THE IRISH QUESTION.
ITo THE EDITOR OF THE " SPECTATOR."] Sm,—In your notice of my article on Mr. Dicey's book in the Contemporary Review, you quote the following sentence :— " How is Ireland to be governed on Parliamentary principles if the voice of her representatives is to be forcibly silenced or disregarded ?" And you ask, by way of reply,—" Are ' Parlia- mentary principles' the only principles compatible with high civilisation and good government ?" That is a large and im- portant question ; but is it a relevant one in this controversy ? My own opinion is that if you could make a clean sweep of the present system of Irish government, and substitute for it a system of trained and just English officials, there would be a much better chance of good government in Ireland. Who can doubt that Sir M. Hicks-Beach and Sir R. Buller would have a far better prospect of pacifying Ireland on equitable principles if they could act quite independently of Parliament and Dublin Castle officialism ?
But all that is an impracticable speculation. Nobody advocates the political disfranchisement of Ireland. Professor Dicey rejects summarily the Crown Colony system as regards Ireland, and ranges himself among " the supporters of things as they are." It is, moreover, certain that the British democracy will not permit any interference with the Parlia- mentary representation of Ireland till Home-rule has been tried and failed. In that contingency, the British democracy will be ready to adopt any measure, however drastic ; but only in that contingency. The Crown Colony system is an impossi- bility within sixty miles of the English shore, especially in a country with a history like Ireland. Besides, what would civilised mankind say of England, " the mother of Parliaments," if, after six centuries of trial, she confessed before the world that she despaired of governing Ireland on Parliamentary principles ? Depend upon it, the only alternative to the present system of governing Ireland is Home-rule ; for neither the people of Great Britain nor the people of Ireland will hear of Separation. Now,
I humbly submit that the permanent presence of eighty-six Irish Home-rulers in the House of Commons will, in the long- run—and it is likely to be short rather than long—compel Parliament practically to face the alternative of Home-rule or disfranchisement ; and when that issue is reached, it will not be disfranchisement that the British democracy will choose. It will insist on trying Home-rule first ; and when it fairly grapples with the question, its practical instincts will convince it that any scheme of Home-rule which falls short of what the Irish people will loyally accept, must result in unmixed mischief. " Trust me all in all, or not at all" is, in this case, the wisest policy. A petty scheme of local self-government would be rejected with scorn. A large scheme, like Provincial Councils, would be received as an instalment which would enable the Nationalists to extort the uttermost farthing of Irish demands, but to extort it with bitterness on the part of England and ingratitude on the part of Ireland.—I am, Sir, &c.,
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