PATTERN 0 F COLONIES
COLONIAL unrest is such a familiar phenomenon these tha days that we feel no surprise when we read in the papers irigt Yet another British colony or protectorate is demand- ni a greater degree of independence. Cyprus, Aden. 8 ,a1:10re — these problems seem to arrive long before storlish policy sees them coming, and then there is the familiar Y of proposals and counter-proposals, of repression and eventual negotiation, usually followed by the granting of the , nationalists' demands. A criticism that is frequently made from the right of the Conservative Party is that recent policy has been disposing of the British Empire piecemeal. We must make a stand,' they cry, regardless of the fact that the example of countries which have made that kind of stand (France in Indo-China or North Africa, for example) is hardly encouraging. A more serious criticism of colonial policy is that it is itself piecemeal. A good deal of common, sense in the best traditions of English empiricism has been shown over individual problems, but it is not very often that anyone takes a look at the long-term prospects or examines the future of the Commonwealth as a whole. It has been apparent for some time that the British Empire in the old-fashioned sense of the term was evolving into a new type of political structure, into an association of independent nations linked by ties of sentiment and mutual interest. Ideally, therefore, the future of any given colonial territory should be to become one such nation or part of such a nation. Rather than try to preserve a state of affairs which has become outdated, the aim of British colonial policy should be to hasten this process. The Commonwealth can only be strengthened by the addition of more self-governing countries to it. And such a policy requires the taking of risks. In colonial matters today he who would save his life must lose it. The only possible policy is one of generosity, and the argument so often put forward that such and such a colony is not fitted for self-government has little validity. The fact is that it has been proved time and time again that, politically speaking, peoples are fitted to govern themselves as soon as they desire to. To keep them under even a beneficial paternalism after that stage has been reached merely deprives them of all sense of responsi- bility. Who can doubt now that Indian independence would have been far better granted far earlier? Who can doubt the wisdom of the decision to give the Gold Coast and Nigeria the status which they were demanding, in spite of possible internal com- plications? Moreover, in such cases it is not a question of the majority of the population being politically conscious. A small nationalist elite will invariably carry the rest of the country \with it simply because it is the only public opinion existing. The kind of argument which begins, 'The African peasant really doesn't want . . . ,' is based on an entire misconception of the nature of mass movements.
Of course, this general pattern of colonies becoming independent nations is disturbed by numberless local factors. It is here that the real problems arise. The reason for the difficulties over Singapore is that the Chinese population, while living in what is geographically part of the Malay peninsula, gives allegiance in some sort to China. In Malta the size of the island prevents it from setting up as an autonomous political unit, so that a special solution has had to be proposed .here. In East Africa there is the particularly thorny problem of a society which is racially mixed. The white minority fears domination by a massive African vote, while the Africans in their turn suspect a possible extension of the apartheid policies practised in South Africa. Undoubtedly the best outcome in these territories would be if the concept of a 'multi-racial society' could be made to work, but this will only be the case if it is applied in a way that means real racial equality. This question of relations between African and Europeff is the most crucial that the Commonwealth has to answer. The Convention of the Capricorn Society just opening at Salima is right in drawing attention to it.
Also there must necessarily be cases where the populations of a given territory simply opt to join another political unit to which they are attached by strong ties. This is what is hap- pening in Cyprus, and events there show the difficulty of denying such claims to self-determination. It might also happen in Aden where the Arab population probably feels much sym- pathy for the surrounding independent Arab States and where the ubiquitous Saudi Arabian dollars have been at work. Certainly, the only means of preventing such a development would be to press on with giving Aden its own political institutions and to satisfy the demands of Arab nationalism before they are made.
For, after all, from the point of view of national self-interest, what is the importance of colonies to this country? Primarily that of markets and suppliers of raw materials and also of helpful accessions of strength in the international sphere. But this role is as well filled by a friendly and independent member of the Commonwealth as by a colony. It is far better to have an independent Malaya than a Malaya in which British troops have to be kept indefinitely. Independence there has been 06 best weapon against the Communist guerrillas. That the no' Ceylonese Government should refuse to accept Buitisil decorations may be regrettable, but does not affect this counts)` one way or another. What are called `prestige' consideration are frequently to be found at the bottom of unsuccessful policies. What is wanted in British colonial affairs is a cone' bination of idealism and realism. We should have sufficient of the one to trust the idea of a Commonwealth of free nations and sufficient of the other to realise that it is only in this wnY that we can preserve our own legitimate national interests.
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