it may be even to Ministers, rather than to electors,
and it pathised with the agent who had gone ? He knew there gives them both a loophole. There must be many among was plenty of time. He knew, or might have known, that them who are utterly unable to follow Mr. Chamberlain the year would probably be—as it has been—one of legislation, but who feel dismayed at the idea of helping to him to negotiate with all the countries he liked and all to break up the great political organisation which has the Colonies he pleased, and if they were willing, for a done so much for the Empire,—which averted Home-rule consideration, to lower their fiscal walls, Parliament would for Ireland, yet by a splendid act of self-suppression and have been sure to topsider the proposals most indulgently. generosity solved the Irish social problem ; which fought But no; Mr. Balfour was hypnotised by Mr. Chamberlain's successfully through a great, and at first disastrous, war stronger will and intense power of suggestion, and not six thousand miles away ; which laid broad and deep the only was the risk of breaking up the great Unionist party foundations of a really universal system of State educes- run, but it was actually broken up. There it lies in tion ; and so managed all the difficult arrangements fragments before us, fragments which Mr. Balfour, in a which accompany a change in the occupancy of the throne passage of great literary and imaginative charm, thus that the nation, though grieving deeply, hardly perceived describes :—"I hope, I believe, I am not going beyond that any political event had occurred. Such men will the truth, when I state that ecclesiastics are too self- clutch eagerly at the hope—the unreal hope, we fear—with sufficient to learn from political history. But there is no which Mr. Balfour will inspire them. For he has not reason wby politicians should not learn from ecclesias- been induced by the recent flaring agitation to modify his tical history, and all history, whether political or own curious position, still less to modify it by swerving ecclesiastical, shows this, that if you shatter an organisa- towards Mr. Chamberlain,—from whom, indeed, he tion, all the forces which before it was shattered tended swerves slightly away. He does, we admit, acknowledge to draw it together, after the shock has occurred tend many strictly Protectionist opinions. He urges again and to separate the parts into which it has been broken. You again that free imports—which are, and can be, nothing have seen a drop of water or a drop of mercury. The but payments for our own goods—are really impediments internal forces of that drop draw it together into a to Free-trade. He will have it that because fifty-eight whole, self-centred, complete. Break it. The very same years have elapsed since 1845, therefore the ideas of forces, the very same central forces which before got it 1845 about Free-trade are " as dead as mutton," which together, draw the two drops into which you have is as much as to say that as arithmetic is a very old science, divided it further and further apart, make them separate, the multiplication table of 1845 is no help in 1904. And and, so to speak, opposed or hostile, entities. So it is he will go on alleging, as Mr. Chamberlain does, that if with all organisations with the human element in them, the Colonies, in pursuit of a grand ideal, will grant us a whether they be religious or whether they be political." preference for our manufactures, and Great Britain grants Mr. Balfour sees it all, laments it all, for he understands them in return a " small " tax upon food, that bit of com- the power of the great weapon once in his own hands plicated bargaining will act as a cement of Empire (though, which has been suddenly shattered, and wastes many he adds, with the reflective frankness which is often a note words on an adjuration to his followers to pick up the of his speeches, " a subsequent reaction from the bargain pieces carefully ; but it is all in vain. You cannot would be dangerous to the Empire "), as if a sordid pick up drops of mercury. Mr. Gladstone shattered bond of that kind could be stronger than the sentiment the great Liberal party. Mr. Balfour and Mr. Cham- which during the South African War brought forty berlain between them have shattered the even greater thousand Colonists to our sides to fight the battle of their one which succeeded to the sceptre. There never was such kinsfolk. But nevertheless in the operative portion of his an organisation as that in which the ablest Liberals speech he is not Ohamberlainite, not raging for more taxes, liberalised the Tory rank-and-file, or one in which the not inspired to declare that without more taxes the future country had such hope ; but it has been blown to pieces of our people may be lost. He is prepared to wait " till by a shell flung from within. Nevertheless, the speech you have with you the conscience and the intellect and the will give to many Members and some Ministers much convictions of both the populations concerned," the popu- comfort, for they will not need to break with their party, lation, that, is of the Mother-country as well as that of and will be able to affirm that as they go no further the Colonies, which must be proved, we presume, by a than Mr. Balfour in actual proposals, they need not be majority vote in them all. That may take a long time ; classed—at all events till the Election—as Protectionists. and during that time he proposes to " negotiate " treaties They are not quite Free-importers, that is all. For- and arrangements with foreign and Colonial Governments tunately, the Free-trade Unionists, and especially their which, if they are successful, will break down, or at leader, the Duke of Devonshire, will not be taken in by all events lower, the fiscal wall within which many any such specious suggestion. They know perfectly well nations have, as they think, entrenched themselves. that, as Sir Edward Grey has this week said, free imports Let us, says Mr. Balfour, above all things be cautious. are the very basis of our ever-advancing commercial "Let us, therefore, and especially those who desire fiscal prosperity. And they know, too, that a Government union—let it be their business to convince their fellow- which, while ever proclaiming that it wishes for Protec- countrymen, to spread sound and moderate opinions upon tion, advances at a crawl through endless. negotiations this great controversy, but do not let them force the pace. towards that policy, will injure trade even more than a Let them remember that they too are fallible. We may Government which boldly accepts it, and so hastens the all be mistaken in a subject so difficult. It is, it may be, period of general disillusion. And, therefore, they all that those who most desire fiscal union may be forced agree that the interest of the nation must be preferred to reluctantly to come to the opinion that neither Colonial that of the party, and that no elector who is a Free-trade sentiment nor British sentiment is prepared to make the Unionist can justifiably vote for a Unionist who also . necessary changes. It may happen. But the best security wishes for Protection. you have for either event, for the event of your being right or the event of your being mistaken, is that you should propose with moderation, that you should proceed with caution, that you should not endeavour in a rush of THE characters of the writers and the actual political enthusiasm, in a moment of lofty, it may be of mistaken, situation are alike illustrated by the correspondence inspiration, to effect a change which will not stand the between the Duke of Devonshire and Mr. Chamberlain test of time, not because it is intrinsically wrong, not hich was published on Monday. On October 23rd the because it is based upon unsafe principles, but because it Duke makes the very obvious remark that A is " almost has not bahind it that body of fixed sentiment and reform."
Where was all this caution when Mr. Balfour suffered
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