NEWS OF THE WEEK.

TFIE candidates for seats in the French Chamber are now addressing the electors, and the general tone is not friendly to personal government. All parties in opposition have agreed to attack this one point, and even the official nominees are careful to say they would prefer more liberty. The Emperor himself, therefore, has descended into the arena as grand Representative. In a speech delivered at Chartres on Sunday, he calls on all good electors to " second " his government, which has given them seventeen years of "peaceful prosperity," and "to oppose insuperable resistance to those subversive passions which appear to revive only to threaten the unshaken fabric of universal suffrage." Considering that the Empire has seen three wars and one defeat, that the Deputies are elected by universal suffrage just as much as the Emperor was, and that their business is not to "second," but to control the Executive, this speech cannot be considered one of Napoleon's happiest efforts. It is not safe to tell France so often that if she rejects members he approves she also rejects him. She may have a logical fit.

Mr. Goldwin Smith has written a very silly letter to the Beehive, in which he says Mr. Sumner's speech has revived hostility to England, and that, although he does not expect a rupture, still emigrants will do well to remember that there may be a change of feeling in America which will compel Englishmen to quit the country. Mr. Sumner's speech does not produce, but only expresses, a long-standing hostility ; and as to the emigrants, they would be as safe in war as anybody else. The Americans would no more attack Englishmen resident among them than we should attack Americans. Why in the world should they, when their visitors are increasing their power of carrying on the contest ?

Mr. R. de Tracy Gould, and another American gentleman, who signs himself "A Citizen," have been moved to deprecate the idea of a collision between the two countries. "A Citizen" declares that the national grievance is, that the Alabama was in all but name a British vessel ; that while the North-West desires the annexation of Canada, it is ready to wait till Canada comes in Peacefully; and that Mr. Motley's instructions are sure to be of the most pacific character. Mr. Tracy Gould, after replying to Mr. Goldwin Smith, states that Mr. Sumner's speech had no official character, the Senate always granting "permission to print" as a matter of course, and that Americans see his demands to be Impossible just as well as Englishmen. Both letters express, we doubt not, the feeling of all Americans who know England ; but still, did not Mr. Sumner nominate Mr. Motley ?

Mr. Fish, the American Secretary of State, has reported to Congress that the total value of all claims preferred for ships and Property destroyed by rebel vessels is 13,0D0,000 dols., or 12,600,000. The Alabama destroyed 70 vessels, the Florida 36, the Shenandoah 36, and the Georgia 9. Even these charges, it must be remembered, are many of them "claims," that is, owners' estimates, not at all likely to be less than the truth. One would like to see the underwriters' certificates of insurance. This is not a very formidable bill, certainly not one about which it is possible to go to war. The unusual attraction of a judicial process to be conducted in the House of Commons drew a very crowded House on Tuesday,—to see nothing. After the Attorney-General for Ireland had moved that the counsel to be heard at the bar on the evidence to be brought to prove the Mayor of Cork's offence, be called in, Mr. Maguire rose, and begged permission to read a letter addressed to him by that official. Amidst shouts of "Speak up ! " Mr. Maguire raised his voice to a high pitch, and read what sonic understood to be "My dearest Maguire,"—a supposed warmth of expression at which there was a loud roar of laughter. What Mr. Maguire did read, however, was unquestionably, "My dear Mr. Maguire," and he himself attributed the laughter to his treble key. He evidently does not wish to be thought Mr. O'Sullivan's bosom friend. We suspect the laugh was as much due to the relaxation of nerve which generally follows some tension of expectation, as to Mr. Maguire's voice or the erroneous understanding of his words. The letter of O'Sullivan stated, without a word of apology or regret, his intention to resign the mayoralty ; and for himself, that he had been misunderstood, and lie " would be the first to rush to the protection of human life if he knew it to be endangered,"—whereupon Mr. Gladstone adjourned the second reading for a month, to guard against the possibility of the Mayor's re-election, and after a few painful attempts to prolong the exhausted interest of the subject by Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Bonverie, and other fussy politicians, the matter dropped, Mr. O'Reilly having made the only sensible suggestion, that for the future, elected mayors, like judges, should be removable on an address to the Crown from bulk Houses of Parliament.

The House of Lords have taken rather enthusiastically to Bright-baiting, a sport which they seem to think becoming to them as politicians and delightful as landowners. Yet it is not precisely Bright-baiting, for Mr. Bright is not present to be baited, and it is not easy to bait an absent bull ; but it consists in striking Mr. Bright through Lord Granville, who is present, and who bears the vicarious torture with wonderful good humour. The Marquis of Salisbury commenced this delightful sport yesterday week, in which lie was actively assisted by Lord Cairns, and more temperately by Lord Carnarvon. Last Thursday Lord Russell himself resumed the healthful exercise, amidst the loud cheers of the Conservatives, a gentle stimulus which, as Lord Granville observed, must have been as novel as it was piquant to Lord Russell. He was cordially assisted by Lord Derby and the Duke of Abercorn. The sport consists in quoting from Mr. Bright's imprudent speech of yesterday fortnight in the House of Commons,—his sole individual responsibility for which has been again and again most emphatically asserted,—in ignoring that assertion, and in asking Lord Granville, with the moat innocent earnestness of manner, to declare openly how far the Government agree or disagree with their rash colleague, and what they are going to do about the laud. Lord Derby in his exhilaration compared Mr. Bright, and the misinterpretation to which he had been exposed, to the Mayor of Cork and the misinterpretation to which he had been exposed,—and even the Marquis of Westmeath and Lord Feversham were encouraged to discharge their little toyarrows at Mr. Bright through the Government.

Earl Russell was very anxious that certain clauses in an Act which he passed in 1847 should be reapplied in Ireland. By these clauses the sending of threatening letters was made a highly penal offence. That Act succeeded, but when it was renewed these clauses were left out. We dare say they might be good, but they could not remove the difficulty, which is that of obtaining evidence. Even in the case of the murder of Mr. Auketell, the A1ullingar stationmaster, a woman who gave evidence was threatened with violence, and in an agrarian case the witnesses always have to emigrate. We can understand a profound dislike of the law in any country, but the puzzle in Ireland is that the dislike is intermittent, the Courts working easily in quiet times, but at moments paralyzed by the popular hatred of an informer.

Mr. Istyard introduced Mr. Lowe's Courts of Justice Bill on Tuesday, in a speech which was an exceedingly feeble defence of the new plan,—the defence chiefly consisting in Mr; baynera "undertaking" that the estimate of £1,600,000 shouhl not be exceeded. Ile had to admit, however, that he should be obliged to sell off the Carey-Street site very gradually if he were to hops for reimbursement of its cost ; and he produced no proof at all that the new unbought and uncleared site will be cheaper than that already bought and cleared. Sir Bounden Palmer, who spoke very ably, but perhaps somewhat too warmly, in reply, and gave notice that he should oppose the Bill on its second reading, pointed out how utterly groundless were the objections to the present site, where seven acres and a half have been cleared,— enough, if only the same area is covered with buildings as is now proposed on the Howard-Street site, to leave room for two handsome streets east and west, and yet erect in a commanding position the building which it is now proposed to put down into a hole between the Strand and the Embankment. Sir Bounden Palmer pointed out that the very person who had estimated the value of the Howard-Street site,—the estimate never to be exceeded,—also estimated the value of the Carey-Street site, which was exceeded. The northern approaches, needful for the Carey-Street site, will be equally needful for the Howard-Street site, as the public will have to pass over the Carey-Street site from Holborn to get to it. The portion of the Strand in front of the newly proposed site is the narrowest part of all, near St. Clements Danes, and must be widened, if the building is to be where it is proposed. The scheme had not one advantageous feature, less architectural beauty, more inconvenience, more cost, and it blocked up the Strand more than the old one.

Mr. Forster has brought up the Report of the Select Committee on the Endowed Schools Bill, and we are happy to observe that it has not been materially mutilated in committee. The second part of the Bill, as to the Educational Council, is, —quite wisely, we think, —separated from the first, which deals with the reorganization of the endowed schools, and this last part has not yet passed through the ordeal. But by far the most important section of it has, and seems likely to have the support even of the Tory members of the Committee, if we may judge by what Lord Granville dropped in his address to the University of London on Wednesday. The strength of the Bill lies in its ninth and tenth clauses, and those have not been paralyzed. The only alterations of importance have been that the governing bodies are to have the initiative in submitting a scheme of reform, which, however, the Commissioners are not at all compelled to accept ; that the small endowments are to have three months in which to submit their alternative scheme, and the larger ones (with gross endowments above £2,000 a year, or a wholly educational income above /1,000) are to have six months ; while Christ's Hospital, Dulwich, Birmingham, and Bedford are to have a year. There is now every prospect that this most valuable Bill will pass this session, and that the middle-class educational endowments of the country are really to be reorganized and rendered fruitful.

The Irish Church Bill has at last passed through Committee and been reported to the House, though it will have to be recommitted for a formal clause concerning stamps after the Whitsun holidays. The third reading is fixed for Monday, May 31. There have been no amendments carried of the slightest importance since the discussion of the Maynooth clauses. The clauses disposing of the surplus were carried after a brief conversation. Mr. Disraeli never even moved his amendment adding three unpaid Commissioners to the Church Commission, and both Sir Roundell Palmer and Dr. Ball expressed their perfect satisfaction with the nomination of Lord Monck, Mr. Justice Lawson, and Mr. G. A. Hamilton. Indeed, Mr. Disraeli has evidently felt quite unequal to the discussions in committee, and left his work, so far as it has been performed at all, to Dr. Ball and Mr. Hardy. We suppose he will make one more display of oratorical disgust on the third reading, buoyed up by the fervent hope that the Lords will pass it, and not give him any further trouble on a subject so unremunerative.

The Pacific Railway was opened on the 8th inst., and through communication has been established between New York and St. Francisco, 3,299 miles. The railway passes through Chicago, Omaha, and Utah, the total charge will be .f.31, and the journey will probably occupy seven days. The Americans calculate that the line will give them the whole of the carrying trade between Europe and China, and the Tribune is greatly exercised with the

idea that the Pacific States will be cultivated,by Chinese labour, that an aristocracy will consequently grow up there, and that there will ultimately be another civil war. That is looking far ahead, but no doubt the only emigrating Asiatic has a destiny in the future.

General Menabrea has succeeded in inducing the Piedmontese party and the Moderates to join him, and will therefore meet Parliament with a steady majority at his back. To prove the sincerity of their adhesion, two or three members have entered the Cabinet, notably S. Ferraris as Minister of the Interior, and S. Minghetti as Minister of Agriculture, but the leaders of the administration are still himself and Count Cambray Digny. It is stated that the first object of the new combination will be to effect great reductions of expenditure, but we are always hearing that. The great reduction must be in the Army, and this the Bing is unwilling to reduce.

The latest report from Spain is that on the acceptance of Monarchy by the Cortes, Serrano will be proclaimed Regent until the nation has elected a monarch, and Prim Premier and Minister at War, with a Cabinet full of new colleagues. The Republicans, it is said, will then retire, and endeavour to organize measures of resistance. This arrangement has all the defects of constitutional monarchy without its permanence and security, as the Cortes could at any moment upset it by electing a King. We very much doubt if Prim will consent to serve under Serrano, and whether he will not discover some terms of compromise with the Republicans. Meantime, the expenditure isannounced to be 130,000,000 a year, and the Treasury even by the official account only receives /21,000,000. It cannot really be receiving more than £17,000,000.

The Canadian House of Commons has taken the earliest opportunity of expressing its views on the relations between Great Britain and America. On the 26th of April Mr. Galt made a speech in which he showed that, whatever the sentiments of her people, Canada as a state had adhered to the Northern side in the war, had repressed raids organized by Southerners within her border, had passed an Alien Act to help the pursuit against the murderer of Mr. Lincoln, had suffered 40,000 of her people to join the Federal Army, and had allowed the transit of incalculable supplies to the North. On the other hand, the American,Government had not prevented the Fenian raids, for which Canada was as much entitled to damages as America could be for the losses caused by the Alabama. As for the Dominion, if separated from the mother country she would not become American, but "would claim the right to dispose of her own destinies." This speech was reported to the Tribune by telegraph, and seems to express the feeling of Canadians.

The power of co-optation possessed by the Council of India AS regards seven of their fifteen members has been withdrawn. Lord Salisbury moved that the right of appointment to all vacancies should vest in the Crown, and the Duke of Argyll, though be took a division, was evidently pleased to be beaten, as he was by 89 to 53, quite a large division for the Peers. A subsequent motion to define the powers of the Secretary of State in finance was lost, the Duke modifying his previous opinion that the Secretary was absolute, except over grants to individuals, but maintaining that the veto of the Council was a useful restraint. Otherwise, a Secretary might pay for an Abyssinian war out of his own head. So he could now, if Parliament liked ; and if Parliament did not like, he could do nothing with his absolutism. The Duke, in his new phase of opinion, misses the point, which is, that under the present system the Council is above Parliament, which cannot, except by Act, order it to expend twopence. That may be right enough, but in that case he is not fully responsible.

Mr. Corrance raised a great debate on Tuesday about pauperism, but it did not come to much. Ile tried to show that pauperism and expenditure on paupers had increased, and succeeded in showing the latter. We have from 900,000 to a million paupers, and they cost 6s. 114d. a head, though the nominal poorrates exceed 11 millions. But his main suggestions for reducing the evil were to educate the children, to refuse relief to the ablebodied except in the House, to prosecute vagrants, and to aid the Friendly Societies from the Treasury. Mr. Goschen in reply said almost the whole of the total increase was in London, and was due to the more lenient administration demanded by opinion ; that the Friendly Societies were better independent ; that he was watching the matter closely, and that he was quite willing to make the

landlords pay part or all of the rates. All this does not come to much, and we confess our greatest immediate hope is in boarding out the children, who will then merge perhaps into the ordinary labour market, and lose their hereditary confidence in the rates. The country has not the will to deal with the matter sternly, and to improve the Poor Law and the tone of the people together we must be as hard as diamonds. Education would help us, State insurance would help us, relief in labour would help us ; but in all cases the nation must compel, and it cannot make up its mind.

The Government has brought in its Bill for creating County Financial Boards, and we have noticed its plan elsewhere. It is the first weak thing the new Government has done. The Home Office is either reluctant to make a change, yet afraid to state its reason for reluctance, or it fears the opposition of the country gentlemen. Mr. Kuatchbull-Hugessen, who had charge of the Bill, seemed on Tuesday inclined to apologize for each clause, praised Quarter Sessions' finance with some justice, promised to do nothing imperilling the status of magistrates, and was quite anxious in his assertions that there would be only one representative to five nominees. The Member for Sandwich seems to forget that if the measure does not content the ratepayers it has no motive at all, for nobody accuses the J.P.'s of extravagance.

The opponents of the Church in Spain have had an unexpected turn of luck. While levelling the ground for a new square in Madrid, the labourers have turned up the graves of the victims of the Inquisition burned at autos da fe. Calcined bones, charred -curls, bits of burned men and women, told their own tale. S. Echaragay, speaking against intolerance, made this discovery one of his texts, and the Church has received a greater blow in Madrid than a hundred arguments could inflict. The Spaniards, like other Southern Catholics, hate the punishment of death ; and here was evidence, visible evidence, of death by fire, inflicted on scores because they were "heretical" or were Jews. It is remarkable that the highest eloquence yet displayed in the Chamber has been on the side of tolerance, and that the Chamber has repudiated the charge or praise of being" Catholic for ever" with enthusiasm.

Lord Granville presided on Saturday at a dinner to Mr. F. A. Weld, not very long ago Prime Minister of New Zealand, and the best Prime Minister since the days of the Sewell-Richmond Government, who has been chosen by Her Majesty's Government as the Governor of Western Australia. Mr. Weld, who is a Catholic of the old Weld stock, has had a hard colonial life in Canterbury, New Zealand, having emigrated quite young, and worked through the stages of bushman, farmer, politician, minister, to the office -of Prime Minister,—which but for defective health he would probably be holding still. Mr. Weld's appointment is another precedent (the first case of which was, we think, the selection of Sir F. Hincks, formerly Prime Minister of Canada), for the excellent practice of occasionally selecting imperial officers for our colonies from amongst the ablest Ministers of the Colonial Parliaments. If the Colonial Secretaries would oftener follow this precedent, we should have a more real bond of unity between English and colonial statesmen.

At the same dinner, Major Atkinson, formerly Defence Minister in New Zealand, remarked that a notice was to be sent out to New Zealand calling upon all the officers and non-commissioned officers of the regiments stationed there to make application for a medal, and asked why the colonial troops had not an equal right to this medal, since the Queen for them, as for the Army, was the fountain of honour? Why not, indeed? It is the blindness we show in small respects like these to the nationality of our colonists, and our indifference to their feelings, which, quite as much as our greater muddles, alienates them from us, and tends to break up the unity of the Empire.

Mr. Horsman was elected for Liakeard on Thursday, beating Sir F. Lycett, also a Liberal, by a majority of 83. Mr. Horsman came in, Sir F. Lycett maintained, by the Conservative vote, which seems not unlikely. If so, he will be in an excellent position for forming a new Cave, whenever the opportunity occurs. It seems distant at present.

. Sir Wilfrid Lawson moved on Wednesday the second reading of the Permissive Bill, enabling ratepayers, by a certain majority, to put down the traffic in liquor in any district ; but was beaten by considerably more than two to one,-193 against 87. The Government, represented by Mr. Austin Bruce, promised to intro duce some modification of the licensing system, to something like this effect,—first taking strong guarantees that the public-houses should be in respectable hands, then limiting the hours during which the houses should be open, and, finally, limiting the number of public-houses in any district in a certain proportion to the population. Mr. W. E. Forster went further, and proposed,— speaking, of course, only for himself, and not for the Government,— that a vote of the ratepayers should be decisive against increasing the number of public-houses in any district, if not in favour of diminishing that number, but not for the purpose of prohibiting the sale of liquor anywhere. For our own parts, we object altogether to the permissive system. Why not pass a permissive bill allowing any district to make billiards a new crime within that district, or, for that matter, to make theft no longer a crime within the same area, as enable ratepayers to make beer-selling a crime? It is the old principle of an Alsatia reversed. But if the inhabitants may make new criminal laws, why not let them suspend old ones ?

The controversy excited by the Austrian Narrative of 1806 is waxing warmer as the contents of the volume get better known, and Count Beust has deemed it expedient to address a circular to the diplomatic representatives of Austria at foreign Courts, in which he emphatically repudiates all responsibility for this strange publication. Yet Count Beust does not venture to deny that the publication with which he is so anxious to declare himself unconnected is strictly official, as having been issued under the supervision of the highest military authorities in the State. " Under which King, Bezonian ?" is then the question fairly to be put to Austria, after the incomprehensible exhibition of the two chief powers of the State denying solidarity with each other's actions. This is a division in the executive with a vengeance, and when one considers what Austria really is, with its military and aristocratic traditions, the revelation of such a schism between the hand actually wielding the sword and tho hand seeking to grasp the truncheon of a constitutional minister, is a very ominous one for the future.

The Rottenburg incident to which we called attention a few weeks ago has come to a melancholy termination by the death of the Bishop. Almost at the very moment of the appearance of our article, several G-erman papers gave the text of the Brief addressed to the Bishop by the Pope. Its tone was inconceivably harsh and scolding. Advanced in years, and already deeply affected by what had previously happened, the Bishop broke down under the unmerited affront at the hands of the Holy Father. He died a victim.

On Wednesday, Lord Granville presided as Chancellor at the presentation of degrees to the graduates of the University of London, and made one of his invariably amusing speeches, ono of the chief points of which was the congratulation he offered to the University of Landon on having obtained Mr. Lowe as its member,—a member at once selected by the Prime Minister for one of the first of Cabinet offices,—and the still more pointed congratulation he addressed to Mr. Lowe on having obtained for his constituency the University of London. The old Universities, he said, had their drawbacks as constituencies. They are apt to get rid of their representatives as too independent for them directly their representatives grew indispensable to the world at large. "There was an invention some years ago which enabled drivers to detach runaway horses from carriages. It succeeded admirably ; but it had two inconveniences, one, that many excellent persons were found in a state of isolated immobility in different parts of the country ; the other, that high-spirited horses were a little humiliated at being suddenly dismissed, although they appeared to go with more strength and liberty when relieved from the lumber of the wheels. lie begged to be understood that he had not the slightest pretence to guarantee to Mr. Lowe even one re-election." That would depend entirely, said Lord Granvile, with an amiable but monitory smile at Mr. Lowe, "on his course on public matters." Mr. Lowe apparently appreciated the weight of the remark. On the only subject on which the University has hitherto taken a decided line,—Mr. Forster's admirable Endowed Schools' Bill,—Mr. Lowe, who is confessedly opposed to it, presented the University petition in silence, and then escaped from the debate. He evidently would not like to have that full command of his liberty and strength which Lord Granville Bo pleasantly described as relief from the "lumber of the wheels."