13rirnitn mar rnrrbing inVarlianunt

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE or LORDS. Monday, Feb. 10. Lord Shaftesbury's Services ; Address to the Crown—Post-office Malcontents; Measor's case of grievance stated by Lord St. Germans, and answered sy Lord Clanricarde. Tuesday, Feb. 11. No business of importance during an hour's sitting. Thursday, Feb. 13. Bill for simplifying Procedure on Criminal Trials, introduced by Lord Campbell—County Court. Extension Bill, by Lord Brougham. Friday. Feb. 14. Railways in British North America; discussion on petition, and statement by Earl Grey.

HOUSE OP COMMONS. Monday, Feb. 10. East India Company's Charter, Smith- field Market, Blockade of the Coast of St. Salvador, Exhibition in Hyde Park, Patent Laws, Questions concerning, and Ministerial Answers—Papal Aggression; adjourned debate continued, and adjourned till Wednesday—Roman Catholic Belief; leave for a bill refused to Mr. Anstey, by 175 to 35. Tuesday, Feb. 11. Ceylon Committee ; disposal of the Evidence—Franchise Extension; Question by Sir Joshua Walmsley, and Lord John Russell's Answer—Agri-

cultural Distress ; Mr. Disraeli's Motion ; debate adjourned to Thursday—Sunday Trading in London ; leave for a Bill granted to Mr. Williams, on division, by 76 to 16.

Wednesday, Feb. 12. Papal Aggression; adjourned debate continued till six o'clock. Thursday, Feb. 13. New Vice-Chancellor—Irish Law Courts—Agricultural Dis- tress; adjourned debate on Mr. Disraeli's Motion concluded ; Motion negatived, by 291 to 267. Friday, Feb. 14. Papal Aggression ; adjourned debate on leave to bring in the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill; Lord John Russell's Motion carried by 395 to 63: Bill brought in, and read a first time—Irish Prerogative Court; leave for a Bill to extend and improve the practice of, granted to Mr. Keogh.

TIME - TABLE.

The Lords. The Commens.

Hour of Hour of Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Meeting. Adjournment. Monday 5h . . Si, 13m Monday 4h .(m) lit m Tuesday 311 • Si, at Tuesday 4h .(m) 1211 30m Wednesday No sitting. Wednesday Noon .... Sit m

Thursday 5h 511 Ehn Thursday 411 .. (.0 2h 15m Friday 111 6h 43m Friday 41) .1m) 12h 30m

Sittings this Week, 4; Time, 411 30m Sittings this Week, 5; Time, 411) 46m

this Session, 8; — 13h in this Session, 10; — 65h 3m

AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.

Mr. Disnaru prefaced his speech and motion on agricultural distress by causing the clerk at the table of the House to read the following per- tion of the Queen's Speech— Notwithstanding the large reductions of taxation which have been effected in late years, the receipts of the revenue have been satisfactory. The state' of the com- merce and manufactures of the United Kingdom has been such as to afford general employment to the labouring classes. I have to lament, however, the difficulties which are still felt by that important body among my people who are owners and occupiers of land ; but it is my confident hope that the prosperous condition of other classes of my subjects will have a favourable effect in diminishing those difficulties and promoting the interests of agriculture."

This admission from the Throne, and from the Minister of the Sovereign, curtailed the observations which Mr. Disraeli must otherwise have made. As controversy on the fact of the continued difficulties of the agricultural class is at an end, he needed not to lay before the House evidence of that fact. But the particular distress is concurrent with what is called a general prosperity. It is fit to discuss the nature of the causes of such concurrence. Five years ago, said Mr. Disraeli, "the eminent man whose post I now un- worthily occupy "—Lord George Bentinck—asked if Sir Robert Peel had considered the operation on the tenant of the fall in prices in lessening the ability to pay the tithes, which would not work down to the scale of low prices under seven years. Sir Robert said, he had not done so, "as he did not believe that there would be any material alteration in the price of wheat." In the letter which that eminent man addressed to his tenantry when prices had descended even lower than Lord George Bentinck himself anticipated, Sir Robert said, it was his opinion that there was "no t of any increase in the price of wheat." Such facts show that the prospect of us may be mistaken, and teach us to approach the question divested of all feeling of haughtiness and contempt or overweening confi- dence in our own judgment and information. Feelings of admiration for the energy which the British farmer has displayed under his increased diffi- culties should also prevail in the inquiry ; and the exploded and fallacious imputations against the agricultural hierarchy on the subject of rent, which is a purely economical result, should be avoided.

With these preliminary observations Mr. Disraeli introduced his real ob- ject. That object was, not to make a direct or an indirect attack on our new commercial system. "Far from it. It is in consequence of your new commercial system that I have felt it my duty to make this motion, and to try to adapt, if I can, the position of the owners and occupiers of the land to that new commercial system you have introduced. Nor let any honour- able gentleman support me tonight in the idea that this is an attempt to bring back protection in disguise. Nothing of the kind. I last year said what I now adhere to severely, strictly, even religiously. I said then, that I would not in this Parliament make any attempt to bring back the abro- gated system of protection ; and I gave my reasons for that course. I deeply deplored at the time the circumstances of the change; I deeply deplored that a Parliament and a Ministry which, if not formally at least virtually, and that is of much more importance in the opinion of the constituencies, were pledged to uphold the system of protection, should have abrogated it. I think there was in that circumstance a clear, plain cause of quarrel between Parliament and the constituencies : but I cannot forget what passed after that great change. The general elections took place; that opportunity was afforded to the constituencies, even if they were betrayed, to recall the legis- lation the abrogation of which they deplored. I cannot forget that the agricultural body in particular were wassiattor their best and most powerful friend—now lost to us—not to lose that opportunity, because it was their

onl, one. I oestuot forgebtlitit.they rejected titre:counsel ; that, misled by

tfmr lesperficifig oireumstaneesef the moment, the prices of the year, which wer*dndoubtc the result of exceptional circumstances, they did not sup- portlan in the &ej weneoentinendcat: and. 1 fbn one, Sir, cannot consent Obit the law's”.8161i regolittethe industry of o.grefit nation should be made the shuttlecock of party strain. (Cheers.) nay that if I thought I might by a chance majonty bring brick the system called " protection," I would shrink from it. That is a thing which must be done out of the House, and. done out of the House by no chance majority, but by the free unfettered ex-

pression, of public opinion ; and no other result can be satisfactory to any class, or conducive to the general welfare." He simply desired to call at- tention to the causes of those difficulties of which her Majesty deplores the continuance.

" The reason why the cultivator of the soil is embarked in a hopeless con- test against the foreign cultivator, is the weight of taxation to which he is tied." Mr. Disraeli asked the House to survey with him the whole of our system of taxation ; and in so doing, to escape from the influence of the habits of detail to which we are so accustomed from our early youth, and,

as it were, use the eyes of one of those distinguished foreigners whom we may expect in the course of the year—one perhaps who was Finance Mi- nister under some Constitutional Government. Our taxation of 50,000,000/. IS made up of external impost, inland revenue, and local contribution. Of the first class nearly one half is raised by not permitting the cultivator to produce the particular crop of tobacco. Of the second class, two-thirds are raised by a colossal impost on one crop—that of barley—raised by the Bri- tish agriculturist. Of the third division, on the most moderate calculation seven-twelfths-7,000,0004 out of the 12,000,0001.—are paid by the agricul- turist. These main outlines Mr. Disraeli proceeded to strengthen and fill in with, details; so heightening the tone of the injury to the agricultural class which these broad statements convey. The tobacco grievance was but briefly retouched. The aid of Sir James Graham was invoked in support of his already ex- pressed opinion that " if you do away with the Corn-laws you must repeal the Malt-tax " : but on this point Mr. Disraeli seemed to think it necessary to calm the fears of his own agricultural friends. " We are told that if we should rid ourselves of the tax we must lose the monopoly of the malt mar- ket. Now, really, in this age, after what we have gone through, after what we have endured, what we now endure, and, what we must be prepared for, the idea of retaining the monopoly of the malt market as a compensation for this tax was too preposterous to be entertained seriously for a moment. But it is not founded in truth. If barley will not bear the voyage, I am sure that malt will bear it worse. If we are not afraid of foreign barley with free competition, we need have little fear of foreign malt. I think the best proof that we need not fear competition in foreign malt is to be found in the cir- cumstance that we hardly ever most with good beer anywhere but in Eng- land. flow come we to carry on a large export trade in beer, if fo- reign malt be superior to ours ? We have a drawback on malt, it is true, but a very inadequate one, and we send out beer in large quan- tities, and it is the choicest in all the foreign markets." Upon the topic of the 12,000,000/. of local contributions, Mr. Disraeli repeated much of that matter which he placed before the House on particular motions relating to the subject in preceding sessions. The discussion on the first motion he made had its good effect; and last year he found a still greater advance. The measure of larger relief, first proposed, might be open to the objections of centralization, increased expenditure, and other evils ; but the measure proposed last year was open to none of those objections. He now asked the House to pass rapidly by the subject, and mark the injustice of compelling the land to pay an enormous burden which ought to be defrayed by the whole community. Mr. Disraeli dismissed the cases of poor-rates and of tithes, by quoting the testimony of Mr. Cornewall Lewis? to the effect that "objects of general utility should be provided for by a national tax and. not by local burdens " ; and the latest opinion of Mr. M'Culloch, in his re- vised edition of the Wealth ofNations, that "either the commutation charge ought to be reduced or a countervailing duty laid on foreign corn." The question of stamps called forth some frank admissions. "I will admit, that under the Probate and Legacy duties personal property pays more than real property. I will even admit that the payment of stamps is not perhaps on the whole a charge countervailing the excess of the charge upon personal property. I wish to state the case with the utmost fairness, and I make this admission with pleasure. But I would here observe, that a very considerable error exists respecting the effect of the Legacy and Probate duties ; suid, if honourable gentlemen will only investigate the subject of those duties as bear- ing upon the two classesof property, they will probably arrive at a conclusion not so much adapted as they suppose to the opinions which they uphold on the subject of taxation in this House. Remember this, that it was proved before a Committee of this House, that of the 1,200,000/. of Legacy-duty an- nually paid in this country, 500,0001. is paid directly by land. For, al- though Mr. Pitt did not carry his original bill, which made real property subject to these taxes, he most wisely contrived a bill which rendered land sold under a will subject to them ; and it is given in evidence that five-twelfths of the Le,gacy-duty are paid directly by land, and therefore, as far as the burdens on land are concerned, this fact ought to be taken into consideration. You ought to remember also, that leasehold property and ecclesiastical tenures pay legacy-duty, and that in the 700,000/. which remains irrespective of the 500,0001. absolutely contributed by freehold property, the sums paid by lease- holds and ecclesiastical tenures are ineludea. Remember likewise, when you are considering the burden of taxation upon land, that all the stock in trade of the farmers throughout the kingdom pays both legacy and probate duty ; and when honourable gentlemen add to this the stamps on conveyances, from which all other property is exempted, they will find that the account is not so much in their favour as they imagine." Having viewed the financial system as a cause of the agricultural distress, Mr. Disraeli considered the suggestions for relief that have been made. The gentlemen of the Manchester school declare that what is wanted for the land • is more labour and more capital : but if the landed interest require more labour, why was not the law of settlement dealt with when the Corn-laws were repealed ; and if more capital, why was restriction placed on the em- ployment of capital in 1844 ? Mr. Disraeli expressed his own opinion that the partnership principle of en commandite as it exists on the Continent might be conveniently applied by Parliament to stimulate the application of capital to the land; and, without specifically giving an opinion in favour of a national rate, he declared that there are no objections to it so great as the enormous injustice which it seeks to remedy. With reference to the sug- gestion of a fixed duty on corn, Mr. Disraeli particularly guarded himself against misrepresentations to which he and his party are liable. "I say again, that so far as I, an agricultural Member, am concerned, and speaking as the representative of an agricultural constituency, that we want nothing but justice ; that we do not admit that the maintenance of a fixed or a coun- tervailing duty is an arrangement in, favour of the agricultural interest. It may be a financial or a political arrangement which, as Members of Parlia- ment, as Ministers, and as statesmen, you may be required to consider as that iv hich, on a balance of circumstances, would make what is called the best bargain for the community. I solemnly protest against a projeot of re- venue being considered in the light of a remedy for agricultural grievances.

If I were to give my opinion, I would say that a moderate fixed duty does not raise the price to the community. But I guard myself against its being supposed that I propose it as anything favourable to the agricultural inter- est. You must meet this question as you can—as statesmen, and as Mem- bers of Parliament. You are only to consider this one question, How are you to do justice to all classes of the Queen's subjects; and how, at the same time, as politicians, are you to prevent violent changes in the country ? That is for you to consider. For myself, I need not say that I represent a class who bear a great deal."

Mr. Disraeli's peroration was to this effect—" I remember a passage in a great writer, who said that grace was beauty in action : lacy justice is truth in action. Truth may animate an Opposition; I hope it animates the present Op lion. Truth in action ought to be the office of a Minister, and I ask it in the noble Lord. Not in any hostile spirit : I wish the question to be settled by the noble Lord—by the Minister of the day—by a Minister who, from his position can never look with an adverse feeling upon the land. I am most unwilling to mix up this question with party politics. I know that the speeches I make in this House on the subject are not adapted to please thoughtless societies and meetings which have been held through the country, where my name is mentioned as one that has not done sufficient justice to the sufferings that are complained of. But, Sir, I can allow for the feelings of those worthy men who have been placed in such tryine* circumstances—the farmers of England. If I make no further appeal to the noble Lord, it is from no hostile feeling towards him, but because I have already appealed twice in vain. I appeal to this House of Commons—though it has been called a Free-trade House of Commons, and it may be a Free-trade House of Commons—but I appeal to them in confidence, because I am confident in the cause I advocate, and I am confident in the spirit which I believe animates their bosoms. They have an opportunity now which is not to be lightly treated—a golden occasion, to which, in my mind, it would not be easy to find a parallel in the records of the Parliament of England. They may per- form a great office and fulfil an august duty ; they may step forward and do that which the Minister shrinks from doing ; they may terminate the bitter controversy of years. They may bring back that which Lord Clarendon called the good old tamper of the people of England. They may terminate the unhappy controversy between town and country. (Cheers.) They may build up again the fortunes of the land of England—that land to which we owe so much of our power and of our freedom—which has fulfilled the union of two qualities, for the combination of which a Roman Emperor was deified, 'imperum et libertas '•' and this, too, not by favour, not by power, not by sectarian arrangements, not by class legislation, but by asserting. the princi- ples of political justice and by obeying the dictates of social equity. (Much cheering.)

Mr. Dlisraeli's motion was framed in these terms-

-That the severe distress which continues to exist in the United Kingdom among that important olass of her Majesty's subject the owners and occupiers of land, and which is justly lamented in her Majesty's Speech, renders it the duty ofher Majesty's Ministers to introduce without delay such measures as may be most effectual for the relief thereof."

The CHANCELLOR of the Excuaniniit prefaced a speech of official sta- tistics with criticisms on the absence of any clear and definite proposi- tion, such as had been placed before the House by Mr. Disraeli on former occasions. Observing that this was a very wise caution after Mr. Disraeli's former experiences, Sir Charles proceeded to deal seriatim with the variety of questions—each of which might form the subject of two or three nights' discussion—now reproduced from the discussions of the last five years, in the hodgepodge of a speech they had just heard.

He dismissed the alleged falsification of prophecies as to prices, by giving reasons in favour of still believing that the opinions last year expressed, that corn would not continue so cheap, were sound reasons, judging by what was then known ; and he now again maintained that the lowness of price is due to exceptional circumstances, which will disappear : for the imports which have poured in have come from countries whence no one expected them—from France, where there is at this moment prohibition on importation and ex- treme agricultural distress.; while America, whence the greatest imports were dreaded, has sent. but little. However, Sir Charles Wood was none of the prophets alluded to. He has ever declared this alone, and this he abides by, "that it is due and wise and just, that the people of this country should have their meat and bread as cheap as the world can produce."

Sir Charles marked that the ground of complaint is now changed : "for the difficulties of the owners and occupiers of land, is now substituted the general distress of the agricultural body—including, of course, the working population." Upon this point the prophets on the other side have proved signally in the wrong. "I am prepared to assert, broadly and without fear of contradiction, that the agricultural labourers never were, within the me- mory of man, in so prosperous a condition as at this moment ; and that even where a reduction of wages has taken place it has been far from being com- mensurate with the advantages of a reduction in the price of food and house- hold necessaries." Even Mr. George Frederick Young now admits, "Since the repeal of the Corn-laws, wages have in some degree been reduced, but not to an amount equivalent to the reduction of the price of food." Sir Charles established this admission of Mr. Young's by a great array of figures on the relative fall of _prices and wages in the last few years. He then dealt With the tobacco, malt, and tithe grievances ; dismissing them with argu- ments and statements already familiar to the economical student. The "local burdens" complaint he treated with the superior air of one who had himself be- fore demolished the plea; showing that the relative proportion which land holds in the mass of real property has undergone such a revolution that the incidence of local taxation is altogether diverted. In 1815, land was 64 per cent of the real property of the country; in 1849, it was only 44 per cent : if, therefore, you transfer to the public exchequer 100/., of that transfer 561. would be removed from other property and only 441. from land. The sug- gestions of amendment to the partnership law, and for cheapening capital; were briefly met by the assertion that capital is already abundantly cheap in "the City," and the remark that Sir Charles would be sorry to trust one of his farms to the combined intellect of a joint-stock company. Against a na- tional rate he quoted the opinion of the Member for Surrey, who has practi- cal knowledge on the subject, and added his own strong protest : "it would be the greatest possible evil that could happen to this country that the poor- rate should be converted into a national rate." The "prosperity of the country" then drew forth an array of figures; placing in a strong but not a new light the great advance of industrial produce and exports. The picture which Sir Charles was thus enabled to draw, was in his opi- nion a good reason for asking the House to reject Mr. Disraeli's motion ; and he enforced his request by reference to the opinion of the deeply- lamented statesman whose loss is more than ever seen on occasions like the present, when his assistance would have been so valuable. "I call upon those who concurred with that right honourable gentleman in proposing those measures—I call upon the majority of this House also, whether on that side of it or on this, by whose support he was enabled to carry those measures, to stand by them now—not to flinch from them when they arc ex- posed to repeated attacks and subjected to serious trials; and I hope soon to hear the confession, that those measures have proved as beneficial to the agri- cultural interest as they are shown to be at thus moment to every other class of the community, and to the working population from one end of the land to the other."

The motion was briefly supported by Mr. Gannon &smuts, and op. posed by Mr. Witttast BROWN ; and then, on the motion of the Marquis of GRANBY; the debate was adjourned till Thursday.

The speeches of the adjourned debate on Thursday were not without economical and statistical facts of sonic weight, but the main interest of the discussion on that day centres in the political tone imparted by Sir James Graham's collation of the party declarations made by Mr. Dis- raeli on the question of protection—a tone which was echoed in the pero- ration of the Premier.

The debate was opened by the Marquis of GRANBY; with a speech of statistics, directed to prove that the depreciation of the crops which is

the cause of agricultural distress amounts to no less than 50,000,0001.; pointing out, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer hail carefully avoided reference to Scotland in his statements of the prosperity of the labouring classes, because there was actually an increase of 4000 paupers in that part of the kingdom in 1850 as compared with 1849 ; and contradicting the statement that the agricultural labourers even in this- country are well off, inasmuch as in the parishes near Lord Granby's residence the reduction of persons employed on the roads is almost wholly due not to increase of wages or cheapening of food, but to emigration under the pressure of want.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM rose with a number of other Members, but all gave way to him at once.

Sir James instantly fixed on the opinion expressed by the Marquis of than- by that the labourer has not partaken of the general prosperity ; and pointed to it as a retractation of the immense admission made by Mr. Disraeli, that, excepting the landlords and the occupiers of the soil, the general condition of the great body of the people is prosperous, happy, and contented. As this question of the condition of the labourer lies at the root of the whole subject, he proceeded to combat the retractation of the Marquis of Granby, and to support by proofs the admission of Mr. Disraeli. Premising that the depression in the price of corn has been somewhat greater and the duration of that depression somewhat longer than he anticipated, he gave statements in relation to the letting of farms in Cumberland., which at once met con- trary statements made on Tuesday by Mr. Hodgson the Member for Car- lisle, and raised a strong inference that the agricultural labourer in Cumber- land must be well employed. He said—"I stand here this moment without an acre of laud unlet winch I wish to let ; I have not for the last five years changed two tenants who pay me above 100/. a year ; and I have not an arrear of 300/. on my whole rental." Generally of his county he stated, that shopkeepers retiring from business, small merchants in country towns—these persons, attracted by the pleasures of an agricultural life—(Ironical cheers and laughterfrom the Protectionists)—these persons, the small traders of capital in country towns, are now waiting the moment to make investments in farina ; and in consequence, the competition for farms is unusually great. Sir James knows of his individual experience, that on any change of present occupiers men with good capital are found ready to take them. So much for his own neighbourhood : his friend and neighbour the Duke of Buccleuch, one of the greatest proprietors in the South of Scotland, and one who differed from hint on the question of free trade, has not in Roxburghshire and Dumfries let laud falling out of lease at any diminution of rent. A single instance alluded to by Mr. Disraeli in East Lothian was one where the farm had been pre- viously in the hands of the owner; it had never been calculated to be worth more than 1800/. a year, but a speculative farmer took it at 2200/.; he made an imprudent and improvident bargain, and the rent is reduced a little below 1800/. But the best test of the state of things in Scotland is the value of the fee-simple : now the value of the fee-simple among that shrewd and sagacious people has increased since the repeal of the Corn-laws. Recurring to England, a late nobleman of great ability and integrity, of great sagacity in the pursuit of his objects and perseverance in the pursuit of them, Lord George Bentinck, promoted a scheme for reclaim- ing from the sea a new English county : has the project been abandoned since his death ? On the contrary, it proceeds as vigorously as ever, and half of the

Victoria County—[Lord Hussy BENTINCE.—" Six hundred thousand acres"

—is to be gained. Such proofs of the soundness of the new fiscal system brought Sir James Graham to the conclusion that the day for recalling protection, the day for any attempt to enhance the price of food, is passed. "And why do I say so ? I say there is not a ploughboy who treads the heaviest clay in Engtuul who does not feel practically his condition im- proved within the last three years : and he knows the reason why. (Cheers.) I tell you there is not a shepherd on the most distant and barren hill of Scotland who does not now have daily a cheaper and a larger mess of por- ridge than he ever had before : and he also knows the reason why. (Cheers.) I tell you again there is not a weaver in the humblest cottage in Lancashire who has not fuller and cheaper meals, without any fall in his wages, than

he had before : and he knows the reason why. (Renewed cheers.) Now I must tell you the whole truth : the time has arrived when the truth fully must be spoken. I will speak of another class still. There is not a soldier who returns to England from abroad that does not practically feel that his daily pay is augmented, that he has a cheaper, larger, and a better mess, and that he enjoys greater comforts : and he also knows the reason. (Cheers.) Now, Sir, I entreat my honourable friends who sit below me to be on their' guard. You may convulse the country—you may endanger property—you may shake our institutions to the foundations—("Hear, hear ! "from Lord John Russell, and cheers from the Government benehes)—but I am satisfied that there is no power in 'England which can pormanently enhance by force of law the price of bread. (Renewed cheers) Now, that is my honest and firm conviction. The peace of this country, my own possessions, arc as dear to me as to any honourable gentleman who sits on the benches below me; but I feel we have arrived at the period when it is necessary to speak the truth, and I have spoken it without reservation." (Repeated dicers.) From these considerations Sir James passed to an examination of the true drift of the very fair and able statement of Mr. Disraeli. That speech pre- sented a great many things declared to be objectionable, but which the mover did not seek to remove, and a great many things which he indicated as remedies, that he refused to press. Among the former are the prohibition upon the growth of tobacco and the duty on beet-root sugar—complaints so fal- lacious as to cause surprise at their mention by so astute a person ; the Malt-tax, which Lord Stanley has specifically declared it would be inex- pedient to repeal ; and the cultivation of land en commandite, notwithstand- ing the teaching experience :of the honourable Member for Nottingham ! Then as to the law of settlement : on that subject let Mr. Disraeli beware of lions in his path—Mr. Bankes and Mr. Henley will be against him, and the whole landed interest will be divided in opinion as to the benefit of a union settlement and a union rate. On the question of a national rate Sir James Graham expressed his own opposite view with decision. "A national rate for the relief of the poor would, as I believe, hand over the property of this country and the industry of this country to the idleness and the poverty caused by indolence. Such a measure would be Socialism in its most dan- gerous form." Upon tithes he declared, "the less the landlords say on tins' subject the better." "The poet's advice to the parson-

'Stick to thy pudding, friend.

And hold thy tongue'—

is applicable to us." Mr. Disraeli had said, the best course which he as a leader of Opposition could take would be to recommend that certain local burdens should be placed on the Consolidated Fund : as a party tactician that might be his best course, but with reference to the public welfare, no course could be more objec- tionable or even dangerous ; for all experience teaches that "charges once placed on that fund are seldom revised, seldom abated, and never removed."

Mr. Disraeli does not ask you to return to protection; but the Marquis of Granby is better satisfied with frankly declaring that in his opinion it would be better to return to protection. The discrepancy attracts attention, and provokes examination of the motion. If it does not mean return to.protec- ion, what in the name of common sense does it mean? With this in airy as a thread, Sir James quoted from his own notes the various deciara- tions of party policy with reference to protection which Mr. Disraeli has lately made. Last session he declared that the most safe, the most efficacious, the most popular course with the community, would be the re- establishment of the laws regulating the importation of foreign produce. Subsequently he said, "We still believe that the principles on which you have constructed your commercial code are fallacious." On the 21st of February, "I do not bate one jot of what I have declared" on the policy of a "return to protection," and on the raising from corn of a "revenue which would have the effect of protection." But on Tuesday last he declared that he will no more attempt "in this Parliament" to bring back protection ; and afterwards he said, "It would be most disastrous for the community that you should accord those claims which, in the spirit of severe justice, the agricultural interest has a right to prefer." Observe : this points to com- promise; what is that compromise ? It has been proposed by Mr. M'Cul- loch that the deficiency, in the revenue might be supplied by a fixed duty on corn," &e. Now, putting the best interpretation on these mystical revela- tions, and borrowing glossarial aid from the declarations of the Duke of Richmond, Sir James could draw forth no other than this meaning—" that the object of the honourable gentleman and his party is to turn out the present Administration, to dismiss the Parliament, to return to protection in the next Parliament, and to reimpose a duty upon corn." Frankly avowed, there can be no more legitimate policy for a party. But Sir James, while knowing not what the result of that attempt may be, sees clearly in it the elements of a great and serious struggle : and with that prospect he sounds the alarm to the country.. "I see a party of gentlemen below me—a.party. whose names are distinguished, whose influence is great —respected in their neighbourhoods, endowed with hereditary and personal virtues, enjoying a great position, and exercising, as I said before, great in- fluence, an influence which has always met with attention on the part of the Government,—I see that party, with a body of their constituents at their back, that powerful party, which has no insignificant leader ; for the mover of this resolution is the accredited leader of that party: very early I duly appreciated the great talents of the honourable gentleman, and the time 18 arrived when it is impossible to deny his merits or his great and command- ing ability as a debater in this House. Nor do this party want leaders in another place ; for they are guided by a nobleman—forward as he is ever wont to be in the battle—of dauntless courage, high abilities, and spotless character. I have stood beside him in the fray, and I know how formidable his vigorous attack upon his enemies. I know also the breadth of his shield, ever stretched out to protect his friends- ' Experto credite, quantus

In clypeuro assurgat, quo turbine torqucat hastarn.'

We must gird up our loins. I know not that even now the words Up, Guards, and at them!' have not been given. We must prepare for a serious conflict. We must stand on our arms and close our ranks, and prepare our- selves for a firm, manly, uncompromising resistance.

"There is a point on which I would wish to touch before I sit down, but my heart is so deeply grieved that my tongue refuses to utter what I feel. The author, the champion of that policy which I think it is the tendency of this motion to reverse, has been withdrawn from us. Ile has ceased from his labour—he is at rest, and takes no longer a share in these angry strifes and contentions. But although he is dead he still speaks, and from his tomb, as it were, I hear the echo of his voice in this House. Well do I re- member the memorable words—and do not you forget them—when he closed the peroration of that magnificent speech which he delivered upon the oc- casion of the discussion to which I have before referred. His words were these—'I still adhere to my opinion and belief; and earnestly I hope that I may never live to see the day when the House of Commons will retrace its steps.' He indeed is gone but may the omen be averted that the House of Commons is about to retrace its steps! Ins gigantic strength is wanting to us ; my voice is feeble, my power insignificant—but TUT part is taken. I hold it to be my sacred duty and sacred trust to defend that policy to the best of my ability. As a proof of my sincerity, as an earnest of my zeal, I will give an unhesitating vote against this proposition." (Loud and continued cheering.) Several Members again rose simultaneously, but all gave way in de- ference to the cry of' "New Member!" Mr. 1■00KER, as one of the last- chosen representatives of an agricultural constituency, took a part in the discussion on the Protectionist side.

Declaring at the outset that he would address himself to the topics that required notice, he followed the order of the Queen's Speech, taking its prin- cipal points seriatim. He argued, that the increase of produce and exports is no more than is due to the increase of our population—which will prove to be about three millions in the decennium since the last census. He quoted shipping and trade figures to show that the commerce of 1849 left a tremendous balance of trade against this country ; and stated that at this moment "there are rumours in the City of a very disastrous character respecting Scotland; and from Manchester also there are no encouraging accounts.', Mr. LABOUCHERE followed with an array of figures to prove'that ship- ping has increased considerably in the last year, and especially that the ships now building are of largely increased average burden.

Mr. CAYLEY maintained that the revenue of England has not in- creased; on the contrary, the " ordinary " revenue has fallen; under the boasted free trade ; and that the poor-rates also have increased a million above the average of the years 1844-'5-'6.

Mr. CARDWELL declared himself completely mystified by the figures of Mr. Booker and Mr. Cayley : he quoted effectively from the circulars of two great Protectionist firms at Liverpool, to the effect that there is a re- nmrkable revival in the inquiry for goods both for home use and export, a greater feeling of security, and the hope that the frightful losses of 1847 and 1848 may be fairly cancelled by the gains of 1849 and 1850.

Lord JOCELYN briefly justified himself from any imputation that by voting for the motion he would be turning traitor to the policy of 1845: with Mr. BAILLIE COCHRANE he voted for the motion because the distress is admitted amidst the general prosperity. Mr. Miners, who was the last speaker, stated that he should support the motion because the farmers cannot live on either oats or "hopes." Colonel DUNNE supported the motion as a representative of agricultural Ireland. Mr. COBDEN appears to have been made anxious by the position of the Irish Members. He hoped that no temporary excitement on their part against the Government would induce them to vote for the motion." Mr. MOORE, however, avowed at once, that one of the reasons of his vote for the motion was his hope that the result would refresh the devotion of Mi- nisters to the principle of civil and religious liberty, which they hold with such enthusiasm in Oppoeition.

Lord Joss; RUSSELL assured the House, that if no more than the em- barrassment or fate of the Ministry were involved in the discussion, he should not think it necessary to trouble them.

Like Sir James Graham, he felt that the object of the motion was that protection which was concealed during the greater part of Mr. Disraeli's speech. It points at a dissolution of Parliament and an appeal to the coun- try. What would be the effect of that course ?—Industry, trade and com- merce, suspended, and the employment of the labouring classes diminished, while the country awaited the doubtful fact of there being a vast majority of that House in favour of free trade. There would be no hope of tranquillity during the struggle. If the revenue is sufficient, employment is inc and crime diminished, in what respect can the House deem that it is injured in the general state of the kingdom and in the political tranquillity which prevails throughout ? Sir James Graham had alluded with that feeling which became him to the loss we have sustained in the death of a great statesman who began this course of legislation. "Without ever having been a friend of his," said Lord John Russell, "I hope I may be permitted to show his friends that I am not indifferent to his fame. (Cheers.) Love of fame, that last infirmity of noble minds,' i belonged to him as to others. He did wish that his name should be hallowed n the gratitude of his country and I for my part could wish, that while I am consolidating the present mierests of this empire, I may be providing for his fame in future generations. That fame can only be sufficiently secured by the permanence of the policy with which his name is identified, and to which he was able to induce you to agree." Mr. Disuses,' summed up the debate. He regretted the introduction of questions beside the one to which he had. endeavoured to confine himself—whether or not farmers are unduly taxed ; and if so, whether or not Ministers should bring forward some measure to remove the injustice. He had not proposed to repeal the Malt-tax or abro- gate the Tobacco-law, but had called on the House to see if they could not wisely deal with them. If Lord Stanley would not repeal the Malt-tax, Mr. Disraeli knew a right honourable gentleman who once would have sanc- tioned the repeal. (Vociferous cheering and much laughter.) His ancient and respected antagonist, Sir Charles Wood, has been cautioned against Poor- law statistics ; but you cannot keep him away from the union. (Laughter.) He is an ablebodied labourer, receiving good wages—not excessive, but in full work and good wages, yet nothing could keep him from prowling about the workhouse. (Renewed laughter.) Whenever they came into collision, he always found the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the workhouse, and in the workhouse he would leave him. (Shouts of laughter.) The "oracle of the West Riding" denied that he had ever prophesied the 'price of corn : Mr. Disraeli fixed him as the prime offender in that respect, and quoted from him a comparison of prices here and in Jersey, on which he had founded the inference that pnces here would exceed 50s. a quarter. On the speech of the First Minister he had little to say : his position is unhappy, and Mr. Disraeli has for him all the sympathy which Mr. Cobden expresses for the land. Glancing at the Irish Members, Mr. Disraeli expressed a hope that they would not be daunted by the mystical references of the First Minis- ter, or by the more authoritative threats that might reach them from any other quarter. From feelings of delicacy which he could appreciate, the owners of the soil have not come forward to vindicate, as they ought to have done, the interests of the tenantry let them now open a new mra of justice to all.

-On a division, the votes were—

For Mr. Disraeli's motion 267 Against it 281 Majority against the motion 14 The Opposition greeted with enthusiastic cheers the announcement of the numbers.

PAPAL AGGRESSION : ECCLESIASTICAL TITUS BILL.

The debate on the bill introduced on Friday last by Lord John Rus- sell, to prevent the assumption of certain ecclesiastical titles in respect of places in the United Kingdom, was resuraed on Monday ; when there were delivered two official speeches, two or three orations by unofficial Members of mark, and some declarations by minor personages.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL gave that authoritative and detailed explana- tion of the yet unproduced bill which some speakers had called for on Friday.

In its whole extent, the offence to be dealt with was the introduction of a bull by which certain persons were designated by the Pope to assume certain territorial sees and dioceses defined by certain limits in this country. It is a safe maxim of politics to make your remedy only commensurate with and not more extensive than the evil you combat—not to legislate against pos- sible evils not yet arisen. One portion of the offence—a very large portion of it, the inside to this country—has been most suitably met by the unmis- takeable expression of opinion which has been made throughout the country. But beyond insult there is injury to deal with—injury of a twofold character : with the .spiritual injury the Legislature has nothing to do; it is with the temporal injury that the Legislature has now to deal. It is said that the ef- fect of the bull will be to give to certain persons assuming the titles of Bishops and Archbishops of dioceses and sees, the power of dealing with the appointments relating to religious endowments made by Roman Catholics ; to enable them to deal with charitable and religious property in a manner dif- ferent and more extensive than hitherto. It is important to stop any person under the canon law and dependent on the Pope—as undoubtedly these Bishops will be—from dealing with the rights of British subjects in such new and different manner. The point at which this intervention can be in- terposed is when appointments come to be adjudicated on by the courts of law— when those courts are asked to take cognizance of every species of Roman Ca- tholic endowment., and enforce the trusts connected with them; for at that point those courts inquire into the rights of such appointments as mere facts to be ascertained, and refer to the authority of the Roman Catholic Bishops to know the legality of those appointments. If the provisions of the Roman Catholic Relief Act have been found effectual for preventing the assumption of the titles to sees already existing—a matter on which the Attorney- General could not profess to express any opinion—it might be equally ex- pected to have a similar effect in preventing the assumption of titles from places within the United Kingdom. The bill therefore extends in this larger sense the provision of the Roman Catholic Relief Act, which imposes a penalty of 1001. for every offence. The bill goes further; it proposes that every gift, devise, or bequest of real or personal property to any person claim- lag to be a bishop, &e., shall be of no avail in a court of law to enable such person in his quality of bishop to do that which would be perfectly valid done in any other character ; such gift shall only be of avail to pass the pro- perty the Queen, who may dispose of it according to her equitable view. The effect will he, not the least prevention of beneficial gifts to any Roman Catholics simply as Roman Catholics; such gifts will be protected and ad- ministered by the courts with the same equal justice for every one of her Majesty's subjects, of whatever religion, as at the present moment : but the provision will totally paralyze the temporal power of any Roman Catholic assuming the titles against which the bill is directed.

To the objection that the bill does not deal with the particular case of a Roman Catholic priest or prelate by menaces and the terrors of eternal punishment inducing a person to forego the performance of the rights and duties of citizenship—as enlistment in the army, or the giving of evidence in the courts of justice—a twofold answer is made : first, the case has not yet arisen, and it would be improper to evoke it by anticipation ; secondly, if such a question do arise, the Attorney-General has no doubt that it will be an offence at common law, which the courts will be found already sufficiently strong to punish. The objection that the law will be resisted—strongly hinted by Mr. Rey- nolds, who opened the debate on Monday—Sir John Romilly discredited. He believed that a large body of the Roman Catholic laity are so bound down by their religion, by party feeling, and by a regard for the honour of their church, that they cannot fully express their feeling of the advantages promised by the measure to themselves : admitting the hazard of political prophecies, he prophesied that they will not resist ; however, if it shall be ne- cessary to take more stringent measures the powers of Parliament will be found to be of the strongest kind, and fully adequate to make a measure that shall amply meet the case.

The other official speech was by Sir GEORGE GREY; who at great length rebutted several of the many charges advanced against Ministers, of having encouraged, or having at least been beforehand cognizant of, the coming aggression.

Ile especially dealt with the letter addressed by Mr. Disraeli to the Lord- Lieutenant of the county of Buckingham ; dissecting its phrases seriatim, and endeavouring to establish, that though doubtless it was no "blunder of a sudden," he never saw a document from beginning to end containing a greater collection of blunders. The Roman Catholic Prelates in Ireland had no precedence given to them by her Majesty over the nobles and digni- taries of the Established Church, but took exactly the same position that they took at their reception by George the Fourth on his visit to Ireland ; and in presenting their addresses, they, with scrupulous propriety, desig- nated themselves as the "undersigned Bishops of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland." The designation in the Gazette of Dr. Crolly and Dr. Murray as " Roman Catholic Primate" and " Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin" was done, as has been explained before, by a subordinate official "inadver- tently and contrary to custom," as that official has himself by letter ex- plained. Mr. Disraeli has fallen into the vulgar error, that if you call a man a Lord you make him a Peer, and has assumed that Dr. Wiseman must as Cardinal "take the wall of his Grace of Canterbury, and the highest nobles of the land" : one can hardly conceive that such a blunder should have originated with a gentleman so well-informed as Mr. Disraeli. No such title conferred by any foreign sovereign can be assumed by a British subject without the licence of the Crown Dr. Wiseman has not applied for that licence, and has no shadow of right precedence here. The leading speeches of an unofficial character were delivered by Lord ASHLEY, MT. PAGE WOOD, and Mr. TORRRNS APCULLA.GM.

Lord ASHLEY met the argument that the proceeding of the Pope is ne- cessary to the development of the Roman Catholic religion.

He granted that the act of 1829 gave full right and privilege to the Ro- man Catholics to diffuse, extend, and promote their religion ; he allowed that the Roman Catholics have full power to convert their Vicars-Apostolic into Bishops ; he knew perfectly well the detriment we should receive from the constitution of such a hierarchy, although it appears to be in perfect conformity with the concessions made in 1829. But no one has proved that territorial titles are necessary to the exercise of episcopal functions. They are worldly and material affairs of high importance, but the office of a bishop is spiritual altogether. In nothing was this distinction more clearly shown than in the very appointment of a Protestant Bishop in Jerusalem, which Dr. Wiseman had quoted on the other side. Instead of being styled "Bishop of Jerusalem."—which would be a territorial and therefore an aggressive title—he was styled in his deed of consecration, "Alexander, Bishop of the United Church of England and Ireland, resident in Jerusalem." This distinc- tion between territorial and personal dignity, has been observed by nations in matters of civil sovereign ride, as well as in these instances of ecclesiastical government. The revolutions of 1830 in France and Belgium placed on the throne Kings who were specifically entitled "King of the French," and not "of France," and "King of the Belgians," not "of Belgium ": there was the testimony of two nations as to the importance of a territorial title. The terri- torial office is unrestricted ; the personal one is restricted to those alone who yield it submission; and this office is sufficient for all the purposes of spiritual rule.

' Lord Ashley quoted Mr. Hallam's impartial historic testimony on the aggressive opposition of the canon law to the civil laws of every realm; its declarations that "the laws of kings are not preeminent over the ecclesiasti- cal law, but are subordinate to them," and that "oaths disadvantageous to the interests of the Church are not to be considered as oaths, but rather as perjuries." Towards the close of his speech, Lord Ashley made an Anti-Tractarian di- ion ; and declared that the Protestant laity of this country will, 'under God's blessing, incur every hazard, try every alternative, and shrink from no consequences whatever, in their endeavours to bring back the Church they love still nearer and nearer to the standard of the glorious Reformation.

Mr. PAGE WOOD spoke with much weight on the legal bearings of the subject, international and domestic. Jie especially worked out the distinction between the personal and terri- torial jurisdiction, marked by Lord Ashley ; showed that the word "diocess" has from the time when Cicero himself used it (speaking of the diocess of Moist) meant a local district, including every inhabitant in it, and that a Bishop of Westminster is therefore a widely different thing from a Bishop in Westminster ; added illustrations founded on the personal and unterri- torial jurisdiction in Turkey of the consular agents of the Levant Company ; and followed out the English law of the subject explained by the Attorney- General, by referring to the principle that it is an indictable offence to hold even a court-lest, the smallest jurisdiction known to our law, without a dele,eation of authority from the Crown or by Parliament. In reference to Dr. Wiseman's implied excuse that every instrument has its proper form, he stated that the instrument by which Pope Gregory the Sixteenth enlarged the English vicariates spoke throughout not of a Roman Catholic Church in Eng- land but merely of the members of the Roman Catholic faith in England. He referred with pleasure to an encyclical letter in which the four chief Patri- archs of the East had repudiated with astonished indignation the insulting aggression of the Bishop of Rome.

Mr. TORRENS M'CussAGH maintained that a Parliament not exclusively Protestant, not exclusively Anglican, not exclusively of any denomination, is not justified in setting open again the gates of sectarian legislation and the policy of ascendancy.

He defended the appointment of Dr. Cullen : the Irish Roman Catholic bishops and priests differed in their judgment, and the wise course was taken in Rome of selecting another person. The charge is made that the Round'. Synod at Thurks assumed secular jurisdiction by addressing the Irish peo- ple respecting the Queen's Colleges and the land question : but if arch- bishops and bishops are not warranted in giving an opinion on the educa- tion of the people he saw no subjects to which they would be justified in referring. The reference to the land was extremely brief, and not distinct: in our own Church, Latimer had spoken of landlords as " rent-raisers" and "step-lords," who had made a "portentous dearth," and brought populous neighbourhoods to the solitude of possession only " by a shepherd and a dog." The other speakers were Mr. REYNOLDS and Mr. GRATTAN, from the Irish Romanist point of view, and Mr. CONOLLY, from the English Pro- testant point of view. Mr. PHILIP Howmtn moved the adjournment of the debate. Lord JOHN RUSSELL divided against the motion, and was supported by 364 to 59 ; but then consented to an adjournment till Wed- nesday.

In the adjourned debate on Wednesday, speeches in favour of legisla- tion but not altogether in support of the particular bill explained, were

made by Mr. NAPIER, Mr. SPOONER, Colonel Tnomrsow, and Mr. AN-

smy—if he should be allowed to amend it so as to exclude Ireland from its operation. The most distinctive of the speeches against the measure were those by Mr. KEOGH, Mr. A. B. Hors, and Mr. HUME. The other speakers were Mr. PHILIP HowAnn and Mr. Oswasn, from their different points of view against the bill, and Lord JOHN Resssis with personal explanations. The debate came to a premature end.

Mr. NAPIER felt that it was somewhat strange, after Parliament had assured her Majesty that they would devote their best consideration to

any measure that might be laid before them on the subject of Papal ag- gression, that they should now be engaged for the third clay in discussing whether or not a bill should be laid before them.

Whatever was his opinion on the subject of Catholic Emancipation, (and that opinion remained unchang-cd,) he is ready to take his stand on the act of 1829, and to vote against the measure if it be adverse to that act : but he holds that, for the sake of the Roman Catholic laity themselves, some mea- sure is absolutely required, for they cannot speak freely and openly for themselves. He had lately read a letter written by a Roman Catholic, which commented upon the proceedings of the Synod of Thurles, and declared those proceedings to be downright persecution of the Catholic laity of Ireland. Many Roman Catholics had told him the same thing. It was a species of tyranny exercised over them, and yet they had not any power to resist the oppression. Nay, some of its decisions had been stated to have been carried

under such powerful influence on the part of the Holy See, that many of the Bishops themselves surrendered their own opinions, and yielded to a power they felt themselves unable to resist. He supported the proposed measure' as not only a just and wise measure, but as a merciful measure.

On the point of the encouragement given to the Pope by our Government Mr. Napier contributed a scrap of information. The letter of Lord Clarendon to the Roman Catholic Archbishop Murray, in 1848, was taken to Rome by Dr. Murray. In an Italian letter published by Dr. Mule ay at Rome in the same year 1848, of which Mr. Napier has a translation, Dr. Murray, anxious to induce the Roman See to accede to the proposition of the English Govern- ment, took a review of the policy of the English Government for the last thirty years, to show how favourable it had been to the Church of Rome. The writer enumerated the various measures that had been passed,—such as the striking off of ten bishops from the Protestant Church in Ireland, the withholding from Protestants of any share in the public grant for the purpose/

of education, the giving to Maynooth 30,0004 a year for the ceelesiastiell education of the Roman Catholics. If the Government be now about to assume the attitude of independence, let it, in God's name, no longer crouch at the feet of the Pope, asking his leave to enact statutes and seeking his permission to enforce our laws. Mr. SPOONER thanked Lord John Russell for his frank and straight- forward letter, and for his bold and manly speech • and advised him, if he

were unfairly pressed, to tin-ow himself upon the Protestant feeling of the people of this great country, who would not allow their Queen to be in- sulted or their principles outraged. Nevertheless, Mr. Spooner trusted Lord John would excuse him if be said that the explanation which he gave of the bill, and the second explanation given by the Attorney-General, had fallen considerably short of the expecta- tions entertained by the public.

Colonel THOMPSON would refuse to interfere in any quarrel with Eng- lish or Irish Roman Catholics ; but he must maintain that there has been an aggression.

" The way not to see it is not to look for it in the right place, and to look somewhere else for it. But there was plenty of it here." . . . . The tau- gunge of L' Univers has been, not that the time has come for restoring the

Catholicity of England, but for putting down Protestantism by force of arms. Was that a friendly interlocution on the part of the French Catholics ? He

had heard during this debate eight distinct allusions to a body of men with whom he had hereditary connexions of which he was proud. It was said that the Wesleyan Methodists had an organization somewhat resembling that of the Catholics. No doubt they had, and a great deal more. They possessed societies, and districts, and superintendents in France ; and, if they went to France and proclaimed there that France was and always would

be a dependency of England—if at every opportunity they advanced the

old claim of England to govern that country—would they have a right to complain if they found that the French Government did not regard them

with a favourable eye ? Colonel Thompson had asked the French COIISUI

how the Methodists behaved in that country. The Consul replied that they were the best subjects that France had ; that other sects were always quarrelling, but that the Methodists never quarrelled with anybody. If the Catholics had been guided by the same wisdom, they might have done everything they could reasonably have desired in this country : it was owing to the decided offence given to England by the See of Rome that all this evil and mischief had arisen. Colonel Thompson confessed he should have been glad if Lord John Russell had proceeded further than he had gone in the bill. He should have recognized much more prudence in supplying the 5th and 13th of Elizabeth with reasonable penalties, such as he had no doubt the penalties of this bill would be.

Mr. ANSTEY reasserted the point lately made by him, that the Roman Catholics of Ireland are entitled by canon law to resist any attempt of the character of the late letters-apostolic ; and he founded on that point a defence of the special case of the assumption of titles by the Irish Pre- lates.

The Irish clergy are empowered by their present constitution to do every- thing at home for themselves, and they have no occasion to go to Rome ex- cept as a last resort. The titles which it is proposed to prohibit by this bill, as regards Ireland, are titles not imposed by a foreign prince, but assumed by British subjects. Why should not British subjects in Ireland be allowed to assume titles of the same character which are allowed to be assumed with impunity by Britieh subjects in Scotland? The Bishops of the Episcopal Church in :ems tland will still be allowed to style themselves bishops of their respective sees without permission of the Crown ; and why ? Because the titles were not imposed by a foreign prince. Well, that is the case with-the Irish Prelates too, though it is not the case with the English hierarchy created by the -letters-apostolical of last year. He feared that the bill must be defective on a point in addition to those he lately indicated ; it could only

deal with future temporalities. It would be impossible for any court of law

or equity, unless authorized by act of Parliament, to refuse the assistance of their own writs for the purpose of enforcing the letters-apostolic of the Pope with regard to existing trusts. He should move the omission of every clause in the bill relating to Ireland ; and he should also use his utmost endeavours to amend the bill for the benefit of the English Roman Catholics, their li- berties, properties, and rights.

Mr. Rama marked the opposition of opinion between Mr. Page Wood and the Law-officers of the Crown respecting the assumption of titles.

Mr. Wood says the law has been violated ; Lord John Russell has distinctly told the House that the Attorney-General and Solicitor-General were of opinion that the statute law has not teen violated. Mr. Keogh has examined the former briefs by the Pope appointing apostolic vicars, and he finds that they contained every word used in the recent brief : where, .then, is the territorial assumption in the one that was not in the other ?

The criticisms of Mr. Keogh on the encouragement given to the Holy See by our Government were partly the provocatives which brought out the per- zonal declaration made at the end of the debate by Lord John Russell. He requoted the declarations made in 1844, 1845, and 1846. On the first occa- sion, Lord John declared that the law by which it is provided that Roman Catholic Bishops shall not be allowed to style themselves by tho name of the diocese over which they preside is "a most foolish prohibition." Next year be again said, "I believe that we might repeal those disallowing clauses which prevent a Roman Catholic Bishop assuming a title held by a Bishop of the Established Church. I cannot conceive any good ground for the con- tinuance of this restriction." In 1846, he pithily repeated himself in these words—" As to preventing persons assuming particular titles, nothing can be more absurd and puerile than to keep up such a distinction." How, asked Mr. Keogh, could the Pope mean to insult this country by an act which he had every reason to believe would be acceptable to the Ministers of the Crown ? One difficulty that would be evoked by the particular measure, he was already made cognizant of. There was a venerable Prelate in the House the other night, a Prelate who had never taken part in political agitations, and who had never assumed any of the titles against which this enactment was directed [Dr. M‘Gettigan was understood in the reporters' gallery] ; and

the opinion a that Prelate, alter carefully listening to the details of the pro- position, was, that without violating the law, which he would not do, he would be unable to exercise his episcopal functions if the bill were carried. Was Lord John Russell prepared for this consequence of his measure ?

With reference to the condemnation of the Queen's Colleges in Ireland by the Synod of Thurles, Mr. Keogh made this statement. So far were the educated Catholics from being disposed to approve of what was done in the Synod of Thurles, that the most distinguished members of that body were about to publish a paper expressive of their opinions on the subject, and con- demning any interference by the clergy in temporal stabs, when they were stopped by the appearance of the noble Lord's extraordinary letter.

Mr. A. R. Hors confessed that he experienced no small degree of sur- prise at the petty details into which the Attorney-General had entered in

his explanation of the bill; but he had felt greater surprise that Lord John Russell should have brought forward any such measure at all, under the peculiar circumstances which now exist. What so likely to foster the priestly tyranny of which the laity of the Roman Catholic Church are said to complain, as legislation that would com- pel their synodical action to be clandestine, and their briefs to be circulated surreptitiously, instead of being published in the face of day and exposed to the searching examination of the public press ? There was only one thing the Roman Catholic hierarchy wanted, and that was position. That which they had to make for themselves the noble Lord with an unwilling generosity had made for them. By this tedious, vexatious, inoperative persecution, he had, with little danger to the Roman hierarchy, put them upon a pedestal of easy martyrdom. The noble Lord had visited them with just enough of persecution to make them interesting to their flocks, and to give them that position of dignity which it might have taken them some time to achieve for themselves. Mr. Hope did not blame her Majesty's Govern- ment for the inoperative nature of the measure, for a really operative mea- sure would have caused a rebellion in Ireland. He was therefore glad the noble Lord had sunk his own consistency in preserving the good older of the empire.

Mr. HUME wished the bill had been laid upon the table at once, with- out a word having been said about it ; that the House might have seen it.

They had heard from the Attorney-General a statement very different from that made by the noble Lord, so that he could not reconcile the two ; and

he had no doubt that the bill when brought in would prove to be a different

bill from that which would have been laid upon the table if the House had agreed to the noble Lord's motion without opposition. Probably it would undergo some further alteration and amendment if the debate were adjourned : so that the House were discussing a measure without knowing what would be proposed to them, lie was disappointed in the measure; it is one of re- trograde persecution. Ile remembered when there were only 8000 troops in Ireland ; now there are 45,000, and they must send 45,000 more if her Ma- jesty's Ministers are to be hounded on to persecute the religion of the sis- ter country. He wanted free trade in religion ; and let him who had the best defend it.

Mr. Pmuxe HOWARD, in a speech of considerable length, stood for- ward in the hour of peril to defend his faith ; to defend, with what Whit-

bread called an "intrepid moderation," a cause that is now identified with that of religious liberty. He warned the Crown of the example of Austria, when, by interference with the religious principles of her sub-

jects, she lost the Netherlands, -the brightest jewel of her imperial crown ; and he ventured to tell the Government, that not only their legal inge- nuity but their physical endurance would be highly tested before they were able to carry into effect this persecuting enactment.

Mr. OSWALD pointed to the significant fact, that in the county which he represents, the county of Ayr—the stronghold of the Covenanters—

there has been no public meeting held, not a single syllable uttered, to encourage this crusade against the religious liberties of one third of the people of the -United Kingdom.

He believed that the object.of the Pope has been a purely spiritual object; and he does not believe that the spiritual power of the Pope, who by acei- -dent is a foreigner, but who might be a British subject residing in a little house in Golden Square, is exerted one whit more than the spiritual power of the Free Church in Scotland, to whiellis friend the Secretaryof War be- longs. Lord Joins Russatt rose to deal with a.dmilile argument, usedly "Mr. Disraeli and enforeed by Mr. Keogh, with raved to -the former conduct of the Government on this subject.

One branch of that argument supposes that theHovernment of Rome as- sumed that this measure would be consented to here. On this point Lord John said—"I beg to recall to the recollection of the House, that, after all I stated in 1844 and I845—after all that may have passed at Rome during Lord Minto's mission there—some three _months after Lord Minto left Rome, I declared in this House that I had not given my consent, nor would I give my consent, to the erection of sees and dioceses in this country. Therefore, whatever misapprehension may have been entertained at any previous time, this declaration, which must have been well -known to the Roman Catholics in this-country, and soon afterwards to the authorities of Rome, who were advised from this country, must have precluded all belief on their pad that the English Government would be a -consenting or had been a consenting party to such a proceeding." The other branch makes the charge that the present actions of Lord John are inconsistent with his former declarations. thi.this point he said—"I am not about to say that those declarations, -that I thought it was puerile and.ohildish to prevent the assumption of the -titles held by the Bkheps of our Church by the Bishops of the ROM= Catholic Church—Lam not about to say that those opinions of mine are consistent with the opinions I now hold ; but I think I am justified in saying this—that whatever may have been my confidence with respect to the conduct of the Roman Catholic eeele- siastisn, or with respect to the conduct of the Pope, I have found since that time that that confidence was misplaced ; and I have thought it -better clearly and plainly to avow I was mistaken in the opinion I had formed, and that events have convinced me that I had trusted too much to their forbear- ance and respect for the eovereign power of this country : and therefore, -see- ing that that confidence was misplaeed, I must take measures in accordance with the events that have occuri ed.'

Ile repelled the charge, also mad 3 by Mr. Keogh, that the contrariety of the opinions was accounted for by the fact that they were respectively those of a man in opposition and a man in office. "I think that from honourable gen- tlemen who sit in this House as Roman "Catholics, and take the Roman Ca- tholic oath, I am entitled to some indulgence and credit for the motives by which I have been actuated with respect to the privileges of the Roman Catholic Church ; for it so happened, that for fourteen years I sat in this House, whenever I did give a vote I gave it for the admission of Roman Catholics to seats in this House. Ind I did so, as I have felt since, at the expense of the confidence of two popular constituencies; I did so against the opinion of the Prince then on the throne ; I did so against the opinion, as I believe, of the great majority of the people ; I did so following a man of immortal honour—following Henry Grattan, when the name of Henry Grattan betokened great eloquence and great public service. (Cheers and laughter.) In that conduct I went on, until, in 1829, Sir Robert Peel intro- duced a bill for the admission of Roman Catholics to this House ; and on the second reading of that bill he said, with a candour and manliness which did him the highest honour, that the measure was due to the exertions of Mr. Fox—to the exertions of Mr. Grattan—to the exertions of Plenkett—to the exertions of those who sat opposite to him, by whom the measure had been carried, by whom his opposition had been defeated, and of whom I was one." "At a subsequent period, when Sir Robert Peel introduced an act for the endow- ment of May nooth, gentlemen will recollect there was great popular feeling in this country, and there was hardly any of us who then sat on the Opposi- tion benches who-did not receive a letter from some constituents, saying that our seats were in peril, and that we never should be elected again if we voted for that bill. With very few exceptions we supported that bill, and in a great measure were the means of carrying that bill in this House. Without going on with other instances, I think the conduct of my public life has been such that it is not becoming for a Roman Catholic to rise in this House and say that what I did in 1844 said in 1845 was merely done to conciliate popu- lar opinion in Ireland." With reference to the bill, Lord John declared that if any words of it in- fringe on -religious liberty, he will willingly discuss the point of their-re- moval. If-the Holy See had made bishoprics "over Catholics in communion with the Church ot Rome—if the spiritual authority had been confined-to Roman Catholics, as the authority of the Free Church is confined to those who belong to the Free Church "—if such had been the case, we should not have had any reason to complain "But we do complain when, according to the letter of documents and the known law of Rome a pretension is as- serted that all baptized persons should submit to the foreign dominion of Rome." "If," said Lord John in conclusion, I cannot pretend that the course I am now pursuing is entirely consistent with the declaration I made in 1844 and 1845, I have this strong ground—that new and unexpected cir- cumstances have arisen, and that, in order to meet a new aggression, new means of defence are called for." (Much cheering.) Mr. FAGAN, amidst loud cries for a division, moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. LAWLESS seconded the motion, and was proceeding to address the House in support of it, when the SPEAKER took notice that it was "six of the clock," and, in obedience to the Standing Orders, adjourned the House.

ROMAN CATHOLIC RELIEF.

Mr. anisnotas ANS7EY moved on Monday for leave to bring in a bill for the repeal of all enactments against the religious profession or dis- cipline of her Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects.

It was the same bill as that of last session, with the exception that the clause respecting the admission of bulls from Rome had been omitted, as he thought it more decorous to omit mention of the matter at present ; and he had added a olause of a very stringent kind bearing on the Queen's temporal and ecclesiastical supremacy, so as to get rid of all scruples on the part of gentlemen opposite. All he asked for was leave to bring in his bill ; and all he wished for was to give Members an opportunity of following Lord Stan- ley's recommendation to look narrowly into the securities afforded by the Emancipation Act. Sir Romer hams thought it would have been more seemly and defe-

rential to the House if Mr. Anstey had foregone discussion on this sub- ject: he would test the opinion of the House. Sir GEORGE GREY was surprised at the reintroduction of the bill, after the reception it met last session. Mr. BEREsroRD moved an amendment, that leave be granted on that day six months.—Amendment carried, by 175 to 85. THE Ersecrren FRANCHISE.

Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY asked Lord John Russell, whether the Govern- ment intend during the present session to extend the right of voting for Members of Parliament; or to amend the deficiencies of the Reform-Act?

Lord Joust Rumena replied, that Ministers do not intend during this

session to extend the right of -voting. With -regard to the other question, Lord John has on previous occasions expressed his opinion that there are certain amendments of the Reform Act, and certain extensions-of-the suf- frage, which are desirable : he retains that opinion, and wiRproceed to act upon it when he thinks the proper time is come for doings°,

Lax Taus.

In the House of Peers, on Thursday, Lord CAMRBELL presented the bill for amentlingCriminal Procedure, -which passed the House last year, but from lateness was lost in the House of Commons.

It would deal with the enactment the defects of which have attracted public attention recently. [In connexion with the case of the Birds, in the 'Porchequer Chamber.] That enactment not being clearly worded, had brought some discredit on the administration of justice, but no part of that discredit was chargeable to the Judges; all lay entirely at the door of Par- liament.

Lord BROUGHAM withdrew his County Courts Extension Bill, to sub- stitute one with altered provisions in regard to fixing the Judges in their local position.

Law OFFICERS.

In reply to Mr. Joni.: STUART, Lord Jona:- -RUSSELL said, that he thinks the state of business in Chancery requires -the appointment of a Vice-Chancellor in the place of Vice-Chancellor Wigram : Lord John -will propose a measure.

Mr. HATCUIELL replied, to Mr. MiCuLnsost, in the terms of his ques- tion, that it is not the intention of the Government to introduce any mea- sure during the present session for the purpose of abolishing the office of Master in any of the Law Courts of Ireland.

POLICE DURING THE 'EXHIBITION YEAR.

In answer to Mr. STANFORD, Sir GEORGE GREY stated, that there will be an increase of Metropolitan Police during the year of the Exhibition, but only fora limited period : the expense of that portion required for the safe custody of the articles exhibited within the building, and for the Park and the streets and avenues leading to the Exhibition, will be borne by the Exhibition; that of the general increase for the order of London will be part of the general Police charge. "No intimation," said Sir George in the words of the question put to him, "has been made to foreign powers as to any large body of foreigners coming to this country in military uni- form, and with side-arms " ; and there is no reason to suppose that any addition of Police will be needed "for the custody of persons charged with Police offences."

POST-OFFICE MALCONTENTS.

Presenting a petition from Mr. Charles Pennell Measor, formerly a elerk in the Money Order department of the General Post-office, Earl ST. VER-osiss moved for a Select Committee of inquiry. Mr. Messer's princi- pal grievances were, that he had been passed over in promotion, because he had refused to withdraw his si;nature from a memorial against a new regulation in the Post-office that clerks absent from illness must provide a substitute ; and that subsequently he was dismissed on the charge of communicating official documents to strangers. Mr. Measor had originally been appointed by Lord St. Germans. The Marquis of CLANEICARDE made a complete reply to the statement. He showed that there was no- thing substantial in the grievances; and, touching upon some insinua- tions against the anomalous position of Mr. Hill in the Post-office, Lord Clanricarde showed that the new arrangements positively secure to each -clerk store time for holyday—not less than a month in the year. Mr. Measor had been very irregular in the mode of representing his complaints. Under Mr. Hill's management the Money Order Office had been extended simultaneously with a great saving in labour and expense.

RIOT IN BAILITAM WORKHOUSE.

Mr. BAINES give information to Mr. BANKKS in reference to the riot in Barham Workhouse on Sunday evening.

The whole number of paupers in the house on Sunday the 9th instant was 484; and of these 134 were ablebodied -paupers. The house would hold 700. Ile did not know for what reason the ablebodied labourers were placed in the house. The rioters were in possession of the building for -five hours, and "come damage" was done to the building and to the windows and fur- niture. An Inspector Was sent down on Thursday to report. It is true that a riot took place in this very house a year ago, and that some of the ring- leaders now were ringleaders then ; and Mr. Baines is informed that lan- guage of a threatening character has been used to Poor-law Guardians of two other unions in Suffolk. He would lay on the table the dietary of Bar- ham Workhouse.

CEYLON: Pitivmso-E.

Mr. HUME gave notice on Tuesday, that on that day fortnight he will bring the question of Ceylon before the House.

Mr. BAILLIE elicited from Mr. HAWES, that inasmuch as a great part s-if the evidence taken by the Ceylon Committee related to Captain Wat- son, it could not be laid on the table of the House, as that officer is about to be subjected to a court-martial. Having received this information, Mr. Baillie consulted the Speaker on a point of privilege— The noble Lord at the head of the Government had not only impugned a statement made by him in the House, but had charged him with producing false documents against an officer of the Government. A Royal Commission went to Ceylon to ascertain the truth or falsehood of those charges ; and the report of that Commission was received in this country at the end of last session of Parliament. The noble Lord refused to produce the report then, on the ground that the evidence had not arrived. That was doubtless a very just reason ; but now that the evidence has been sent, lie still refuses to produce the report, on the ground that a court- martial is at some time or other to take place in Ceylon. If the answers to the House of Commons are to be made dependent on the proceedings of the Commander-in-chief, Mr. Baillie infers that the report will not be laid on the table of the House during the present session. But as the report has been laid before the Committee of the House, Mr. Baillie wished to know whether the House is not thereby already in possession of it, and whether the refusal to produce it is not a breach of privilege ? Further, as a Member of the House whose character is impugned, has not Mr. Baillie as a matter of privilege a right to ask for the production of the slocument ?

The SrEsxsat stated, that if the document was formally tendered to the Committee and entered on the minutes, it is in possession of the House, and cannot be in possession of any Government department except by leave of the Rouse,; but if not so formally sent to the Committee, the House has no control over it, and the Government is justified in with- holding it till the House determine that it shall be produced. The other question is not one of privilege, but one which the House must decide for itself on a motion.

BLOCKADE OF SAN SALVADOR.

Mr. T. BAIIING inquired of Lord PALMERSTON concerning the blockade of the coast of San Salvador, which has been practically discovered by British vessels before any official -notification is made of it. Is the cause a that blockade the money-claims of British subjects on the -Government

of that State; and are there similar claims on other of the States Of Central America ?

Lord PaLlissisvosr answered, that he has not yet received any official statement of the blockade, and cannot therefore notify it.

There are claims of British merchants pending against the Government:a San Salvador to the amount of 20,0001., the whole of which have been ao- knowledged; but excuses deferring payment have led to the giving of in- structions to our Admiral in those seas, so to act in communication with our Consul-General as to procure settlement. The duration of the blockade must depend on the willingness of the Government of San Salvador to do that which by its own previous admissions it is bound to do. There are also claims against other Governments in that quarter : indeed, those who know the intercourse of our merchants with the Spanish Governments of South America know that scarcely any moment passes in which claims of this kind are not pending with some of them. The measures taken are those adopted by former Administrations, among others by that of Sir Robert Peel ; and they seem the only ones that can bring those States to a sense of justice towards their foreign creditors. He was happy to say, however, that the Government of the Republic of Buenos Ayres has in the most handsome manner protected the commerce of all nations.

CHARTER OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY.

Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE has stated to Lord Jocelyn, that it is not the in- tention of Government to appoint a Select Committee on the affairs of India ori the renewal of the Charter of the East India Company. The common notion is wrong that the affairs of India are administered under a charter by the Company : there may be a charter of incorporation, but all the privileges of that charter were done away with by the act of 1833, and India is now governed under that act. If there be any material changes to be made in the act under which India is governed, Ministers will give such due notice that the House may fully discuss them.

ADDRESS TO THE CROWN ON LORD SHAFTESBURY'S SERVICES.

The House of Lords, with warm and unanimous assent to the motion of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, seconded by Lord STANLEY and supported by Lord Bnoutinam, passed the following resolutions-

" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, humbly to repre- sent to her Majesty the high Sense this House entertains of the ability, in- tegrity, impartiality, and indefatigable industry with which the Earl of Shaftesbury has discharged the weighty and important duties of Chairman of the Committees of this House, and of the private Committees of the same, for these thirty-six years last past

i house, and by means of whose vigilant exer-

tions the honour and justice of thouse, in the administration of its legis- lative functions, for the benefit of its various suitors by private petition, have been upheld and maintained with the utmost purity and dignity. "That this House deeply regrets the misfortune of his Lordship's inability from infirmity any longer to execute the duties of that important office, an his necessary absence, as a most serious loss not only to this House in parti- cular but to the public at large ; and most earnestly begs leave to recommend his Lordship's eminent and essential services to her Majesty's most gracious consideration."