BOOKS.

CREASY'S OTTOMAN TURKS..

THE concluding volume of Professor Creasy's History of the, Otto- man Turks is scarcely equal in interest to the first volume. This falling-off is owing to various circumstances. The opening of any- thing has not only freshness, but we seem to acquire more inform- ation in less compass than we do with the succeeding expositions however able they may be. The gradual decline of a nation can never be so exciting as its advance ; not merely from the greater interest which man kind takes in progress, but because the quali- ties that conduce to success are more striking than those which lead to decay. Professor Creasy's manner is better adapted to describe vigorous growth than to inquire into the causes of decline. He has a genius for depicting characters, painting great events, and illustrating manners and disposition by anecdotes, rather than for expatiating on institutions and investigating those latent causes which bring about the decadence of empires. The first volume itself was rather narrative than philosophical exposition ; action predominating over institutions, laws, manners, industry, and commerce. So strong is the author's bias for deeds, that a greater knowledge of the institutions of Turkey will be gained from Dr. Finlay's History of the Greeks under the Ottoman dominion than from l'rofessor Creasy's History of the Ottomans.

Still, the last two centuries of Turkish history, from Ibrahim in 1640 to the death of Mahmoud in 1839, are not without re- remarkable persons, striking events, and political characteristics, as well as political lessons which have an interest from their re- ference to late events. Some of the Sultans were men of good in- tentions and fair abilities, who saw clearly enough that one source of Turkey's ill success in war was obstinate adherence to exploded tactics and ancient weapons • but those monarchs, wanting the ruthless determination of the ancient Padishahs, and more op- pressed by circumstances, either perished by the revolt of the Praetorian bands of Janissaries, or were compelled to discontinue their army reforms. Many Viziers especially of the family of Kiuprili were men of prudence and vigour ; some of remarkable virtue as well as ability. The national and religious principles of the Turks, added to the instinctive combativeness which seems to characterize vigorous life, plunged them for seventy years into wars, chiefly with Austria, before the leading minds of Turkey were fairly awake to the deficiency which time and change had wrought in their martial discipline and equipments. And these wars are worth reading for the actions themselves, as well as for the proof they furnish of the importance of a general. It was only when the Turks were opposed to men like Montecuculi and Eugene that superior drill and weapons triumphed over the un- regulated courage of the Ottomans. With the war of 1736 un- der the Empress Anne, the successful spoliation of Turkey by Russia may be considered as beginning ; for although therejiad often been hostilities before, they had been of varying result, and Peter the Great upon the whole rather egregiously failed in his attempts upon the Sultan. The hundred years from 1736 ex- hibit only occasional Turkish success in the field. The discipline of the Russian army, the general superiority of the officers, the unity of the government, and its tenacity of purpose, gave Russia an advantage which in the long run rendered nugatory any flashes of Turkish success. The characteristic of this period, how- ever, is rather diplomatic than warlike. Russia, occasionally helped by Austria, was continually spreading toils round the Sultan, which he sometimes escaped, and sometimes broke by the aid of the Western Powers—France, Holland, Prussia, and more uniformly than all, England. Throughout these diplomatic con- tests, we are sorry to say that sense and honesty were more con- spicuous on the part of the Mahometans than of the Christians. The history is nominally brought down to the peace of Paris ; but these later events consist of a mere summary. Indeed, the later part is altogether too concise for the authors style of treat- ment. The Greek war of Independence, the destruction of the Janissaries, and the campaigns of 1828-'29, have, through their intrinsic interest or owing to the late war, been so fully told in works devoted to the subjects, that they required a deeper or an ampler treatment than Mr. Creasy's to have rendered the account satisfactory.

It has been said that the distinguishing difference between the East and the West is that the West obeys the law and the East the monarch. If there be any real truth in the state- ment, it must be received with large deductions. The will of the monarch in many European kingdoms was, perhaps is, as absolute as that of an Eastern potentate in the promulgation of a law. The Western monarch may not be able to enact the kind of laws which a Sultan or a Shah can promulgate, because the men and the opinions around him are Western. For the same reason, he has not so much power over property and life, (we say nothing about liberty,) for he would meet with the same obstacles. In other words, he is subject to manners and opinion, and indeed partakes of them. It is much the same in the East ; but the Orientals are accustomed to prompt determination and speedy execution : any officer with delegated powers is as swift and absolute as the Sultan within his jurisdiction ; the long de- lays of European jurisprudence or chicanery revolt the Eastern

• History of the Ottoman Turks, from the beginning of their Empire to the pre- sent Time. Chiefly founded on Von Hammer. By E. Creasy, M.A., Professor of History in University College, London, 4.s. ; Author of .• The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World," 4e. In two volumes. Vol. II. Published by Bentley. mind. The Turkish Sultan, however, cannot be said to, be with- out constitutional checks. There are the Ulema and the Mufti, the Feat Council and the Divan ; nor can he act, except on those immediately about him, but through a minister. The untimely death or formal deposition of a monarch is a rare thing anywhere save in Russia, and we should think even in Arragon could hardly have been accomplished without violence and secret understanding. In modern history we remember but two trials of crowned heads —Charles the First and Louis the Sixteenth. According to Oriental notions, the removal of Ibrahim was as regular as either of these two proceedings ; much more so than the revolutions in France and Russia. The Sultan seems to have been mad ; though. such an idea would not suggest itself in those days.

"One of Ibrahim's passions was a morbid craving for perfumes, especially for amber. Another was an excessive fondness, not only of wearing, but of seeing around him, furs of the most rare and costly description. To meet these desires, Ibrahim created two new taxes, one called the fur tax, and the other called the amber tax. The madness of the Sultan's love for furs was worked up to the utmost by hearing a legend told by an old woman, who used to amuse the ladies of the Harem by narrating stories to them at night. This legend described a certain king of the olden time, who was dressed in sable-skins, whose sofas and couches were covered and whose palace was carpeted and tapestried also with the fur of the sable. Ibrahim instantly set his heart on being similarly arrayed, and on decking the Serail in like manner. He dreamed all night of sables; and in the morning he commanded in the Divan that letters should be sent to all the governors and great men of the empire, enjoining each of them to collect and forward to

i

Constantinople a certain number of sable-skins. A similar requisition was made on all the Ulema, and all the civil and military officers in the capital. Some of them were driven to desperation by this mad tyranny; and openly gave vent to the indignation which it inspired. Mohammed Tchelibi, the judge of Galata, appeared before the Grand Vizier clad in the gown of a common dervise, and reproached him bitterly for the folly and wickedness of the Government. He demanded an audience of the Sultan, and added, There can but happen to me one of three things. You may kill me ; and, in that case., I shall think myself fortunate in being made a martyr. Or you may banish me from Constantinople ; which will not be unpleasant, as there have been several shocks of earthquake here lately. Or perhaps you will deprive me of my employments. But in that I have saved you the trouble : I have appointed my deputy, and have changed my judge's robe and turban for the dervise's gown and cap.' The Vizier, alarmed at such boldness, heard him in silence, and concealed his resentment. A colonel of the Janissaries, named Black Mourad, to whom the five hundred men of his regiment were devotedly attached, at this time returned from the Candian wars, and was met on landing by a treasury officer, who, in conformity with the resolution of the Divan, demanded of him so many sable-skins, so many ounces of amber, and a certain sum of money. Rolling his eyes, bloodshot with wrath, on the taxgatherer, Black Mourad growled and thundered out I have brought nothing back from Candia but gunpowder and lead. Sables and amber are things that I know only by name. Money I have none ; and, if I am to give it you, I must first beg or borrow it.' Not satisfied with the produce of these exactions, the Sultan arbitrarily confiscated and sold a large mass of heritable property. TM capricious fancies of his favourite ladies were as costly to the empire as his own. Ibrahim permitted them to take what they pleased from the shops and bazaars without payment. One of these fair plunderers complained to the Sovereign that she disliked shopping by daylight; and forthwith ap- peared a mandate from the Sultan requiring all the merchants and shop- keepers of the capital to keep their establishments open all night, and to provide sufficient torchlight for their wares to be seen clearly. Another lady told Ibrahim that she wished to see him with his beard adorned with ewels. Ibrahim decked himself accordingly, and appeared in public thus • med. The Turks looked on this as an evil omenbecause, according to Oriental traditions, the only sovereign who had adopted such embellish- ment was King Pbaroah of the Red Sea.

What is called a " conspiracy " took place. Its members con- sisted of the leaders of the army, and of the law, which means of re- ligion also ; they were supported by the soldieryc and the people ; and they went about their business in open day, first demanding the deposition and punishment of the Vizier. The Sultan at- tempted to evade the demand ; but the Vizier was finally seized and put to death. Two of the chief Ulema then waited on the Sultana Valide, the Sultan-mother ; and, strange as it may seem to European notions of Mahometan habits, she consented to re- ceive a deputation, and with fewer attendants than Western Queens would appear with in such a crisis.

"They found her apparelled in the deepest mourning, and only a Negro eunuch attended to fan her. They stood before her in respectful silence, and she said to them, Is it a just thing thus to raise revolts ? Are ye not all slaves, whom the bounty of this house has fed ? ' The old veteran, Mous- siliheddin, moved to tears by these words, replied, Gracious mistress, thou art right. We have all known the benefactions of this house ; no one more than myself, for these eighty years. It is because we are not thankless men, that we can no longer stand idly by and witness the ruin of this illustrious house and of this realm. Oh, would that I had not lived on to see these days ! What is there that I can covet further for myself? Neither gold nor rank could profit me. But oh, most gracious lady, the foolishness and the wickedness of the Padischah are bringing irreparable ruin upon the land. The unbelievers have captured forty strong places on the Bosnian frontier, and eighty of their ships cruise before the Dardanelles ; while the ,Padisch4h thinks of nothing but of his lusts and his sports, of squandering and of corruption. Your wise men, learned in the law, have met together, and have issued a Fetva for a change in the occupation of the throne. Until this be accomplished, ruin cannot be averted. Be gracious, oh lady ! oppose this not. You would not strive against us, but against the holy law.' The Sultana begged hard that they would leave her son in possession of the sovereignty, under the guardianship of the Verna and the Grand Vizier. Some of the deputies seemed disposed to yield ; but the aged grand judge of Anatolia, lianefizade, took up the discourse, and said—' Oh, royal lady, we have come hither, fully relying on your grace, and on your compassionate solicitude for the servants of God. You are not only the mother of the Sultan, you are the mother also of all true believers. Put an end to this state of trouble; the sooner the better. The enemy has the upper hand in battle. At home, the traffic in places and ranks has no bounds. The Padischah, absorbed in satisfying his passions, removes himself further and further from the path of the laws. The call to prayers from the mina- rets of the mosque of Aya Sofia is drowned in the noise of fifes and flutes and cymbals from the palace. No one can speak counsel without peril to the speaker : you have yourself proved it. The markets are plundered„. The innocent are put to death. Favourite slaves govern the world.' The Yalid6

made one n ore effort, and said, All this is the doing of wicked ministers. They shall e removed ; and only good and wise men shall be set in their

stead; ' t will that avail ?' replied Hanefizade. ' Has not the Sultan put to d th good and gallant men who served him such as were Sara-Mm tafa Paeha, and Youssuf Paella, the conqueror o Canes r" But how; urged the Sultana, ' is it possible to place a child of seven years upon the throne ? ' Ilimefizade answered : In the opinion of our wise men of the law a madman ought not to reign, whatever be his age ; but rather let a child, that is gifted with reason, be upon the throne. If the Sovereign be a rational being, though an infant, a wise Vizier may restore order to the world ; but a ,grown-up Sultan, who is without sense, ruins all things by murder, by abomination, by corruption, and prodigality." So be it, then,' said the Sultana; I will fetch may grandson, Mahomet, and place the turban on his head.' The little prince was led forth amid the enthusiastic acclamations of the military and legal chiefs."

The death of Ibrahim followed his deposition, not from anger or cruelty, but on account of apprehended danger from his parti- sans.

" The Viziers and the Mema proceeded to announce to Ibrahim the sen- tence of deposition. My Padisehah,' said Abdul-zazis-Effendi, accord- ing to the judgment of the IJlema and the chief dignitaries of the empire, you must retire from the throne." Traitor!' cried Ibrahim ; am I not your Padisehah ? What means this?' ' No,' answered Abdul-zazis-Effendi,

• thou art not Padischah, forasmuch as thou hast set justice and holiness at nought and hast ruined the world. Thou host squandered thy years in folly and debauchery, the treasures of the realm in vanities ; and corrup- tion and cruelty have governed the world in thy place.' Ibrahim still re- monstrated with the Mufti; saying, repeatedly, Am I not Padisehah ? What means all this ? ' A Jamssary colonel said to him, Yes, you are Padischah; you are only required to repose yourself for a few days.' But why, then,' said Ibrahim, , must I descend from the throne ? " Because,' answered Aziz Effendi, you have made yourself unworthy of it, by leaving the path in which your ancestors walked.' Ibrahim reviled them bitterly as traitors; and then, lowering his hand towards the ground, he said, Is it a child so high that you are going to make Padischah? How can such a child reign ? And is it not my child, my own son ? ' At last the fallen Sultan yielded to his destiny, and'suffered them to lead him to prison ; re- peating, as he went, This was written on my forehead ; God has ordered it.' He was kept in sure but not rigorous captivity for ten days ; when a tumult among the Spahis, some of whom raised a cry in his favour, de- cided his fate. The chiefs of the late revolution resolved to secure them- selves against a reaction in behalf of Ibrahim, by putting him to death. They laid a formal case before the Mufti, and demanded his opinion on the following question—' Is it lawful to depose and to put to death a Sovereign who confers the dignities of the Pen and of the Sword not on those who are worthy of them, but on those who buy them for money ?' The laconic answer of the Mufti was, ' Yes.' The ministers of death were accordingly sent to Ibrahim's prison, whither the Mufti, the new Grand Vizier Sofi Mo- hammed, and their principal colleagues, also repaired, to witness and to in- sure the fulfilment of the sentence. Ibrahim was reading the Koran wirell they entered. Seeing them accompanied by the executioners, whom he him- salt had so often employed to do their deadly work in his presence, he lamw his hour was come ; and he exclaimed, 'Is there no one of all those who have eaten my bread who will pity and protect me ? These men of blood have come to kill me !—Oh, mercy ! mercy ! "Ile trembling executioners, were sternly commanded by the Mufti and the Vizier to do their duty. Seized in their fatal grasp, the wretched Ibrahim broke out into blasphe- mies and curses; and died invoking the vengeance of God upon the Turk- ish nation for their disloyalty to their sovereigns."

All this contrasts not badly with various scenes during the French Revolution ; and it was all but contemporary with the execution of Charles the First, the Turkish revolt having taken place in August 1648. When Louis the Fourteenth wished to prevent the recognition of William of Orange as King of England, the virtuous Vizier Kipriuli answered that he should recognize the King whom the English people had proclaimed ; adding, " that it would ill become the Turks, who had so often dethroned their own sovereigns, to dispute the right of other nations to change their masters."

Upon the present question of questions as regards Turkey— what are the prospects of her regeneration ?—the volume before us furnishes little means of judgment. In fact, the solution re- quires a far deeper knowledge of the institutions of Turkey and their working than Mr. Creasy appears to possess, and a greater living acquaintance with the various classes of society than any one perhaps possesses. The later course of history, and the tes- timony of all from Nasmyth to Williams who has come in contact with the people under circumstances that bring men out, are favourable to the Turks. The adverse testimony is nearly equally conclusive as against the higher classes. Upon their regenera- tion, or upon the introduction of a new class, the advancement of Turkey would seem to depend. Power cannot make men good, but it can easily impel them to evil ; and leaders are everything, more especially in war. Not only Turkish history but all -history establishes this fact. The troops that conquered so daringly un- der Napier and Gough were precisely the same class of men who perished so disgracefully at Cabul.