered to be committed next day. Several Members called out, "Pass it at once!" but Sir ROBERT PEEL thought it better to take advantage of suggestions that might arise in the interval of a day.

When the House went into Committee on the bill, on Wednesday, Mr. HUME, supposing that the motion was still for a Committee of Supply, which had been moved and withdrawn, entered into one of his econo- mical disquisitions ; urging Sir Robert Peel to reduce the sum allotted to the support of the Crown by 60,0001., leaving still 325,0001. to be expended "in mere parade and show ": in his opinion a Finance Com- mittee ought to be appointed to inquire into the whole subject. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, Mr. Hume had apparently mistaken the question before the House. He should be deluding the public were he to hold out any idea that relief could be afforded by retrenchments in the pub- lic expenditure; though, as it was, there was a reduction in the Miscel- laneous Estimates of 84,000/. Sir ROBERT lamas thought that Sir Robert Peel had been too liberal in finding an excuse for Mr. Hume whose tirade, considering the question before the House, was most un- gracious. Mr. Hulse protested that he had mistaken the question.

The bill went through all its stages, and was passed.

The bill was brought up in the House of Lords on Thursday, and read a first time.

SUPPLY: INDIAN GOVERNMENT DISTRESS.

When the motion for a Committee of Supply was renewed, on Mon- day, Sir ROBERT PEEL reverted to Lord Palmerston's statement re- specting the Governor-Generalship of India—.

He protested against Lord Palmerston's inference that Government approved of Lord Auckland's policy; though they could not but have bad every dia- position to abstain from any act implying censure on a person who had devoted himself to his duties as Lord Auckland had done. Lord Palmerston was not justified in drawing such an inference from a private letter by one nobleman to another ; and Sir Robert Peel could find no public record of such a letter— certainly no such proposal was made with the sanction of the Government. He knew bow high was the opinion which Lord Ellenborough entertained of Lord Auckland, from the speech of the former on the 2el of November. At a public dinner on that day, be spoke as follows—" He felt he was about to succeed in office a man who, as Governor-General of India, had exhibited great practi- cal ability in public affairs. In fact, it was a matter of satisfaction to bun, united as he was to Lord Auckland by the closes ties of friendship, to have an opportunity for adverting to Lord Auckland's industry, ability, and extensive knowledge of the bearings of each great question that came before him." The facts appeared to be these. On the 8th of July 1841, Lord Auckland replied to a despatch from the Court of Directors, consenting not to throw up his office in the spring; and on the 1st of September, Lord Ellenborough wrote a letter to Sir Robert, to the effect that Lord Auckland consented to remain for a short time. In another letter, dated September 7th, Lord Ellenborough said that Lord Auckland, in a private letter to the Chairman, intimated a desire to leave India in January, but at the same time expressed his unwillingness to leave any great measure unfinished. On the -24th, Sir Robert Peel received a letter from the Chairman, announcing that Lord Auckland's resignation was expected by the next maiL On the 8th of October, Sir Robert Peel proposed to Lord Ellen- borough to go out ; and be accepted the office. It was impossible for him to have ascertained what Lord Auckland's answer could have been to the supposed offer ; and Sir Robert could not reconcile that with a formal offer made to Lord Auckland to continue permanently, or for any length of time, Governor- General of India.

Sir Robert passed from that subject to explain the position of Govern- ment with respect to the Supplies ; of which the Miscellaneous Esti- mates and the Estimates for China remained to be voted— "The House has now sat about eighteen weeks, and during part of that period two days in the week have been at the disposal of her Majesty's Government; in the latter part of that time a third day has been given up : the total number was fifty-four. With the Corn-bill the House was occupied sixteen days, the Property-tax took seventeen days, and the Tariff fourteen days—forty-seven days out of the fifty-four. It was highly important that the Tariff should be used: it passed last Saturday, and I hope that the returns at the Custom- Louse this week will show that the completion of the measure has already had a favourable effect on the commercial interests of the country. Even if it only removed the suspense, the removal of that will be an advantage. Now we have to vote, with the sanction of the House, the Miscellaneous Estimates and the China Estimates. The Government of India, besides meeting the extraordinary expenses of the war in Afghanistan, have had to advance largely on account of the Chinese war. The Government has engaged to supply the India Company with funds ; and it is of the utmost importance to the service that no further delay should take place. With respect to the Mis- cellaneous Estimates, it should be recollected that they are generally voted from the 21st March of one year to the 21st of March of the next ; so that now we have an additional quarter. It is now the 11th of July. Many of the votes are exhausted—for an instance, the vote for criminal prosecutions in Ireland. I will not take upon myself the responsibility of further delay." Lord PausiEntrroli contended that he was justified in the inference that he had drawn that Government approved of Lord Auckland's policy— Lord Ellenborough might have written the letter in question without com- municating with his colleagues ; but Lord Palmerston had no more doubt that it was written and received by Lord Auckland before the 24th of November last than that he was standing there; and Lord Auckland could have looked upon it in no other light than that of a semi-official communication. The letter stated that it was very lucky Lord Auckland had sent in his positive resignation : that resignation would have been received a very short time after Lord Ellenborough had written to Lord Auckland; and therefore it was pos- sible that the communication which the right honourable baronet had received was written after receiving Lord Auckland's positive resignation.

Lord HOWICK assumed that that must have been the case. Mr. Roca averred that nine out of ten in the Court of Directors were op- posed to Lord Auckland's policy. Sir JOHN Homousx insisted that the terms in which the Court of Directors requested Lord Auckland to continue in office conveyed approbation. Mr. Hoare objected to the waste of public time in discussing private letters: and he asked Sir Robert Peel, whether it was true that an intimation was given at one of the public offices ten days ago, on Government authority, to expect the separation of Parliament by the 25th of July ? Sir ROBERT PEEL said that there was no foundation for the statement.

Mr. VILLIERS moved, as an amendment, for a Select Committee on the law regulating the importation of foreign corn, with a view to its total repeal. He prefaced his motion with a speech, in which he said that he brought it forward in compliance with the wish of the Anti- Corn-law- Delegates ; and because, in discussing Mr. Wallace's motion, a taunt had been thrown out on the Ministerial side, that if the Opposi- tion thought that a repeal of the Corn-laws would remedy the evils, they ought to submit that proposition to the House. Moreover, the new law had proved a failure ; and since it had passed, the principle had been avowed by members of the Government that the people ought to be allowed to purchase food wherever they could, and on the best terms.

Mr. FIELDEN seconded the motion ; with statements to illustrate the distressed condition of the hand-loom weavers. Mr. PHILIP HOWARD deprecated this delay of the supplies, as tending to aggravate the dis- tress of the country ; and he foresaw in the result of Corn-law repeal merely the addition of agricultural to manufacturing distress. Mr. AGLIONBY declared the new sliding-scale a delusion : it was the same scale as the old scale, with merely a change in figures. He prophesied that Parliament would be obliged to repeal the law before the winter. Mr. llamas, repeating some of the arguments against the Corn-law generally, and the new law in particular, warned the House not to dis- regard the claims of the people until they should grow too strong to be resisted, and changes should be proposed and carried which he among others would regret to see. M. GALLY KNIGHT objected to the dis- cussion of a question already fully discussed; and he denied that Not- tingham was in the appalling state which had been described. Mr. HINDLEY cited figures to show, that in comparison of periods of four years, the country is prosperous and peaceable in proportion as corn is abundant and cheap ; and that if they could secure the price of corn under 508., they would insure the tranquillity of the country. Mr. Sceirr opposed the amendment. Sir CHARLES NAPIER condemned the Corn-law, but thought these discussions ought not to be continued— that It was a very unfair way of conducting an opposition to any Go- vernment.

Sir ROBERT PEEL began by complainipg of the constant interruption to Public business, and of the impediments opposed to a fitir trial of the new Corn-law-

"'Gentlemen on the other side have, though I will not say intentionally, adopted a course which in effect prevents my measure from having a fair trial : whilst any hope exists that Parliament will be induced to alter the law, and that corn might be admitted into this country on more favourable terms, the measure can have no fair trial, for the grain will be held bank."

He had already shown that in the week ending 23d Jane, there came in of Foreign corn 27,500 quarters, and of Colonial corn 6,000, in all 33,300 quarters: he would now quote returns a week later, to show that the result was not less satisfactory- " Notwithstanding the expectation which had been held out respecting an tevation an the state of the law, it appears by the return for the 30th June, that for home consumption there had been brought in from the Colonies 5,002 quarters at ls. duty, and of Foreign corn 48,112 quarters. The whole of the

corn for home consumption amounted then to upwards of 53,000 quarters. This, then, shows the satisfactory working of the law ; and in addition to this,

I am informed that the harvest has already commenced in some parts of the country. The consequence is a fall of 2s. in Mark Lane; and in other parts of the country there is a similar tendency to a decline of price: This occurred notwithstanding the expected alteration in the law, from which arises a dispo-

sition on the part of the holders of corn to keep it back. I repeat, then, that if, under the existing impression that the law is to be altered, such circum- stances have occurred, those who hold back with such an impression labour under a great error, and are likely to incur a considerable loss. It would evi- dently be most unwise to proceed to condemn the law after an experience of

seven weeks : but, even judging from the experience of seven weeks, if you choose to form a judgment from so short an interval as to the effect of a new act of Parliament, I think marked symptoms of improvement are perceptible within the two last weeks. Notices of importation under the existing law from very remote parts of the Continent, and the prices given at which that wheat can be imported, combine to show that the unfavourable conclusions drawn with respect to the operation of the existing law are not founded in any expe- rience from which you can draw a safe inference."

He intimated that he would not stand by the Corn-law if once he were convinced of its impolicy-

" I say at once, that if I could believe that a material alteration of the Corn- law would produce any permanent relief, not only I, but I am sure those who are, like myself, immediately connected with the land, if they were convinced that the Corn laws were the main cause of the distress, and that their repeal would give substantial and enduring relief, would instantly relax the determi- nation to maintain them."

Even in respect to the Tariff, he believed that the attempt to effect acknowledged reforms was accompanied with present, though, he trusted, only temporary pressure-

" I think this view is confirmed by a reference to the Revenue-returns for the last quarter; from which it appears, that on several articles of the Customs

there has been a falling-off, and on others an increase. It may be interesting to observe the articles on which there has been an increase of revenue, which is a test of increased consumption, and those in which there has been a de-

crease, a test of diminished consumption. There has been a decrease in the

article of wine. We are now engaged in negotiating commercial treaties on that subject ; and I beg to say, we have this day received accounts which in-

form us that we have succeeded in carrying into complete effect the intention of the noble Lard and the Government which preceded us with respect to a commercial treaty with Portugal. I believe it will be more reasonable to attri- bute the diminution of duty to the doubt caused by pending negotiation* rather than to any diminished power of consumption; but the consequence has been a falling-off in the duty on wine of 108,000/. The next article in respect to which a great falling-off of duty has occurred is that of timber. The an- nouncement of an intention to reduce the duties on Baltic timber, and entirely to abolish the duty on Canada timber, has necessarily produced, as was inevit- able, some stagnation in the trade. The effect has no doubt occurred at a moat unfortunate season of stagnation in trade ; and the loss of revenue on the

article up to the 5th of July has been 113,000/. The next articles on which a loss has occurred are those of brandy and rum. Here the effects of the uncer- tainty prevailing as to wine have been felt, and there has been a loss of 31,000/.

Let us now look at the chief articles on which there has been an increase, and we shall find they have been articles in no way affected by our commercial re- forms. Upon sugar, on which we avowed our intentions, on which a reduction

of duty in the course of the present session was not expected, there has been an increase in the revenue for the last quarter to the amount of 113,000/. On

molasses there has been an increase of 34,0001. On cotton-wool, the duty on

which I expressed great regret that I could hold out no hopes of being able to reduce, there has been an increase of 96,989/. On tea, another article with re- spect to which we expressed our intention to make no change, there has been an increase of 16,718/. Comparing the articles on which there has been an increase, I own I am afraid that to the Tariff itself is partly attributable an increase of the depression now so much to be deplored."

He had done all he could to guard himself against being supposed to hold the opinion that the progress of mechanical invention can be im- peded, or that it would be expedient to do so with respect to the larger interests of the country ; but he was at liberty to state the truth, that he entertained the opinion that the rapid application of machinery has a tendency, where there is less capital, and where machinery is less im- proved, to throw men out of employment, and consequently to produce distress. Sir Robert cited practical authorities in support of that opinion, from Stockport itself, the borough of Mr. Cobden, who had inveighed against him for it-

" Mr. Lawton, one of the Relieving-officers of the Union, is asked—' Have

the working-classes been in distress at Stockport during the whole time of your service; or when did that distress appear to begin, and what has been its pro- gress up to the present time ? ' He states—' fhere was no great pressure in the number of applications for relief before the year 1838, excepting under such casual circumstances as the break-down of a mill or the turn-out of the hands,

which have occasionally occurred. About the end of 1838 the applications became more frequent. At that time several of the manufacturers began to introduce improved machinery into their mills, which enabled them to reduce

the number of hands. In some cases one man would be enabled to do the work of two, by what is called coupling the frames. There has been a gradual in- crease of distress since that year ; a number of factories have stopped work al- together, and others having worked short time. About the commencement of the last quarter, which ended the 25th December 1841, the applications in- creased in a great degree, in consequence of the stoppage of Messrs. Lane's and Messrs. Carr's mills, and a large proportion of those now upon our books were thrown out of work at that time.' The great majority of the witnesses attri- bute a considerable portion of the evil to the operation of the Corn-laws; but I

am now showing, that the great majority do admit also that the sudden appli-

cation of capital to improved machinery must ever have a tendency to produce a diminution of manual labour.' Mr. R. M'Lure is asked= What has led to the larger rate of reduction in the spinning department ?'—' Principally the in-

troduction of the self-acting mule, which has been introduced into many of the mills of Stockport and the neighbourhood. We have had self-acting mules in our mill in Heaton Norris since 1834, and have been continually improving our machinery to the present time; by which means, we are doing with fewer hands by one hundred for the whole mill for the same quantity of work than in 1836, when the mill was first filled with machinery.'"

Sir Robert quoted other evidence to the same effect, and added-

" I am countenancing no vulgar prejudices; but when in 1841 lace that the same quantity of work can be done in one mill by one hundred hands less than in 1836, I cannot help still retaining my opinion that improvements in machinery must have an immediate and local effect."

The evidence of Mr. Cruttenden, the partner in a well-known firm at Siockport, is remarkable-

" Owing to the improvements in machinery, a much greater amount of goods can be manufactured in &certain period of time than formerly. By working full time, we ourselves could manufacture nearly twenty miles of calico a day ; and when you consider the immense amount of steam-power employed in the

cotton-manufacture, this will give you some idea of the powers of production which are daily in operation, and which must have a tendency to reduce prices." "Do you think that the laws affecting trade have contributed in any degree to cause the distress at present existing in Stockport, or in other ma- nufacturing districts ?—I do not think that they have had much to do with it

I am aware some persons suppose that the Corn-laws have been the cause of our present distress. I believe that the distress has arisen in a far greater de- gree from the immense increase in the amount of capital which has been em- ployed in the cotton-trade, and the consequent unnatural increase in the pro- duction of manufactured goods."

Sir Robert applied the argument- " The honourable gentleman spoke of 30,000/. having been applied to the erection of new machinery. Now suppose some temporary cause—the fire at Hamburg, for instance, creates an unusual demand for some description of goods : a person having the command of such an immense mechanical power

as enabled to supply the demand; and the advantage of machinery is, that we can defeat foreign competition in any market where there is an extraordinary demand."

The wages of the hand-loom weaver have fallen from 27s. in 1815 to 38. in 1842; but when the price of corn and the vast importation of cotton are considered, it must be obvious that there must be some other cause for that instance of distress than the Corn-laws. There must be some other cause also for the rapid decrease of wages in the cotton-trade- " Here is an account of cotton manufactured since 1831. I have no means of comparing the increase with 1815; but since 1831 there has been a most extraordinary increase in the quantity of cotton imported for manufacture and retained for home consumption, and the quantity of cotton goods exported. In 1831, the total quantity of cotton spun was 208,000,000 pounds ; and in 1841, it amounted to 337,000,000 pounds. The total quantity of yarn-manufactured goods in 1831 was 70,000,000 pounds, and in 1841 it had risen to 138,000,000 pounds. Now, though it might be that we do not take corn in exchange for our cotton goods, yet the quantity of goods exported, for which we receive some sort of return, has been enormously increased, comparing 1841 with 1831, and with 1815 also, when the wages of the artisan were so high, as described by the honourable gentleman, and when corn was about 64s. a quarter. The increase of the trade, as measured by the imports and exports, has been moat extraordinary."

Allusion had been made in the House to a placard issued at Man- chester, headed "Murder," of which Mr. Cobden had declared that the members of the Anti-Corn-law Association knew nothing— "1 was glad to hear that declaration from the right honourable gentleman : at the tame time, I think there ought to be a more effectual measure taken for the purpose of manifesting a severance between disseminators of bills of this character and those who profess to have the true interests of the working- classes at heart. I was determined to make no reference to this hand-bill without information; but these facts have been stated to me—' The inflamma- tory placard headed ' Murder ' continues to be issued in a shop in Market Street, Manchester. The placard was still exhibiting on the 23d of June at 22 Market Street. Above the door of this house there are printed the words "The Dep8t for the National Anti-Corn-law League." The printer of the placard, who is the tenant of that shop, is the printer and publisher of the Anti-Corn-law League. About four doors distant from this depot was a building in which the Anti-Corn-law League held their meetings.'—I am glad to hear from the honourable Member that the members of the Anti- Corn-law League express their disapprobation of the exhibition of this placard ; and I trust what I have stated may induce them to take steps which may make it impossible for any person to attribute to them any participation in appeals of this nature to a suffering population."

He trusted nothing would be done to check the progress of subscrip- tions; ;hough they could be no permanent remedy for the distress. His hopes of that lay in a general extension of the commerce of the country ; and he restated the principles on which he thought it ought to be extended-

" I stated, and I am ready now to repeat the statement, that if we had to deal with a new society, in which those infinite and complicated interests which grow up under institutions like those in the midst of which we live had found no existence, the true abstract principle would be to buy in the cheapest market and to sell in the dearest.' And yet it is quite clear that it would be utterly impossible to apply that principle in a state of society such as that in which we live, without a due consideration of the interests which have grown up under the protection of former laws. While contending for the justice of the abstract principle we may at the same time admit the necessity of apply- ing it partially ; and I think the proper object is first of all to lay the founda- tion of good laws, to provide the way for gradual improvements, which may thus be introduced without giving a shock to existing interests. If you do give a shock to those interests, you create prejudices against the principles themeelves, and only aggravate the distress. This is the principle on which we attempted to proceed in the preparation of the Tariff."

Ile frankly admitted that he had not applied those principles to corn and sugar ; but on corn the duties were reduced one-half; and he again called on them to look at the measure as a whole-

" At the commencement of this year declarations were constantly made about the comparative prices of meat in this country and abroad. There were constant prophecies that no attempt would be made to deal with the monopoly of provisions in respect to cattle and meat. In respect to rice, potatoes, fish, and various other articles of subsistence, there have been made most extensive reductions of duty ; and with respect to raw materials, there was likewise a re- duction such as the advocate of free trade could scarcely complain of. The effect of all this change could not yet be fairly estimated. But then it was asked, 'Do we intend to do nothing else ? ' We do intend, after submitting it to the consideration of a Committee, to propose a further measure, permitting the taking of foreign corn oat of bond duty free, upon the substitution into the warehouse, or delivery for exportation, of equivalent quantities of flour and biscuit. With respect to other countries, it will be our endeavour to extend on the true principles of reciprocal advantage the commerce of the country."

Ile had been asked why he had introduced no measure on the bank- ing laws : but every day at the disposal of Government had been con- sumed in the measures to which he had referred ; and they had as yet scarcely been able to pass more than the first clause of the Poor-law. They had passed the Income-tax, which no Government could have done against the general feeling of the country. They had entered into negotiations with other countries-

" I hope now that we have been able to bring these measures to a conclu- sion, with some difference of opinion on my side of the House, and with strong divisions against me on account of the alarm given to the agricultural interest, that they will be allowed to have a fair trial; and if they do not prove calcu- lated to increase the prosperity of the country—if they should prove inade- quate to meet the distress of the country—in that case I shall be the first to admit that no adherence to former opinions ought to prevent their full and care- ful revision. But I hope that no precipitate conclusion will be come to, but that a fair experiment will be made, in order that we may see whether they have a tendency to revive the prosperity of the countty, and to terminate that stagnation which no person in this great community views with deeper con- cern than those who are immediately respotieible for the government of the country."

Lord Torts Ituseers. remarked, that Sir Robert Peel did not speak as if he were very confident in the success of his measures. For at least eight weeks after the new Corn-law had received the Royal assent, it had not been interfered with : but Sir Robert was not right in saying that the change had led to the importation of foreign corn ; for if two weeks this year corn had entered to the amount of 75,000 quarters and 48,000 quarters respectively, in the two weeks of last year ending 16th April and 21st May it entered to the amount of 58,825 quarters and 71,040 quarters respectively, at the much higher duties of 224 8d, and 23s. 8d. i • and therefore the diminution of duty made by Sir Robert had only led to a loss of revenue—there had been no gain to the people. If the duty bad been fixed at 8s. there would not have been this delay of two months and a half during which corn was not admitted. Would it not be better to resort to a measure which Sir Robert himself ac- knowledged would be a temporary alleviation of the distress ? If it was desirable to obtain relief for the people from charity, was it not much more so to afford it by the law ? In 1826, Sir Robert Peel had acted with Mr. Canning and Lord Liverpool in supporting a measure temporarily to suspend the Corn-law ; and why therefore should he not agree to the motion about to be 'elide by Lord Howick, for the admis- sion of foreign corn for a time at 'fi fixed duty ? Last year the Whigs were told when in power that they were incompetent— That Government is now replaced by gentlemen possessed of perfect in- telligence and unfailingwisdom ; and when asked where is the remedy—where the hope of an alleviation, they say they expect a good harvest. Now, I do think, Sir, that though our abilities be not so shining as those of honourable gentlemen opposite, we were at least equal to the task of looking at the baro- meter and saying we expect a fine harvest."

Lord John objected to the ulterior intention involved in Mr. Villiers's motion; and observed, that there would be no difficulty in passing some of the votes; while there was no sufficient reason for not postponing others, such as the payment of certain attornies and counsel in Ireland, when so many of the people of England are in a state of suffering. Towards the close of his speech, Lord John launched into a general attack on the Government measures-

" I remember a right honourable gentleman, not now a member of this House, Mr. Herries, parodying a French writer in reviewing a work, said, that our measures contained some things that were good and some things that were new—that those that were new were not good, and those that were good were not new. I apply this expression to the measures of this session proposed by the present Government. I can scarcely count on my fingers those they have adopted,—namely, the Poor-law, the Colonial Customs Bill, the Colonial Pas- sengers Bill, the New South Wales Bill, the Australian Bill, the Justices Bill, and the principles of the Tariff itself; for with respect to provisions gene- rally, I had proposed to bring forward a measure for introducing them at lower rates of duty, but, at the suggestion of my right honourable friend, I post- poned it, in order to bring forward the proposition for altering the Corn-law ; which, in its result, prevented our bringing any other measures forward as a Government. We have had satisfaction in seeing such a measure as the Tariff proposed—that measure is good, but it is not new ; and so is the Poor-law : the Income-tax is new, but it is not good; and I may say the same thing of the Corn-law of the present year."

Mr. COBDEN repeated, that in prosperous times, improvements in ma- chinery never threw labourers out of employment so as to cause dis- tress. He contended that this country could hope for no extension of trade with America, Portugal, or Spain, unless it would take their corn ; remarking that it is not exports alone which make a country rich. And he quoted the Scotch and Irish farmers, who laugh at the agriculture of England, and say that with a proper system the landholder might ob- tain double their rents and yet corn be sold at 40s. a quarter.

Mr. Gormsnrren having said a few words in opposition to the mo- tion, Lord Howtcn explained, that he should vote for it on general grounds ; but not without protesting in the strongest manner against the way in which the public business had been delayed. He believed that the question would suffer from the injudicious way in which it had 'been brought forward.

Be did not suppose that he should have an opportunity of proposing the motion of which he had given notice; but he could not help pressing on tho right honourable Baronet the expediency of adopting some such measure as this—that, with a view to mitigate the existing distress, an Act of Parliament should be passed giving assurance that for a certain limited time no higher duty than 6s. should be levied.

Sir Joint HANDIER was not ashamed to say, that, representing a large manufacturing constituency, and having paid great attention to the sub- ject, his opinion had undergone considerable alteration as to the ques- tion of the Corn-laws during the session : he was in favour of a mode- rate fixed duty, for the purpose of revenue, and no more.

On a division, the amendment was rejected, by 231 to 117.

The House then went into Committee of Supply. For the expenses of the war in China, 806,566/. was voted ; 108,0001. for the expenses of the service in Canada consequent on the late insurrection ; and 10,000/. for the harbour of Kingstown. After three divisions on motions for adjournment, in each of which the motion was rejected by large majo- rities, the Committee adjourned till Wednesday.

The Committee proceeded on Wednesday ; and a great number of votes were passed, with the usual small complaints and suggestions re- sultlessly arising on each in turn.

On the vote of 33,1101, for the British Museum, Mr. GILBERT HEATHCOTE complained of bad arrangement : he had lately found the Magna Charts, that palladium of English liberty, placed between two cases containing Esquimaux breeches! Mr. EWART wished the Mu- seum to be open in the evening, for the benefit of the working classes. Mr. HI/DIE wished children under eight years of age to be admitted, and the management of the Museum to be vested in individuals respon- sible to the Government.

• On the vote of 106,085/. for the maintenance and repairs of public buildings and royal palaces, Mr. Wimais WILLIAMS objected to the maintenance of so large a number as seven palaces ; one of them, at Kew, occupied by .a foreign potentate out of the country—the King of Hanover. In reply to a suggestion of Mr. PacrrEcaon, the Earl of Lincour stated, that last year a large sum was voted to improve two conservatories. Her Majesty, with that desire which she always had 'of saving unnecessary expense, had suggested that the sum granted for the fitting up of the conservatories should be applied to the building of -a chapel adjoining Buckingham Palace, in order that she might be able to attend Divine worship at all times and in all weathers : that ar- rangement had been made before the recent attacks on her Majesty.

On the vote of 105,000/. for the works of the new Houses of Parlia- ment, the Earl of Lialemar said that, in all probability, the session of the year 1845 would be held in the new Houses. It would, however, be seven or eight years before the Victoria tower and other portions of the work would be completed.

On the vote of 8,654/. for Parkhurst Prison in the Isle of Wight, Sir JAMES GRAHAM stated that the system of discipline pursued at Park- hurst had generally proved satisfactory. An additional amount was re- (mired this year to provide for the accommodation of female convicts of tender years under sentence of transportation ; it being impossible to send such persons to a penal colony.

The long list of votes having been agreed to, the House resumed ; the Committee to sit again on Friday.

The subject of the distress was introduced to the House of Lords, on Monday, by Lord BRouGHAst ; who founded a motion on a petition which he had presented some ten days ago from the Delegates in London of the manufacturing districts, praying for inquiry. He avowed that be did so with reluctance, because it was painful to state such a case as theirs and to disappoint their hopes in his endeavours. As it was noto- rious, he would take his hearers as swiftly as possible over the ground in describing the unparalleled distress— He, like those petitioners, or at least the oldest among them, remembered the distress of 1808 awl 1812, and afterwards of 1816 and 1817; but he pro- tested, that when he cast back his eyes and compared those periods with the present, and when he refreshed his recollection with the result of the inquiry • then made, and compared it with what it had been his most painful duty to learn within the last three or four weeks of the present state of things, be might almost without exaggeration say that those times presented a compara- tively prosperous state of things.

He described in general terms, -with a few individual instances similar to those which have been cited without end for many months past, the aspect and progress of the distress among the people— Who were those persons of whose sufferings he had spoken ? They were no more nor less than the working classes at large of the country. It was the working classes and their cause that the petitioners submitted to the consi- deration of their Lordships; the working classes, to whom the country owed every thing, and who raised the commercial greatness of the country to its present stupendous height. In his opinion, the patience and tranquillity of the working classes ought to work powerfully on their Lordships; and added to this, it must be remembered that the working classes had no hand in making the laws by which they were governed. The millions did not contribute a single vote in the choice of the men by whom their laws were made. 'Upwards of five millions were entirely excluded from any share in the representation. Such being the case, if their Lordships were not their actual representatives, which they undoubtedly were as much as any Member of the other House of Parliament, he must entreat of them to be their actual protectors. He protested against the question being made one of party— Questions of this sort did not naturally bind themselves to party; and he must own that it was his opinion whoever should dream of forming a party in this country on what might be called economical ground—whoever could fancy that he should be able to get together a thetion—he used the term in no dis- paraging sense, but a well-principled party, and that on a ground that was only and correctly economical—on questions respecting trade and revenue— that person, he maintained, must be one who might indulge such an expecta- tion, but he must be doomed to see that a party in this country could not stand on that ground.

He argued at some length to disprove "one of the greatest and grossest fallacies that had ever been asserted," that the increase of ma- chinery was the cause of the distress ; and he reviewed the state of Leeds, Bolton, Hinckley, Loughborough, Nottingham, Sheffield, and the Potteries, to show that the distress is as great where new machinery has not been introduced as where it has been. It was equally wild to attribute it to the change in the currency twenty-three years ago; the effects of which had been settled within three years ; and since which, trade, manufactures, and agriculture, have been, for the major part of the time, as flourishing as in any years before 1819. Nor was foreign competition the cause— It was a great mistake to suppose that the great branches of manufactures were confined to this country ; for the truth was that we had the most com- petition elsewhere during the rise of all our manufactures. Ile would take the cotton-manufacture. He found that the cotton-trade in France had increased between the years 1787 and 1815 about seven and eight fold. The number of hands employed in the French cotton-trade was a considerable proportion to the number of hands engaged in the same branch of trade in this country. If there were, as he believed was the case, 1,500,000 persons more or less depend- ent on the cotton-trade of this country, it would be found that about 60,000 persons were dependent on this trade in France. There had been a great in- crease in the exports of cotton goods from France since the peace; but it was obvious that none could have taken place previously to the peace, as all the French ports were then blockaded by our cruisers. He had got the returns of the exports from France up to the last two years ; and he found that from the period of the peace up to the latter period, there had been an increase of exports of cotton goods sevenfold, taking them at their valuation. During the same period, our cotton-trade, as regarded exports, had also greatly increased; indeed it had more than doubled, for it had risen from 22,000,000L to 52,000,000/. This, then, was during the period when the French exports of cotton goods had been increasing in a much greater ratio. He recapitulated what the petitioners would be prepared to prove, if they were admitted to do so— They would show the injury to our foreign trade by the restriction on the importation of corn—the consequent emigration of capital and labour from this country: he knew an instance of a person employing a thousand workmen who was prepared to transfer his capital to another country if this state of things were persisted in. The petitioners would prove that many persons in foreign countries would give orders who now withheld them from the manufacturers of this country ; and that without delay a most important and thriving trade might be created with other countries, which was now prevented by the opera- tion of the Corn-laws. At present many of the manufacturers had been obliged to dismiss half their workmen; but in the majority of instances they kept them at work for a diminished number of days in the week. It had been • stated, at a large public meeting, by a most respectable and excellent Magis- trate, that he knew instances of workmen having the choice given to them to • have five or six days work a week as heretofore; but that if this were done the number employed must be reduced, or that the whole number should be em- ployed for a shorter period of time : they preferred the latter, as it enabled the muter to keep all the hands, although with greatly-reduced wages, instead of dismissing them.

If the House did away with protective duties, it would be impossible for foreign countries to maintain them in the United States especially, where they have a popular Government, the Western and the Southern States would unite against the Northern States to force an abrogation of the existing ditties. The present state of the policy of this country reminded him of what took place in the time of Napoleon with respect to the Orders in Council, which were enforced to meet the Berlin and Milan Decrees : the Decrees would have been a dead letter but for the operation of the Orders in Council, but by those Orders they became effective. Lord Brougham offered to include in the proposed inquiry other subjects than the Corn-laws—the currency, or the operation of machinery, If Lord Stanhope (who had cheered him) wished.

Earl STANHOPE—" The question is, the protection of the wages of labour."

Lord BROUGHAM continued— Yes; that demand for labour being limited, as the noble Earl probably would argue, in proportion as steam-power, and machinery, and horses were em- ployed; although others would contend, perhaps, that the introduction of these aids to labour, on the contrary, enabled the employer, the capitalist, to call still more and more of man's labour into requisition—that by enabling the capi- talist to work his mine, or whatever it might be, to profit, he could give em- ployment to man as well as horse ; whereas, otherwise, he might not be able to woi:Ic at all, or, consequently, employ either man or horse. However, even should the noble Earl go beyond this—should he, not content with suggesting doubts as to the propriety of steam-machinery and horse-labour, of wheels, of axles, of cranks, and pullies, go some steps further—advance to the utmost pitch of consistency with his own opinions as to the protection of labour, and seek to prohibit tools, as well he might, seeing that, no doubt, tools, abridge manual labour, and therefore, according to the noble Earl, lessen the amount of man's earnings—Lord Brougham would not refuse the inquiry.

Even though he viewed every pound of sugar that came from a slave-, trading country as defiled with cruelty and robbery—as steeped in African blood—yet (and he could give no stronger proof of his desire to have full inquiry into the whole subject) even into this question of sugar he would consent to inquire. Lord Brougham dealt a back- stroke to his friends the petitioners— But there was one thing against which he would loudly protest ; a proposi- tion which he considered the most outrageous he had ever heard of—lie had heard of it only out of doors—no one had ventured to broach it in Parliament; a proposition in every respect the most reprehensible, and fraught with incal- culable mischiefs, with unspeakable increase of the miseries which the country already laboured under. He referred to the attempt which had been suggested in some quarters, by means of what was called non-consumption, or an agree- ment among the people not to consume certain commodities, to embarrass the Government—a refusal to pay taxes, and thus involve the Executive Govern- ment in inextricable difficulties. He considered all attempts of this sort as tending directly and immediately to exasperate existing mischiefs, to exacerbate the miseries which now overwhelmed the country. In all that had latterly taken place, there was one point to which we could direct our eyes with satisfaction— the public credit had been preserved. He could hardly conceive a greater mis- chief—be could not imagine any increase of distress which would have been more overwhelming, than if there had been any thing like an obstruction to the public credit by a defalcation of the revenue, rendering it incapable of meeting the expenditure.

He appealed to the conflict of opinions on the subject, and particularly on the Corn-laws, for proof of the necessity of inquiry ; and concluded by moving that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the distress of the country.

The Earl of Rirost stated his objections to the motion, in a short speech. The sum of Lord Brougham's complaint was the Corn-laws; and of his proposition, the repeal of those laws—the very question that had been most recently settled. Nothing had convinced him that those laws were the cause of the distress ; and unless he saw his way to some clear, distinct, and safe mode of remedying the distress, he thought it kinder to the people themselves to abstain from going into Committee ; the result of which could not answer the expectations entertained from it. It could not be said that the embarrassments of our foreign com- merce arose from the restrictions on corn; for in fact, during the last ten years we had taken all the surplus corn which the countries of Europe grew. He pointed to the determined prohibition of our manu- factures in Russia and other countries, as giving little hope that any change of oar own policy would induce a more liberal treatment on their part. When Lord Brougham ascribed that depression in the trade with the United States to the Corn-laws, he had forgotten that during the antecedent years, when our Corn-laws were in full force, this trade had been carried on to a great extent, and the United States had taken no less than twelve millions of our manufactures. It appeared probable that President Tyler would veto the proposed new Tariff, and then the Compromise Act would continue in force ; the duties on imports di- minishing under that act. • If their monetary system should correct itself, and they should adhere to the existing law, there would then be no more impediment than there was before to the extensive consump- tion of the manufactures of this country, which six years ago afforded such a stimulus to the manufacturing industry of our population. As to the proposed inquiry, it would be impossible to conclude it within the session.

Earl STANHoPE admitted that Lord Brougham, like Dr. Johnson, was magister verborum gravissimus, and had treated the subject with his usual power ; but he could not agree with him as to the effects of ma- chinery. He had received a visit from a woollen-manufacturer in the West Riding of Yorkshire, not a Radical or Whig, but one of the old Tories, now almost extinct ; and he said that unless wages were pro- tected and justice done to the labouring-classes, this would perhaps be the last session of Parliament (Much laughter.) Lord Stanhope contended that the Corn-laws had nothing to do with the distress; but it is the very object of the Poor-law to grind down wages. Lord KIN- NAIAD feared the effects of refusing inquiry would be most lamentable during the winter. The Marquis of CIANRICARDE ridiculed Lord Ripon's argument for refusing to inquire into the possibility of finding a remedy, merely because they might be unable to find one. The dis- tress is spreading to the agricultural districts ; the poor-rates are every- where increasing ; and now the Income-tax has to be paid in addition to those rates: if they would not submit to the inconvenience of inquiry, he feared that they would be compelled to submit to something worse. Vis- count Mes.nouRNE agreed, that Lord Brougham, always able and eloquent, had never addressed the House in a more temperate speech. He did not deny the melancholy and awful state of affairs to which that speech re- lated: the long continuance of the distress, and the time which it took the country to recover from it, alarmed him : but he did not think that any good purpose could be answered by the inquiry, or that it would be wise and proper for the House to grant it. The question of the Corn. laws had been fully inquired into ; and he thought that the application of change and fluctuation at this time would do more harm than had been attributed to the Corn-law in the course of the debate. The Earl Of RADNOR insisted that the new Corn-bill had done no good, for the greater portion of the little corn which had come in under it had been Colonial wheat, and not Foreign. With respect to the Tariff, too, but

little good could be expected from it ; and in some instances harm, be considered, would ensue from it. He recommended Mr. Canning's measure of 1826, for admitting 500,000 quarters of wheat at 12s. duty, as tending to restore confidence even before it was carried into effect.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE said, that the repeal of the Corn-laws would only cause such alarm among the agricultural population as would greatly aggravate the existing distress. In his reply, Lord Baouotuat observed that inquiry was not refused into agricultural distress in 1822.

On a division, the motion was negatived, by 61 to 14.

POOR-LAW AMENDAIENT BILL.

On the motion for going into Committee on this bill, in the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. Tomes DUNCOMBE argued, that it had become more than ever impossible to dispose of the bill before the expiry of the Commission : and he advocated the passing of a bill to continue the Commission for a short period, postponing the measure till next session. Unless he got a satisfactory answer from the Home Secretary, he should move, as an amendment, that the Speaker leave the chair that day three months. (Loud laughter.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM deprecated unnecessary delay. After a long and rambling conversa- tion, Sir James undertook that Government would not press the bill forward after the House had become thin towards the close of the session : if the whole bill could not be passed then, and if the House would renew the Commission for an extended term, the remainder of the measure should be reintroduced early next session, with all such amendments as the experience of the next winter might point out. The House went into Committee. On the proposal to fill up a blank in the first clause, so as to continue the Commission to the 31st day of July 1847, Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD proposed an amendment, to sub- stitute the year 1843. In a lonob discussion, the amendment was sup- ported by Mr. FERRAND, Mr. AGLIONBY, Mr. HARDY, Sir CHARLES NAPIER, Mr. LIDDELL, Mr. PETER BORTHWICK, Viscount SANDON, Sir BENJAMIN HALL, General JOHNSON, Mr. Bucx, Captain PECHELL, Mr. KEMBLE, and Mr. MUNTZ. The bill was supported by Mr. HAWES, Mr. CHARLES WOOD, and Mr. TROTTER. In the course of the discus- sion, Sir JAMES GRAHAM gave some statistical details, which he hoped would relieve the apprehension at the present degree of destitution—

In 1803, the population was 8,872,000; and the number relieved was 1,040,000, or twelve per cent. In 1815, the population was 10,150,000; and the number relieved was 1,319,000, or thirteen per cent. In 1841, the population was 15,900,000; and the number relieved 1,300,000, or only eight per cent.

Captain PECHELL announced that the Vestry of Brighton had re- ceived promises of cooperation in resi•ting the abrogation of local acts from Devonport, Norwich, Oxford, Plymouth, Chichester, Bristol, Coventry, Canterbury, Birmingham, Montgomery, and Poole ; and the person who had written a letter from Chester refusing the cooperation of that town had not been authorized by the Board of Guardians to do so.

On a division, the original motion was carried, by 164 to 92.

On the question that the clause do stand a part of the bill, General JOHNSON moved that the Chairman do report progress. But he only found 16 votes to support him, against 178. Mr. FIELDER moved that the Chairman do now leave the chair. Several of his own party in the question condemned so unfair an opposition; and the motion was ne- gatived without a division.

The first clause was affirmed, in another division by 146 to 26. The House resumed; the Committee to sit again on Thursday.

MINES AND COLLIERIES BILL.

Lord WHARNCISFFE stated, in the House of Lords, on Tuesday, that Government intended to be perfectly passive as regarded Lord Ashley's measure : the individual members of the Government would of course take what part they thought proper in the progress of the bill.

The Earl of DEVON moved the second reading on Thursday. He en- tered into a general vindication of the measure; contending that, without any evidence at all, the House would be justified on the obvious prin- ciples of humanity at least to prevent the employment of women in the places described. Having quoted some parts of the Commissioners' Report, the Earl explained the alterations which it had been thought ad- visable to make in the bill. The principal were, the postponement of the time at which the employment of females in the mines should cease until the 1st March next, allowing nine months instead of six ; the abandonment of the clause for regulating the hours during which chil- dren should be employed ; and the restricting the term of apprenticeship in any mine or colliery to eight years instead of a total prohibition; no boy to be apprenticed under ten years of age. Lord HATHERTON concurred so entirely in the proposed alterations, that he declined to proceed with a motion of which he had given notice for a Select Committee to inquire into the probable effect of the bill. The clause to compel the employment of boys on alternate days only would have prevented his acceding to the bill—

It was notorious at present, that when trade was bad the mines were not worked more than two or three days in a week ; and when trade was good the wages of the colliers became high, and they would not work more than two or three days in the week ; so that the employing the boys only on alternate days would be attended with the greatest confusion, if it were not impossible.

The Earl of R.ADNOR objected to all legislative interference with the labour-market. The Earl of GALLOWAY supported the hill, taunting Ministers' in that House with lukewarmness after Sir James Graham's promise of support. The Duke of WELLING-rot; restated his objection that the evidence of the Sub-Commissioners had not been taken on oath ; but he desired to vote for a bill to remedy the evils which ap- peared on the face of the report ; and he should consider the details in Committee. The Marquis of Lonnommmor made a general attack on the humanity mania, out of which the measure arose; maintained that the exclusion of women would stop the working of small mines; and predicted that women and children out of employ would be driven to the workhouse. He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Lord WHARNCLIFFE declared that Government were really united on the subject, but they had remained passive to see what alterations would be made in the bill : every member of the Govern- ment intended to affirm the principle by voting for the second reading. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH mentioned Scottish mines in which the prac- tice of excluding women had already commenced in anticipation of the measure, with no bad results.

After some further discussion, the House was cleared for a division; but none took place, and the bill was read a second time.

EDUCATION.

Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition to the House of Lords, on Tuesday, from 1,600 persons who were receiving instruction in the classes instituted for the purpose of elementary education, under the sanction of the Committee of Privy Council, at Exeter Hall. He stated the origin and progress of the classes—

The first were the singing-classes: they were established at the latter end of

1841, and at the present moment there were no fewer than 50.000 persons at- tending the singing-classes of Mr. Hullah and his pupils. In the beginning of this year, it was found that the instruction in singing had induced the persons who attended these classes to form a strong wish for instruction in other ele- mentary branches of education ; and on this desire being made known, the per- sons who originated the instruction determined to accede to it ; and accord- ingly classes were formed, one for writing, another for arithmetic, and a third for linear drawing. These had also answered the purpose well. There were now no fewer than 750 persons taking lessons in these three elementary branches of education. The payment of the pupils varied, according to their means, from 8s. to 30s. for sixty lessons. It was found that the payments were quite inadequate ; and assistance was asked from the Committee of Council, out of the education-fund; but the form of the Parliamentary grant prevented the application of any portion to that purpose. Lord Wharncliffe praised the choral meetings 'at Exeter Hall: three of which realized 900!.; but still there was a deficiency. With reference to Mr. Hullah himself, who had been spoken of as baying made so good a thing of these classes, the fact most honourable to him was, that up to the present moment he had given his valuable time and services for nothing. All that he had ever asked for himself was 30s. per night ; but not one shilling of this had been received, for he had invariably declined pressing for one moment this very moderate claim, in order not to embarrass the limited funds of the institution.

Lord Wharncliffe adverted to the general question of national eau.- cation— •

He thought that it was hardly necessary for him to show that the sum of 30,000/., which was now annually granted for the purposes of education, was altogether insufficient for that highly essential object. If it were really con- sidered a desirable thing, as most assuredly it was, that an impulse should be given to education in this country, then he felt that the House of Commons would not be doing its duty if it refused to increase this grant. The expenses under this head last year were 46,000/.; of which 16,000/. were defrayed by a balance to that amount which remained from the preceding year. Besides the Normal Schools already established in this country, one had been established in Glasgow, by an individual who had ceded the management of it to the General Assembly.: Government intended to propose 5,000/. for that school, and 5,0001. for the establishment of a Normal Schoolin Edinburgh. , The knowledge of that grant had led to a request from the Diocesan Board at Chester; and an arrangement had been made for a grant of 2,000/. to that board. Similar calls had been macle on them by other diocesan bodies, and from the National School and the Bri- tish and Foreign School Society ; and it was under consideration whether they should give annual sums to each of those bodies for Normal Schools. He be- lieved that the country would willingly grant a large stim if they found that the money was fairly and, impartially distributed. He should be ashamed if in a matter of education any difference should be made between Churchmen and Dissenters. He was willing to leave a large share of the education of the country to the Church, connected as it was with the State; but, strongly at- tached as he was to the Church, he must say that the Church itself was deeply indebted to the Dissenters for the example that they had set as regarded the education of the people. A system of inspection would be necessary. With respect to the schools supported by grants of the public money, he thought that the reports of the Inspectors would enable the Council to draw up general report on the state of education throughout the country, so that a tole- rably accurate notion might be formed as to the general state of education, and that without interfering with private schools. The want of education in this country was so great, that it had become absolutely necessary to meet the evil full in the face. The Legislature must therefore determine to adopt the best plan that they could find to counteract the effects which had resulted from the present state of things. He thought that in the.Committee of Council there was an instrument of continuing the progress which education was now making in the country. Re thought that grant ought to be extended to the Normal Schools, by granting an annual sum of money on a principle of fairness between all parties-' and if Parliament would grant a sum, there were the means in e- istence of distributing it. If they followed up this principle, this great instru- ment of civilization would proceed with a rapidity and a success which no man could calculate. At the same time, they must pot go on too rashly : the most likely way to impede the operation of the plan was to go too fast, which would tend to clog and obstruct its operation : but if they were content to give it en- couragement, and not urge it too far, he would promise their Lordships that in the end this country would be made one of the best-educated countries in the world.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE expressed his entire satisfaction at Lord Wharncliffe's statement. Lord 131mm:um did so too ; but ex- pressed a desire that part of the contemplated grant should be distri- buted among Dissenters in Scotland. Lord WHARNCLIFFE said, that if the Dissenting body in Scotland would form such an association as existed in England, and would Undertake to build a Normal School, the time would then arrive for their applying for a part of the grant.

In the House of Commons on the same night, Sir ROBERT PEEL pre- sented a similar petition, and made a similar statement, only briefer.

PUBLIC EXHIBITIONS.

Mr. HUME moved, on Thursday, for an address to the Crown, pray- ing that directions might be given to persons having the charge of the British Museum, cathedrals, and other public edifices, to afford those facilities for the admission of the public and the improvements recom- mended in the report of the Select Committee in June 1841. He en- larged upon the advantages which had already resulted from the ad- mission of the public to the National Gallery, the British Musenut, and other places; and he desired to extend those advantages by open' ing such places on Sundays- The opening of the Parks on Sunday had been a step attended with great public advantages. Let them look to the Parks on a Sunday afternoon, and see the happy family-groups with which they were filled, enjoying themselves and deriving advantages of air and exercise, which it would otherwise be difficult for them to partake of Colonel Rowan was examined before the Committee. Since he had become Commissioner of Police, the conduct of the mass of the London population had greatly improved. One Policeman only was required where formerly there were nine or ten. The practice of quarrelling and fight- ing had almost disappeared. After Greenwich Fair, and some other fairs, there was not a single instance of rioting, where formerly there were so many that the Magistrates' time was wholly occupied in trying them. Sobriety had also extended to a considerable extent ; and Colonel Rowan attributed this benefi- cial change to the taste for visiting the several depositories of works of art, and strongly recommended that it should continue to be fostered. Mr. Hume re- collected perfectly well, that when it was at first proposed to open the Museum, he was told that the attempt to wean the people from their habits would be a foolish one, and that they preferred the public-house : now had the result borne out that prediction ? In the three years that the British Museum had been open, not the slightest mischief or theft had occurred, although from 16,000 to 32,000 persons had passed through it on various occasions in one day. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expressed his general concur- rence in Mr. Home's views— No man could be more fully convinced than he was of the importance of giving the people free access to exhibitions which had a tendency to elevate their thoughts and improve their taste, and by that means to humanize the mind. Great advantage bad resulted from the opening of the Parks. Not only was that measure of advantage to the humbler classes, by presenting them with the means of healthful recreation, but it was a source of the purest gratification to those far above them in station, to see their humbler fellow countrymen enjoying innocent recreation, and partaking of the blessings which God had placed within their reach. Filling, as he did, a laborious situation, he had. no opportunity of taking recreation in the open air, except upon Sun- day ; and he scarcely ever allowed that day to pass without walking into the Parka to enjoy the gratification of seeing so many of his fellow subjects par- taking of innocent pleasures.

He exhorted Mr. Hume, however, to take all he could get, without provoking opposition from the " prejudices " of others, as Mr. Hume would tall them, or the conscientious scruples, as Mr. Goulburn himself would say, by proposing to open places of amusement during the Sabbath— As regarded her Majesty's Ministers, he could declare for himself and his colleagues, that they were most anxious to extend the means of enjoyment to the humbler classes of their fellow-countrymen ; and they would lose no oppor- tunity of endeavouring to prevail upon the directors of public establishments to give the freest possible access- to them consistently with the safety of pro- perty. Sir Roneer Limas denied the necessity of running a race with Paris in the desecration of the Lord's Day ; and appealed to the age of Pericles, when the greatest abominations prevailed in Greece, and to the simultaneous introduction of art and vice from Greece into Rome, to,prove that the fine arts may be cultivated at too great a sacrifice. Mr. GALLY KNIGHT likened his honourable friend to a monk of the darkw.ss. A general concurrence in Mr. Home's views was expressed by Wyse, Mr. MACKINNON, Mr. WILLIAM COWPER, Mr. BERNAL, Mr..Bicnituis Escorr, (who deplored the decay of village-sports,) Mr. CHAdiliFskil HULLER, and Mr. PETER BORTHWICK. EtrauriERT PEEL said, that the difference between Ministers and Mr. Home was merely technical it was not usual to address the Crown to carry ont the recommendations of a Parliamentary Committee ; and he even doubted the power of the ,Crown to interfere in the case of ca- thedrals— " In my opinion, free access should be afforded to the working classes to our national monuments, for I think that it would be of the greatest advantage to refine the public taste. I agree with my honourable friend the Member for Oxford, that it would be most unsatisfactory to propose them as a substitute for religion; but it is not as a substitute for religion, but a substitute for drunkenness on the Sabbath, that I support the view of the honourable Mem- ber for Montrose. (Cheers.) The duties of religion discharged, it would be much better for the poor man to spend the remainder of the day in contem- plating the wonders of nature or the resources of art, than in drinking his earnings and'squanderinghis health in a public-house. The greatest advantage to the community would be derived from a refinement of the public taste. There is also another advantage in the proposition, namely, that if carried into effect it is likely to inlist the great body of the people in favour of our institutions. At present they rarely come into contact with the State except for the purposes of punishment. But I want them to see that in our expenditure we have their interests as much at heart as our own. By this means, you will have a guarantee-for the security of the monarchy and for our present form of govern- ment. You will then show the people, that in the expenditure of the public money, their interests, their enjoyment, and their improvement are regarded ; and when they hear of millions being necessarily raised by taxation for the conduct of the public service, it will not be so much objected to." With respect, however, to the proposal for opening the British Museum and National Gallery on Sundays, he did not see why the officers of such institutions should be debarred from their only day of rest after six days' labour. In regard to the argument that had been used in favour of making a charge for admission— namely, that it was necessary to insure the respectability of the visitants—it appeared from the evidence on the subject, that it was not from the artisans and humble classes that misconduct and mischief occurrred, but from the vulgar rich." Mr. HOME was agreeably surprised at the manner in which his motion had been received by the Government and the House ; and, in com- pliance with the suggestion of Mr. Goulburn, he abstained from pressing it. The motion was withdrawn accordingly. POPULAR INSTRVISTION IN ART. Mr. EWART followed with a motion—" That it is expedient that the Government School of Design be formed into a Central Normal School, for the instruction of teachers of design, in communication with other Schools of Design throughout the country ; and that the general recommendations of the Committee, which reported on this subject in the year 1836, be adopted." Dr. BOWRING seconded the motion. Mr. GLADSTONE said that the recommendations of the Committee of 1836 were in process of gradual adoption. Six provincial Schools of Design are to be established, in Manchester, Birmingham York, Coventry, Norwich, and another town not yet fixed on ; and the objects of the in- stitution of the Central School of Design are to be extended. But in the present state of the experiment it would not be advisable to affirm the motion. After a short Conversation, in which Mr. LABOUCHERE, Mr. WYSE, Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, Mr. EWART, and Mr. HUTT expresed great satisfaction at Mr. Gladstone's statement, the motion was withdrawn.

MISCELLANEOUS.

CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Sir ROBERT PEEL moved, On Thus- day, for leave to bring in a bill continuing till the end of next session the Act for the trial of controverted elections. The measure had ori- ginally been passed for two sessions; but one of those had been so short, that in fact it had only lasted for one session. He hoped that, as another continuation-bill would be introduced next year, any intended opposition or amendment would be reserved till that time. Lord Mason consented to postpone an amendment of which be had given notice, de- claring that the tribunal ought not to consist of Members of Parliament The bill was brought in, and read a first time. ASSESSED TAXES AND STAMPS. In a Committee of the whole House, on Thursday, on the motion of Mr. Goueeuate, a long string of reso- lutions was adopted, effecting a variety of reductions in the duties on carriages let for hire and stamps. CHURCH-EXTENSION. In reply to Mr. HA.WES, on Wednesday, Sir ROBERT PEEL said that he had not had time to tarn his attention to Sir Robert Inglis's intended motion : but certainly he had no intention of supporting any grant of the public money. WAGES IN SCOTLAND. On Tuesday, Mr. LOCKHART gave notice of his intention, early next session, to bring in a bill to restrain and regu- late the right of arresting the wages of the working-classes in Scotland. THE RAILWAYS &et passed through Committee in the House of Lords on Thursday ; a clause proposed by Lord CAMPBELL, to prevent the doors of carriages being locked except by consent of the passengers, having been negatived, by 35 to 31.

SOUTHAMPTON COMPROMISE.

The inquiry of the Southampton Committee closed on Wednesday. Several witnesses contradicted the evidence of John Wren. Mr. John Coulson, a merchant, denied that he called on Wren about CuJlen's vote. Mr. William Henry Mackay denied that he had made any arrangement with Wren about the voters. Mr. Edward Coxwell gave this evi- dence— " I recollect his comity, to me and saying he had been served with the Speak er's warrant. He said he had been offere(300/. by Mr. Baker to withdraw the objections and render all the assistance he could to the Liberal party. He said the Conservatives had better send him out of the way, to prevent his being examined. He said be should not accept the offer, as he should here- after have a favour to ask of the Conservative party. He came to me in town, and asked me what answers he was to give to questions before the Committee. I asked him several times if he had received money from Mr. Mackay, and he said ' No.' He said we had a traitor among us, and that Mackay was the traitor. I told Mr. Wren he had nothing to do but to tell the truth."

Others declared that they did not think the signature of Mr. Abraham in the book which had been produced was really written by that person: one person, Mr. Fall, a banker, said he thought it was; but the balance of evidence was the other way.