C4t Vraniurro.

Mr. Gladstone arrived at Manchester on Monday—the guest of Mr. J. C. Harter. On Tuesday he appeared in public for the first time, on the Exchange. Great numbers had assembled to greet him at one o'clock, but he did not arrive till an hour later. Then he entered, leaning on the arm of the Mayor, Mr. Barnes, and also accompanied by the Bishop of Oxford and Mr. Harter. He was loudly welcomed, and followed about the room by a curious multitude. It has been remarked that the new Stamp-law came into operation on that day : it will seriously affect many firms who have been accustomed to evade the law, and Mr. Gladstone's reception notwithstanding is taken as an additional proof of his popu- larity.

On Wednesday, Mr. Gladstone was the hero and orator of the day on two occasions,—the inauguration of the Peel statue, and the presentation of three addresses to himself in the Town-hall.

The statue stands in front of the Infirmary, and near the site a plat- form had been erected. At twelve o'clock, the Mayor, the Bishop of Manchester, Mr. William Brown M.P., Mr. Brotberton M.P., and other gentlemen, started from the Town-ball in procession, and walked to the platform; where they took their places round the chair, occupied by Sir John Potter, the Chairman of the Peel Monument Committee. Soon afterwards, Mr. Gladstone, accompanied by the Bishop of Oxford, Arch- deacon Wilberforce, Mr. J. C. Harter, Mrs. Gladstone, Lady Heathcote, and other ladies, also arrived ; and the proceedings commenced. Sir John Potter stated the object of their assembling—" to inaugurate the first public statue erected in Manchester," dedicated to the " memory of one of England's greatest statesmen," and " one of themselves," Sir Robert Peel. He mentioned that the contributions had been limited to 20 guineas ; yet in four days 30821. had been subscribed, and that sum had since been increased to 51001. Mr. Marshall, the sculptor, having received due compliments, the statue was uncovered. Then the Mayor introduced Mr. Gladstone, " the most able and consistent supporter of Sir Robert Peel in his arduous struggle for commercial freedom." Mr. Gladstone made a brief speech ; characterizing the occasion, and com- paring the unfortunate state of some countries in Europe, where kings and governments are adverse and alien to the people, with that of Eng- land, where the statue before them was erected to the memory of a man who was at once the chosen Minister of his Sovereign—" who had a place not only in her councils but in her heart "—the defender of the laws and institutions of the country, and the favourite of the people. Enumerating the distinctive features of that great statesman's character, Mr. Gladstone expressed a fervent wish that all who pass by the statue may have awakened in their breasts the desire to tread in the path of duty, dis- charging the functions of citizenship in the spirit of Sir Robert Peel, and allowing no difficulty, no obstacle, to daunt them. " What do we mean when we speak of a general war? There is a certain glare of glory about the operations of war which appeals to some of the ek- meats of human nature, and makes us too little mindful of the fearful ac- companiments which it entails. When we speak of general war, we don't mean real progress in the road of freedom, the real, moral and social ad- vancement of man, achieved by force. This may be the intention, but how rarely is it the result of general war ! We mean this—that the face of nature is stained with human gore ; we mean that bread is taken out of the mouth of the people ; we mean that taxation is increased and industry di- minished; we know that it means that burdens unreasonable and untold are entailed on late posterity; we know that it means that demoralization is let loose, that families are broken up, that lusts become unbridled in every country to which the war is extended. If that be a true description, then it is also true that it is the absolute duty of a government to exercise for themselves that self-command which they recommend to others, and to la- bour to the very utmost for the adoption of any and every available expedient for averting such a frightful scourge. "I am certain—I could have anticipated it before, but at this moment I have no doubt, after the manifestation you have given, that these are the senti- ments which animate the peaceful community of Great Britain. Those who are associated together in the works of industry and enterprise—those who, as practical men, come into close relation and close observation with the working of a public policy—those who know the dangers we are encountering know the difficulties we have to meet, and by their confidence we shall be supported. It has been announced in Parliament more than once, by differ- ent members of Government, that her Majesty's advisers are well aware of their duty to maintain that which is called, and which may truly be called, the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire. But in speaking of the integrity and independence of the Ottoman Empire, we do not use those "terms in the same sense as we should speak of the integrity and inde- pendence of England and France ; because we know that the independence of the Ottoman Empire describes a sovereignty full of anomaly, full of misery, and full of difficulty—a sovereignty whose affairs for five years to five years, and ever since we were born, has commonly been subject to Euro- pean discussion and interference. What I mean is, that we do not intend to settle this important matter upon the deep questions which may develop themselves out of the peculiar internal organization of the Ottoman Empire ; for, so far as regards the domination of the Sultan, we are presented with the political solecism of the Mahometan faith exercising what may be called a despotism, but which I will only call a domination—a sovereignty—over twelve millions of our fellow Christians. We don't mean to enter into that question, growing out of that state of things; but that there is'a necessity or regulating the distribution of power in Europe. Where there is a certain

Three cheers for the Queen, for Mr. Marshall, Sir John Potter, and the Mayor, closed the inauguration.

The procession returned from the statue to the Town-hall, there to present three addresses to Mr. Gladstone ; one from the Corporation, one (from the Chamber of Commerce, and one from the Commercial Associa- tion. The room was densely crowded„ the principal performers being the Baum The Corporation particularly stated that they were gratified to see among them so distinguished a member of a Cabinet "happily formed of the most able and experienced statesmen of the age, who, with a pa- triotic disregard of party considerations, are, as we believe, united to- gether for the purpose of carrying out such measures as shall conduce to the honour of the Crown and the benefit of the whole community."

Having heard the addresses, Mr. Gladstone made one reply to all. absorption of power by one of the great potentates, which would follow the fall of the Ottoman Empire, and which would be dangerous to the peace of the world, it is the duty of England, at whatever cost, to set itself against such a result. Now that principle has been recognized in all the discussions on which all the measures that connect themselves with this great Eastern question now depend. Having made that recognition, and having laid down the principle that it is not right that there should be an absorption of power, and that, in the event of that taking place, it is the duty of the Government to set themselves against it, I may express a trust, that so long as a rational hope can be maintained, we shall have a maintenance of peace. Now that is what the Government have really done.

" There has grown up in Europe of late years a principle to combine the great Powers for the settlement of differences arising in particular parts. Many benevolent persons have been desirous of bringing about a system of

It was a matter of hopeless difficulty, he said, to convey to their minds international negotiation in the event of war. But it is an opportunity on the mixed and strong emotions he felt. Praising Manchester, its industry, which I think we may observe, not without satisfaction, that some degree the intelligence of its citizens, its public spirit, he spoke of the addresses of real progress has actually been made and exemplified within the last as overvaluing what might be due to himself, and referred the approbation twenty years in the history of Europe towards the substitution of arbitration they contained mainly to certain principles of public policy vital to the wel- for war. The miseries of war between Belgium and Holland were saved by fare of the country. For his colleagues he accepted the testimony of the the intervention of certain of the great Powers of Europe. Not by a perfect addresses. They had disregarded party distinctions : the principle of party machinery, but yet by a machinery better than no machinery at all, the combination is not extinguished—some organization is necessary ; but the same influence of the great Powers was used for the purpose of bringing to a present Government stands less on party connexion than upon the general termination the divisions and civil war which afflicted Spain. In other support and confidence of the public. I European questions a similar influence has been exercised with similar effect.

The most interesting portion of Mr. Gladstone's speech directly referred In the case of the Ottoman dominions themselves, in the year 1810, a war to the Eastern question. " Gentlemen, you have been pleased—I speak now between the Pacha of Egypt and the Sultan was brought to a termination by of the address of the Corporation, which I know well represents the senti- the influence and agency of the great European Powers. The kingdom of Greece ments of the inhabitants of Manchester—you have been pleased to express was relieved from the desolating scourges of war by a similar action on the part your confidence that the Government now in charge of public affairs will en- of the great Powers of Europe. It is a great blessing, that so much at any deavour to give effect to such measures as shall most conduce to the honour rate should be achieved. It is quite clear that these are cases in which the of the Crown and the benefit of the whole community. I value peculiarly, effusion of human blood has either been prevented, or at all events its continu- and I am quite sure that every other member of the Cabinet would value as once has been shortened, by positive intervention, and by intervention alto- I do, this expression of your feelings. I am sure that I do not altogether gether to be distinguished from that principle of meddlesome intervention which misconstrue this reference to the honour of the Crown when I inter- would involve us in particular quarrels, because it is not the intervention of pret it with referenoe to that question in which at the present moment one officious state undertaking to settle all the affairs of its neighbours,—it the honour of the Crown, as well as other great interests, are deeply in- is, in the main, the intervention or agency of states who, in the combined volved—to that question of peace and war which holds the mind of Europe affairs of Europe, have a right to say to Europe, with something. at any rate, in agitation and suspense, from one extremity of it to the other. If, gentle- like authority—to say to particular corners and portions of Europe, You men, it is your persuasion that the honour of the Crown is safe in the hands shall not prejudice the general peace, and you shall not set us all by the ears of her Majesty's advisers, I am quite sure no testimony can be conveyed to ou account of your little petty local interests' ; and to recommend to them them more gratifying to their feelings; and I am quite sure no testimony arrangements which upon the whole it has been found for the interest and could reach them which would more contribute to strengthen their hands in compatible with the satisfaction of parties to embrace. The way of peace the discharge of public duty, and in bearing that conspicuous part which must and negotiation is undoubtedly devoid of that romantic interest which at- belong to England in the consideration of every great European question. taches to heroic achievements in war. I fully admit it is liable to be beset It was, perhaps, to be expected that the delays and vexations incid:nt to and clogged with delays, and intrigue, and chicane. That is quite true ; protracted negotiation should lead to some sentiments and emotions in some but if the result is the saving of the effusion of human blood, and the avert- portions of the community ; it was undoubtedly to be expected, in this free ing that calamity which would disturb the operations of industry and de- country, that the measures and motives of Government, especially while they price nations of their subsiatence, surely the sacrifice is small, and surely the are covered in some degree by the necessary reserve, should not from every reward is adequate. man receive a like favourable construction. It was to be expected that the I " Now, Mr. Mayor, I have detained you much longer—led onwards, I general sentiment, that in the present relations between Russia and Turkey , must say, by your kindness and indulgence—much longer in regard to there had been overbearing aggression on the part of the former Power, a matter of foreign policy, than I had intended. The Chancellor of the should lead to some anxiety—with eager minds especially—for marked and Exchequer, you must know, in his official capacity is opposed pretty nearly positive demonstrations on the part of England against that aggression : but to all wars : at the same time, the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, in I will venture to say that her Majesty's Government don't feel in the least his official capacity, is really of opinion that financial arrangements, good degree disposed to shrink from any portion of the responsibility, which they financial arrangements, are among the most important preparations for war, have assumed in making every effort,—or hoping, I would say, if it were ne- when war is necessary ; and I frankly own that, as far as finance is concern- cessary, against hope and beyond hope, but happily it is not necessary,—in ed, I really don't think that England has often been better prepared for war hoping to the utmost that they might be enabled to achieve the avoidance of than she is at this moment. Matters have been reduced to a state of aim- that frightful calamity a general war. No doubt, the blood of Englishmen Plicity ; and, as I adverted to certain persons who were more anxious for re- is up when they see oppression or aggression going on ; no doubt, the contest sort to arms than I could wish, I really suppose that those gentlemen are of stronger with weaker appeals to those feelings which we feel to be satisfied with the present legislative acceptance of the Income-tax by the eminently national ; no doubt, the lapse and consumption of time mass of the people, and its being embodied in an act of Parliament for the without apparent result is trying to the patience of the community : but term of seven years. They think it might be very convenient to introduce let me venture to say this—that the true, the truest measure of the real a bill that may double, perhaps triple, that Income-tax ; a very simple opera- greatness of a people lies in its power of self-command and self-restraint. non, I assure you, so far as the House of Commons is concerned. About That self-command and self-restraint, whether in nations or individuals, twelve months since we ha I another measure that promised a good deal of are always liable to be mistaken for, and are also certain to be charged as money—namely, doubling the House-tax : perhaps, possibly, there might be indifference, as feebleness, or as cowardice. We know, I trust, the difference a portion of the community with whom that measure would become very —we know that that dignified patience, and that sense of duty as men and popular. At any rate, I assure you that it is not in my separate o ipacity, as Christians which makes us value peace, does not mean a want of readiness as having the peculiar charge of the public finances, that r deprecate war : to vindicate, when the time comes, the honour of this country.

it is because we are all of us, as advisers of the Crown, necessarily dependent one and all in this great and vital subject of European policy ; and because, whether as a Minister, a Christian, or a man, I cannot but feel that those are the principles by which the Government will endeavour to secure, as you have stated, the honour of the Crown and the beat interests of the country.' " The remainder of Mr. Gladstone's speech was upon commercial and finan- eial topics; indicating the career of future legislation as " a blessed career, the career of wise, of cautious, of vigorous improvement."

He noticed, that although taxes were repealed with no sparing hand last session, and although the additional amount derived from the extension of the Income-tax is a mere trifle, while the Succession-tax has yielded nothing, and the new Spirit-duties alone have been in operation, yet still there has been an increase on the quarter; and that immense public advantage, that secret of strength almost indescribable—a surplus revenue—has been ob- tained. In reference to the financial measures of a future session, a Chancellor of the Exchequer is a most impracticable guest ; compelled as he is not to speak until he brings forward his budget. Mr. Gladstone, however, referred to the Paper-duty, to which his attention had been called. So far as there is a tax on paper used to pack goods, that tax might as well have been on the goods themselves ; and the principle which has led Parliament to exempt great manufactures from the Excise is perfectly capable of ex- tension—when time and circumstances will permit. (Laughter and cheers.) With regard to the Income-tax, Mr. Gladstone explained its exact position : not that the act of last session had absolutely settled the termination of the tax in 1860, but that, should the Parliament of 1860 think fit, pro- vision has been made, barring war, to enable them to give an unbiassed opinion upon it, and to dispense with it if they choose. In another part of his speech, Mr. Gladstone made a humorous remark to the effect that it is doubtful whether any Government ever sustained a

greater number of defeats upon divisions of secondary importance than the Government of Lord Aberdeen. "These defeats were manifestations of the freedom of judgment that prevails in the House of Commons. I deeply

lamented them—I sometimes was nettled by them. (Laughter.) Endeavour-

ing to defend taxes which it was impossible to part with—(Laughter)--un- doubtedlv I was not well pleased when I found, from the announcement of

the numbers from the Chair, that the relative forces were not exactly as I could have wished them to be. (Laughter.) But it is certainly a remarkable concurrence, that along with these manifestations of freedom of individual sentiment, and the absence of close party organization in the House of Com- mons, we have had a session of Parliament that I believe has been surpassed by few for the amount of real public work and burliness that it has seen transacted, and during the course of which many measures of the greatest weight and importance have been passed into law."

Mr. Gladstone was enthusiastically cheered throughout his speech, and very warmly at the close. From the Town-hall some eighty gentlemen adjourned to the " Mayor's parlour," and partook of luncheon. Mr. Gladstone was present on Thursday at the consecration of a new church at Denton, by the Bishop of Oxford. This church has been built mainly at the cost of the Reverend Mr. Greswell, Mr. Gladstone's friend. Lord Robert Grosvenor and the Countess of Wilton were present at the ceremony. A luncheon, garnished with complimentary speeches, follow- ed ; and the company proceeded to the site of some new schools, the foundation-stone of which Mr. Gladstone and the Bishop of Oxford were to lay.

The "pith" of Lord Derby's speech at the late private banquet at Liverpool has found its way into the Liverpool Journal. Disclaiming at the outset that he was there in his public character, Lord Derby could not resist the opportunity of making a political speech. According to the Liverpool Journal, he impugned "the statements which have lately been put forth, that the government of this country could be i carried on independent of party. He alleged that all administrations must be, more or less, formed upon a principle of individual compromise, but that they could not be carried on with confidence to the nation if the elements were heterogeneous and had differed from each other by any broad line of separation ; that, two sections of the Cabinet being opposed to each other, the supporters of the respective views out of doors were always uncertain what portion would have the ascendancy, and so hesitation, doubt, and col- lision necessarily ensued. This, we believe, was his Lordship's statement of his case. He declared that he applied the reasoning generally, and without any individual or personal application. He was, we believe, highly compli- mentary to different members of the present Cabinet ; considering them to be some of the most distinguished men of the day. He took credit to him- self for the state of the finances while he was Minister, and for the prosperous position, commercially and otherwise, in which he left the government. He explained what he had done in opening new markets in South America ; and finished by emphatically asserting, that should the nation be called upon to support its policy by war, he and his party would be found amongst the foremost to uphold the dignity of the Crown and the sacredness of treaties. He complimented the French Ministry for its concurrence with England ; and flattered himself that, though there might have been some distrust of France in the first instance, the straightforward manner in which the Em- peror has since acted might have been somewhat influenced by the increased confidence which the Government of the day, and of which he had been the head, had subsequently placed in his declarations and his actions. He ad- verted with a considerable degree of feeling to the sacrifice of personal com- fort he had made in accepting office ; but admitted that, if again called upon by any emergency, he should be ready to obey his sovereign and serve his country. His Lordship's speech was, we believe, much admired as a speci- men of oratory, though many thought the reasoning sophistical."

It is currently reported that Lord Charles Wellesley is about to resign his seat for Windsor : why, is not stated. Parties are on the move in the borough.

In the Dissenting Chapels at Barnstaple, special religious services have been held, "for humiliation, prayer,,and exhortation, in reference to the recently manifested corruptions in the borough."

A Sheffield journal announces that several merchants and manufacturers of that town have memorialized Lord Aberdeen on the calamities to Bri- tish commerce which would result from war ; praying him to continue to try every pacific means for amicably settling the Russo-Turkish dispute.

Sir Harry Smith has had a grand field-day on Roborough Down, for the purpose of exercising the South Devon Militia, Infantry and Artillery, with regiments of the Line. He was so well satisfied with their conduct that he said, in addressing them after the review—" Now I have seen what I always foretold, and will say to the Secretary of State, that the Militia of England is a body to be depended upon at any emergency."

The Worcestershire Agricultural Association held its annual show on Saturday. It was an average exhibition. At the evening dinner, although attended by the great county notables,—Earl Beauchamp, Lord Ward, Sir John Pakington, Mr. Foley, and Lord Lyttelton,—nothing is reported of a striking character, except the speech of the Peer last named. Lord Lyttelton noticed that there had been an increased competition for the premiums awarded to those labourers who kept their children at the Sunday School for the longest period; and he also observed that the con- dition of agricultural labourers had of late years been much improved. Better buildings, comparative abundance, and the enjoyment of allot- ments, had added considerably to their physical comfort.

At the dinner of the Surrey Agricultural Association, Mr. Evelyn pre- sided, and Mr. Drummond did the speechmaking. He avoided politics entirely, and contented himself with rating the Surrey farmers for their slowness in adopting improvements, and for "merely scratching the face of the laud with a small-tooth comb, according to the custom that had prevailed in the country since the days of the Normans," instead of ploughing to a greater depth. The practical application of his remark was, that the prizes for ploughing should be given for time and depth, especially the latter. He told the farmers, they must go to Caird, and Mechi, and Huxtable, if they would learn something ; advice which was received with laughter and cries of "No ! " But to this Mr. Drummond retorted—" It is of no use saying no; and laughter will not snub those men, or do away with the fact."

The inquiry into the system pursued in Leicester Gaol was reopened on Monday, by the order of Lord Palmerston, in accordance with a request from the Visiting Justices. Little new matter was added to the result of the previous investigations. The novelty consisted in the line of defence taken up by Mr. Reeve, the Deputy Clerk of the Peace, on behalf of the Justices. He read entries from the Warder's book, showing that a pri- soner had done a vast amount of crank labour on little and sometimes no food ; thence he argued that the entries were inaccurate, as a man could not work on such small quantities of food. Lord Howe, Lord Berners, Sir Henry Halford, Mr. C. H. Frewen M.P., and other Justices, were examined ; but their evidence only showed that they had gone through the prison on various days and had heard no complaints. The point was, that the stoppage of food was illegal; and on this the Justices could throw no light. Godfrey, the Warder, was examined and cross-examined, to prove errors in his book : but in the main the book was proved to be ac- curate. Godfrey was praised by the Commissioners for his bookkeeping, Iand the Governor, Mr. Musson, for his humanity. It would appear that the Justices have not made out their case. Thirty-five years ago, the Magistrates of Warwickshire established an Asylum for the Reformation of Juvenile Delinquents. At that period little attention was given to the importance of reformatory institutions for young criminals. Subsequently the Asylum struggles on through great difficulties ; and, singularly enough, just at the time when the ne- cessity of juvenile reformatory discipline is all but universally recognized, the committee of management find themselves obliged to close for lack of support. The resolution was come to on the 23d September ; but the committee hope that before the 24th March 1854, the prospective date of closing the Asylum, Government will have adopted a general and efficient system.

A counter-movement has been commenced at Preston by a number of the overlookers, dressers, and others in the employ of Messrs. Horroeks and Co., who have repudiated the interference of those " abusive and violent agitators" the " delegates " from other places.

The committee of delegates have issued an address to "the factory- workers of the United Kingdom, and to all whom it may concern," an- nouncing that it is intended to establish " cooperative mills "—manufac- tories where the workpeople shall be paid fair wages, while the profit on the goods will go into the pockets of the labouring classes instead of to swell the wealth of capitalists. " The necessary funds to be raised in 101. shares, by weekly contributions of sixpence " ; in other words, the mills are to belong to small capitalists instead of large ones. Messrs. Andrew and Co., the dyers of Manchester, have contradicted the statement that their men have returned to work at an advance—they have resumed their labour at the price given before the strike.

Sixty employers at Padiham have given notice that they will close their mills on the 28th, as a defensive measure against a demand for an increase of pay. Sixteen hundred weavers and framework-knitters of Mickley and the surrounding villages turned out on Monday for an ad- vance.

The dispute between the shipwrights and their employers at Sunder- land has been arranged amicably. The men struck on Friday sennight for 36s, a week ; the masters replied that they would reduce wages from 30s. to 27s. ; but they called a meeting of both parties on Saturday. It was held in the evening; and masters and men were heard with equal:at- tention, all marks of approbation or disapprobation being repressed= by mutual consent. The upshot was, that the employers agreed to continue the 308., and the men consented to resume work on Monday. ear The last advices from Newcastle mention the arrival of a considenehle number of vessels from the Baltic, and that coal-freights have iigbtin- sequence receded a little. But the shipowners of the Tyne and IVO!. are obliged to pay exactly what wages the seamen dictate : the sailors of the district are almost universally members of a union, and present an irre- sistible front to their employers.

The colliers of South Staffordshire are " out " on what app un- reasonable strike. Their pay is 5s. a day, and if they chose they might make over-time, but they prefer idleness for a part of the week. They have demanded an advance of 1s. a day, and diminution of two hours daily in the time of work. The masters have resolved to resist. The re- sult of this strike may be very disastrous to the iron trade of _the district The tin-workers of Birmingham have resumed their labour... There is still an " uneasiness " among the people in some branclies4 manu- facture.

An attempt to plunder a jeweller's shop has been nut -iielianchester, with some circumstances similar to those of the Glasgow btitglary, though the failure arose from the robber's tippling propensity."':' John Norton, a young fellow of nineteen, at two o'clock on Sunday morning climbed up a gas-pipe and gained admission to the woollen-warehouse of Messrs. Harding and Sons, in Market Street : the shop beneath is occupied by Mr. Falk, jeweller and watchmaker ; Norton first broke open a desk and chest in the warehouse, and found a bundle of halves of notes—these he pitched away ; then, with a saw and other implements, he cut a hole through the floor ; tore a piece of cloth into shreds, made a kind of rope ladder, and descended into Mr. Falk's shop. Having filled his pockets with plunder, he tied up more in a tablecloth, to which he attached a cord, and carried the end of this up to Messrs. Hardinga' warehouse, so that he might haul up the pro- perty when he left the place. The thief might now have got away under cover of darkness ; but he had found a bottle of brandy in Mr. Falk's pre- mises, and he descended to drink it—indulged deeply, and feel asleep. When he awoke it was broad day, and he could not have escaped without being observed; so he had no choice but to wait for night. About four o'clock en Sunday afternoon, Jacobs, Mr. Falk's shopman, entered the shop to see if all was safe : Norton attempted to run out, but Jacobs seized hiin and called for assistance, and the robber was soon in the hands of the Police.,. He was committed by the Magistrates next day.

Some years ago, Michael Thomas Stacey Welsh, a draper of Romford, dis- posed of his stock and fled to France, leaving his creditors in the lurch: he was made a bankrupt and proclaimed an outlaw. He subsequently went to Australia, dealt in gold, and amassed money. Lately he returned to England with his wealth ; spent money freely in London ; and went to Southampton and engaged a berth in a ship about to leave England. But all this time the Detectives had been tracking him ; and at length he was captured at South- ampton, with 7501. in his possession.

A novel railway " accident " has occurred at Reading. There are two distinct stations and platforms for the up and down lines ; each platform is covered by a roof 200 feet long by 60 wide, formed of wood and zinc, and i supported on one side by a row of iron columns. On Wednesday night, an up goods-train passed rapidly under the roof of the up platform, running on the outermost rails. The side-flap of one of the trucks had been negligently left hanging down; this struck against the pillars in succession, forced them from the perpendicular, and caused the whole roof to fall in. The greater part of the train had emerged from the station before the roof fell ; no one was on the platform or rails, and thus the servants escaped hurt. A mail- train was in sight, which a few minutes later would have been under the shed.

There was a fatal collision at the mouth of the Thames on Tuesday sen- night, when the Trident steamer and the brig Harewood came in contact. The brig went down, and the mate, three seamen, and two boys, were drowned. The people of the steamer allege that the engines were stopped when the brig approached, but the smaller vessel ran right into the Trident. The two survivors of the brig tell a different tale.