IRELAND.

At a meeting of the Corporation of Dublin, on Monday last, Mr. Walker brought forward his motion_ for rescinding the resolutiens recorded last year in' favour of the address to the French people: on the success of the revolution of February 1348. One chance or another had put off the motion for five weeks; and now, con- sidering the enthusiasm with•which the Queen bad. licessreceived, he should not have thought it necessary to maave it, but for the studiedmisiety he had observed

in naany'rnembers of the Council to prevent ite adoption. It was true that the resolutions referred to were passed in a, period of great public excitement, and on

that aecount he would be disposed to make allowances with respect to them; but

it was also true that they were intended as an expression' of disaffection towards the-GOVernment, Constitution, and Throne of these realms. That could be easily

proved from the speeches of the mover, seconder, and supporterof the resolutions.

But they were deemed illegal, and no one dared to carry them out. What, then, Was the object of retaining them on the books? It would be but a small compli- ment to erase them now, after the ebullition of feelhig which, took _place on the occasion of the Queen's visit; and heshould like tobear Me reasons, and, when the house divided, to see recorded the names of these _gentlensen who would vote against his motion. Was it the wish of the Corporatiou in identify themselves with the popular loyalty, or to show that theirs was but cocked-hat loyalty, put on for the occasion?

The motion was seconded by Mr. Wharton.

Mr., Carolan gave his reasons for being of the same mind now as when he moved the original resolutions. There was nothing inconsistent with loyalty to :the British Throne in their adoption of that address, or in the address itself. It was one such as every Chris- tian should be prepared to adopt,—namely, an address congratulating the people of France on their moderation in triumph, and respect for religion and religious li- berty, at a time when the mob were masters of the city of Paris. It was to con- gratulate them on the overthrow of a despotic Government, not on the establishment of a Republic, that that address was sanctioned by the voted of seven-eighths of the house. He proposed to meet the proposition of Mr. Walker by a direct nega- tive.

Mr. Reynolds opposed the motion to rescind the resolutions.

Thearench nation, after getting rid of the intolerable tyranny of an unconsti- tutional Monarchy—as they had a perfect right to do--thee !selected a Republican

form of government; and the Corporation of Dublin congratulated them on the constitutional exercise of their power, but took' care in doing so to state distinctly that they were attached to Monarchy, and were not to be understood as approving

of Republicanism. What part of the address then was it that Mr. Walker felt annoyed at? Did he approve of the maintenance of the British connexion 2—his loyalty was recorded in it. Did he approve of a nation which respected religion

e, and property 2—his approbation was recorded in it. As to the French Re- public, Mr. Reynolds was constitutionally opposed to a Republican form of govern- ment, believing the Monarchical to be the beet; and he was confirmed in his opi-

nion by enjoying the blessing of living under a Sovereiga who exercised the rights of the Crown so constitutionally as their present queen did. Taking a re-

view of the nineteen or twenty months which had elapsed since the adoption of the address, they had no reason to find fault with their own form of government, sineethey had seen within that period all Europe rocked from end to end by efferta first to uproot Monarchical•Government and than to establish Republican; • and they might ask themselves, had the condition of Italy, of Germany, of he- roically patnotic Hungary, been improved by those efforts ?Certainly it had not. This reminded him that he said he, would move that day, es an amendment to

the motion of Mr. Walker, that they should send an address to the President of the Hungarian nation, Kossuth: but as the-fertunes,efsvar had since changed—

he hoped not treacherously—instead of moving it, he wOuld,state, and with sor- row, that the independence of Hungary had been struck down by the Imperial power of Austria and Russia.

The question was put and negatived, by 21 to 5.

The Freeman's Journal gives a prominent position to the subjoined an- nouncement— ' 4ave heard, on what we deem very good authority, that the Committee of the. London Corporation, to which was referredthe consideration of the pro- - posedArish estate project, is about shortly to pres,eet its report; and that this reportwill be adverse to the Corporation entering Moshe contemplated enterprise; one of the chief grounds of iieW taken by the Committee being that the condi.: tion of the properties already owned-by the CorperatieisinArelasd is not of that prosperoas.character thatmouldat all. encourage furthekttpeoulation in the same direction,,.1.• • • • el I. 1■ .(15:4:-

Mr. Duffey has developed the plan of policy e promised in the

first number of the resuscitated Nation._ .While ostensibly repudiating, as before, the policy of agitation and war, he -virtually retains the old-animus; declaring that the policy now abandoned for the time was no failure, because it was no fair 'experiment. Indeed, no experiment has yet had fair play— "Not war; for the fight 'commenced while the converging lines or foreign' and domestic circumstances, instead of meeting in that-hot focus that promises an explosion, were still wide apart with frigid spaces gaping between them. Struck at the right moment, the blow made at Ballingarry would have beenme parish brawl, but a &stile er a' Bunker's Hill—the first blood of a revolution. - "Not organization; for the Men with whom O'Brien was ultimately obliged to take the field -were chiefly peasantry, who had never seen a Confederate card, and who knew. hiai eel, as the quondam associate of O'Connell.

"Not Carteation ; for the iiiStematic training of the people, which-ought to have occupied the forty years beertien:the political birth anti death of O'Connell, only commenced' withDavis, andivaillown away by the revolutionary storm of 1848. obody was- tanght to help 'himself, but taught to Await in sluggish expectancy some political Miracle that *did Make a man of him without effort.

'"Nat a Parliamentary partys' fin we tsave had none. ,41r..Q. pelt sent his lackeys and dogboys into the House of Commons, and they fchedantl Carried as he bade them: But-the moment the terror of his eye was removed, they followed their servile instincts, and hired with a new master for better wages and larger douceurs."

He points to causes why snob experiments could not sneceed—the cha- racter of the chief agency which made them. • "I know that the Repeal party in Ireland have used their political franchises

and social influence in a way to degrade and dishonour the ; and I desire to see the best men of the party set deliberately to work to reverse this system. The

Repeal Members the Repeal Corporations, the Repeal agitators, are a visible and standing reproach to Iteland, more discouraging to our hopes than twenty Bailin- garry failures." . . . . I do not desire to see a revival of O'Ccmnell's associations,

with an exchequer levied in pence and a weekly appeal to whatever idle crowd happens to be gathered in the great room on Burgh Quay. . . . . While Ireland sends to Parliament fellows like dunghills, so foul that helmet men hold their noses when they approach them, and hurry past with all reasonable despatch—what indeed could come of Parliamenary operations? But if we cannot reverse all this utterly, we labour in vain."

Confederacy and organization are his engines, and his prize—" this island to be enjoyed absolutely and exclusively by its own people."

"Confederacy is the secret of work done on a wide scale; and to bring the practical genius of the country into union, to combine the tenants of Munster and

Ulster, to strengthen the popular arm, that it may shield the oppressed and strike

the oppressor, to scatter wide the seeds of knowledge among the people by carrying it where it is most needed, there must be an organized Association. It seems to

me that its work would be best done by committees, lectures, conferences, depu- tations, reports—not by meetings and harangues. But the form is a secondary question—the main point is, that there shall be an embodied public opinion em- powered to think and act on the part of the people. I hold this to be essential. I see no hope of systematic progress without it. It is the machinery of moral action against its mere maenal labour." Developing his National Association, he proceeds to find it work for deli- beration and action, in the discussion and working of the following ten pro- positions. "L Whether we cannot raise capital to found an Irish plantation, with Irish money and for Irishmen?

"2. How far it is possible to form agricultural colonies in Ireland on estates pur- chased under the new act, or to form parishes into such colonies?

"S. What handicrafts and Manufactures, not requiring coal or ,expensive ma- chinery, can be firmly rooted in the country, by encouragement aid superintend- ence?

"4. What rude fabrics for home use can be still made in rustic districts? "8. In what respect America can encourage Irish manufactures?

"6, How far the Irish in America who have amassed capital could be induced to return and purchase small properties in fee?

"7. Whether Irish fishermen could not catch Irish fish, instead of the very coasts of Dublin, within a stone's throw of the shore, being fished by Manx and English boats?

"8. How far the vast multitude of children in the workhouses—nearly 130,000 —could be taught, by industrial schools new trades and pursuits, embracing the manufacture of foreign articles imported' into Ireland ?

"9. How far an awakened public-spirit in the Countrf can be systematically put forth to help ourselves? That plower has not only won battles, but felled forests

and drained swamps, and planted trades and founded cities; and did these things while contending hand to hand with tyranny. I believe we have never taken pos- session of our country, and that this feat remains to be achieved. "10. Whether the generous, sensitive, Celtic organization, is not fit for some finer task than sweating under the Negro work of Europe and America—toiling in the gray jacket of a navvy,' of marching in the red jacket di mercenary soldier?" Such are the means and such the ends of Mr. Dliffy's new scheme for the redemption of his country,

The Tipperary Free Press, a Repeal organ, has the following remarks Ur reference to the alleged spread of secret societies in its county— "Are there secret societies? This is a question that lately occupied our at- tention, as well as that of several of our contemporaries. Alas!. we fear that there are • we fear that our too credulous countrymen have been led into a snare —have been duped by some unmitigated, heartless ruffians, into a connexion with - those illegal and death-bearing associations. For some weeks lame rumours have been floating about that an organization was spreading itself- through this and the adjoining counties. Its objects were to be arrived at only by guess-work, the numbers it included reckoned only by the exaggerated accounts which in such cases are usually put into circulation. The movements of the authorities have, however, given authenticity to the report that something is on the tapis: the sending out detachments of military to Carrick, See., and the draughtieg in of a large additional police force to Clonmel, are evidences that they are well acquainted

with all the particulars of this unfortunate wicked affair, and are taking such • steps as the wellbeing of society and the preservation of property imperatively demand."