trhatto nnh Titurtriiingn in Varlianitut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WBER.

House OP LORDS. Monday, April 10. Sir H. Seymour's Property at St. Peters- burg ; Lord Lyndhurst's Question—Real Property ,Conveyance ; Lord Brougham's Bill read a first time.

Tuesday, April 11. The War ; Lord Beaumont's Questions—Scotch Bankruptcy; Lord Brougham's Bill read a second time—County Court Fees : Lord Brougham's Question—Reform Bill; Lord Hardwicke's Question—House adjourned till the 27th April. HousE OP COMMONS. Monday, April 10. Railway Traffic ; Mr. Cardwell's Bill read a second time—Colonial Clergy Disabilities ; the Solicitor-General's Bill debated in Committee—Ventilation of the House; Mr. Spooner's Motion.

Tuesday, April 11. Statue of George II.; Mr. Duncombe's Question—Reform Bill ; Lord John Russell's Statement, postponing the Bill—Public Finances; Mr, Gladstone's Statement—House adjourned till the 27th April.

TIME- TABLE.

The Lords.

The Commons.

Hour of Hour of

Hour of Hour of Monday Meeting. Sh Adjournment. 5h 5"m Monday Meeting. Adjournment. 44 .... Ilh 30m Tuesday 5h .... 7h 30m Tuesday 414 .... 11h Om Sittings this Week, 2 ; Tune, Sh 20M Sitting' tlds Week, 2; Time, 1414 30m

— thhSession. 41; — 9215 35m — this Session. 51; — 318h 14m

THE REFORM BILL POSTPONED.

On Monday evening, Sir EDWARD DBE's°, in pursuance of notice, asked-Lord John Russell whether he intended to move the second reading of the.RePait LIT6Ettr47;th of April. Lord J nx• o • aNthat he greatly regretted, particularly as he had Jdlirccl hstpone his notice, that he was still un- able tojaswer- tlist-qU •btflo proposed to make a satisfactory state- ment 4 ..tha..qt0XIS es* t e adjournment of the House. - On eslayr.; yi, tta5 jiouse of Commons was crowded, both' with ; and the deepest attention was manifested, while I#d Made the promised statement. Lord Sohn first

inform had altered the date to which he proposedthe

House shottldradjpitip,. fporo the 24th to the 27th; because, there woe.*

'disinclination to take the Oxford University Bill or the Railway Bill on the first day after the recess, and bemuse. bar Majesty had fixed the 26th

for a day of fasting and humiliation when, probably, Members would wish- to be new homer Hit therefore.- proposed that the House at its risinishoubk.acileurn tolboteday tho27th instant. With respect to the Reform Bill, hedeared-he must make a statement of some lengthe.

He reminded' the House, that Lord Aberdeen, on the formation of his Go- vernment, declared that a- measure of Parliamentary Reform would be among the bases upon which his Government would be formed. Those who

accepted office under Lord Aberdeen of course consented to that proposal. "I mention this, Sir, particularly, because I think it is stated in an invi- dious manner thatmv personal honour is alone concerned in the carrying on

of this measure. (Cheers.) I consider, Sir, that my personal honour was engaged when the question was, whether I would consent to serve under the Crown as a member of Lord Aberdeen's Administration. If Lord Aber- deen had said that it was not his intention to propose or to adopt any mea- sure of Parliamentary Reform, and I had consented to be a member of that Administration, I might fairly- have been questioned in this House and my

personal honour have been called in question ; but from the moment that Lord Aberdeen had made that declaration, and from the moment his 001- leagues had accepted office on the faith of that declaration, the question of

personal honour regarded not me alone, but regarded all the members of that Administration." With the pressure of important business before them, Lord Aberdeen and his colleagues had considered it not possible to bring forward a measure of Parliamentary Reform last session ; but during the recess the Cabinet sedulously and deliberately framed a mea- sure which Lord John introduced on the 13th February. That mea- sure was not inadequate to the occasion, nor based on wrong principles, nor

carried to too great an extent, nor unadapted to reform and conserve,—ob- jects constantly kept in view. It was recommended in the Speech from the Throne, at a time when war with Russia was probable, but when a pacific arrangement was still possible. While these questions were pending, Lord John proposed an adjournment of the second reading to the 27th of April. He reminded the House, that he had stated that he did not, abstractedly, consider a state of war sufficient ground for not proposing a measure of Par- liamentary Reform ; that there might be circumstances, as in 1803, which might so occupy public attention that it would be impossible to propose any measure of that nature : but the general fact that this nation was engaged in a war with Russia was not a sufficient reason for not carrying out a mea- sure of internal reform and improvement. " I stated likewise, that I thought during a period of war it was necessary to impose great burdens on the coun- try ; and that if there were classes which were fitted to exercise the elective franchise, and which had it not—which were entitled to it, but did not en- joy it, and they were to bear those burdens—it was far from being an un- fitting time to. admit them to this franchise. Sir, from neither of these opin- ions do I see any occasion to recede. But, Sir, when war was declared, it was to be considered by the Government whether or no at this particular time we should proceed with the. second reading of the Reform Bill. Now it is not to be disguised that a Reform Bill of any extensive nature whatever attacks many interests, wounds many prejudices, and loses many friends; and that if the stream of Reform is sluggish, those weeds of self-interest and prejudice embarrass and completely choke it. We have had, then, to look to the prospect of our being able to carry the Reform Bill in the present state of public opinion, both in this House and in the country. Now, I think it will be generally owned, that while there has been an indisposition ott the part of Members of this House (as far as I could collect their opinions, upon whatever side of the House they sat) to undertake the consideration of this question, there has been in the, country not a disapprobation of the measure which we propose, but an indifference as to its being immediately brought forward. (Cheers.) I collect this faot, first from the absorbing interest which it is evident all the people of this country take in the war that has now begun ; an interest which is quick- ened by their feelings in, favour of the power which is attacked and against the aggressor in this war. I collect it, secondly, from the absence of mani- festations in favour of Reform by petitions presented to this House. I think there have not been more than eleven petitions of the kind presented to this House, and of these not more than four were in favour of the measure which is before the House. Now, Sir, as I have said, I do not think this is to be attri- buted to disapprobation of the measure of the Government. As far as I can learn, applying to, many quarters for information, the judgment passed upon that measure is not one of disapprobation. It has been considered that the measure extends very largely, but not unduly, the franchises of the people ; and it has been considered, with regard to any penalties of disfran- chisement it may contain—whether that disfranchisement is carried too far or not far enough, or whatever may be the measure of it—that it has at least been applied fairly, without any regard to party interest or party feelings, and that therefore the Government measure is at least worthy of commenda- tion in that respect. (Hear, hear !) But whether or no the provisions of this bill are, on the whole, well combined together, or. whether everyone of its clauses is to be approved of, on that question I think that neither this House nor the country are at present able to give an opinion, from that want of attention to its details which I have already mentioned, and from the absorbing interest in the war to which I have already alluded. But I can- not but think that the Government have come, to a proper conclusion, that it would be unwise, whether as regards the general interests of the country, or whether as regards the particular interests of reform, upon the part of those who are desirous of obtaining a reform of the re- presentation of the people, in Parliament, if they were to press the second reading of this bill. I feel that every one thinks, and I must feel that there is great force in an observation made, on a previous occasion, by the right honourable gentleman the Member for Buckinghamshire, that it is a great inconvenience that there should be a bill before the House of Commons containing, as- this bill contains, provisions for the disfranchisement of boroughs for which Members of the, present Parliament enjoy a seat and. a vote, and that there should be no discussion in this House as to whether that proposed disfranchisement should be approved and carried into effect; and I am not at all disposed to diminish the weight of that objection taken to any postponement of this measure. I think, Sir, likewise, that it is a great dis- advantage that her Majesty should have been twice advised—and I must confess that I have been one of her advisers—that she should have, been twice advised. to propose to Parliament that measures for amending the re- presentation of the people should be considered by Parliament, and that in neither instance, in the same session that the proposal has been made, bas the proposal seriously been taken into consideration by this House. But, Sir, I cannot accept that excuse which. has been made for the course which I am now, declaring myself to be ready to adopt on the part of the Government,—I mean the excuse that the Government, having considered and matured a.measure for amending the representation of the people, and having prepared its details, have thereby redeemed the pledge whichthey made upon accession to office. I sonnet but think that, under all ordinary circumstances, bad' Vie proposed such a measure, the Government were bound, not only to lay it on the table of the House, but they were bound to do their, utmost to carry it into effect. (Cheers.) I should therefore be

sorry to be supposedto wish to evade any attack on similar grounds. But, Sir, great as these inconveniences are, I must say that I think that any other course would be attended .with greater evils and with more lamentable effects. We could hardly propose the second reading of this bill at this time, without declaring it to be our intention, if the bill should be defeated, to resign office, or at once to proceed to the country by an immediate disso- lution of Parliament. I cannot but thinkthat either of those two courses would, at. the present moment, be attended with great inconvenience."

But it must seem that it is hardly fair for a Government to continue to hold office after they had admitted that they could not go to a division upon a measure of essential importance. Were again Ministers have a duty to perform. They have lately brought down messages from the Crown asking Parliament to support the. Crown in an arduous and possibly a protracted struggle; and such being the case, Ministers could hardly suppose-it to be their duty, except under circumstances of the utmostneeessity, to shrink-from the responsibility of a war in which they had advised her Majesty to em- bark. (Cheering.) He might be asked how stands the question of Reform itself? "The first thing that I should say is, that the Government of Lord Aberdeen, when they gave a pledge on the subject of Reform, gave that pledge in all sincerity ; that they are ready to abide by that pledge ; and that they hold themselves as bound to the principles of Reform in the Representation of the People as they did on the first day on which they entered into office. (Cheers.) As to the measure which the Government adopted, we see no reason to change our opinions with regard to the principles involved in that measure, or the general scope of it, or the objeets which it has in view. The Go- vernment consider themselves as much approving of the measure as they were when it was first brought forward ; and I can therefore only say, that when an opportunity presents itself we shall be most willing to enibrace it, and again bring forward a measure of Reform on the same principles ; and, when Parliament is able properly to attend to the subject, we shall not only be ready to bring in a measure of Reform, but we shall be ready to bring it in with all the weight of the Government. (Cheers.) Of course I do not mean that the observations which have been made upon the measure will not meet with due attention, or that modifications in some of the details will not be duly considered before the measure is again intro- duced. We think that we should ill represent the opinion of the people at large, and that we should not pay due deference to public opinion, if we did not adopt that course. (Cheers.) By the principles of the measure we are ready to bind ourselves, and the Government remains a Government based on proposals of Reform in the Representation of the People." (Cheers.) The case of a Government entering on a great war, and at the same time pro- posing a measure of-Parliamentary Reform, has never occurred before in the constitutional history of the country. With reference to his own credit as the organ of the Government, Lord John spoke with evident emotion. The course proposed was exposed to all the taunts and sarcasms of opponents—fair weapons, to which he had long been used, and which Mr. Disraeli knew so well how to wield. Evea if they were wielded with greater skill and dexterity than heretofore, he would not complain ; but the case was different as regarded the habitual supporters of the Government, who have looked forward to a speedy reform in the repre- sentation of the people. " With respect to those persons, I must say, that while the statement that I have made may be open to suspicion, that that suspicion can hardly be entertained without weakening my position as the organ of the Government in this House. [At this part of his speech Lord John was deeply affected, and was greeted with long-protracted cheering from all parts of the House.] If I have done anything in the cause of Re- form, I trust that I have deserved some degree of confidence ; but, at all events, I feel that, if I do not possess that confidence, I shall be of no use to the Crown or to the country, and I can no longer hold the position I now occupy. (Loud cheers.) These, Sir, are times of no ordinary importance, and questions arise of the utmost difficulty. I shall endeavour to arrive at those conclusions which will be for the best interests of the Crown and of the country, and I trust that I may meet with support. I have now, Sir, only to move that the House at its rising do adjourn to Thursday the 27th of April.' (Long and general cheering.) Sir EDWARD HERING said, he felt that the House was under the deep- est obligations to Lord John Russell for having extricated them from a position of no little inconvenience. The course he had adopted was that most in accordance with the opinion of the House and the voice or the people. The House would do justice to the motives which led Lord John gallantly, to redeem his pledge by introducing the measure, and the moral courage he had shown in spontaneously withdrawing it when required by circumstances entirely beyond his control. Mr. Home, with the greatest possible reluctance, but with the most perfect confidence in Lord John Russell, gave his assent to the course adopted. It would no doubt gratify the enemies of Reform and it would satisfy those for whom, as a Radical Reformer, he might offer an opinion. There was no alternative. A resignation or a dissolution might be pro- ductive of disastrous consequences. Mr. Hume consoled himself with the reflection that a measure would again be introduced as soon as cir- cumstances permit. Mr. BRIGHT, disavowing hostile feeling, commented hostilely on the bill ; and recommended Lord John to profit by the lesson and the next time he introduced a bill to give the great towns something that would obtain their sympathy. Mr. LABOIICHERE could not deny himself the gratification of stating that Lord John Russell had acted with his wonted courage and integrity, and had taken a course which was dictated by the soundest policy. No Government had ever received greater support than the present ; nothing had been refused them ; and in return the House had a right to expect united councils.

Lord IOCELYN and Lord Henar VANE' approved of the course taken by the Government. Mr. DISRAELI thought that her Majesty's Government had arrived at a sound and satisfactory conclusion. He was not disposed to indulge in those sarcasms anticipated on the occasion ; and if all the measures he might oppose were conducted on the same policy, he could promise an opposition as mitigated as on the present occasion. Although always seated opposite to Lord John Russell, no one in the House had a more heartfelt respect for him than himself. Lord John's character and career are "precious possessions of the House of Commons," which the House will always cherish ; wherever he sits, he will be accompanied by the inspect of every Member ; and the manner in which he had that night made what was evidently a painful communication to the House, was eveg way worthy of his character.

Having- aid these compliments, Mr. Disraeli proceeded to argue at „great length that Lord John had not met the real difficulty ofthe case : that the-circumstances of the countryvrere just as menacing when Lord

Aberdeen pledged himself to bring in a bill, and when Lord John Rhssell brought it in, as they now; that the-indisposition of the Home to measure could not be ascertained, for no opportunity had been given them of showing what their disposition was ; that the opposition was entirely confined to the Ministerial side of the House ; that had not the pledge been given the present Government could not have been formed; and that the moral of all these circumstances is, that "there has been too much levity and too much of party promises in dealing with questions of or- ganic changes." He also complained that Lord John Russell had em- barrassed himself and all his colleagues with a pledge to introduce the subject again as soon as possible ; and, contending against pledges, as- serted that Parliamentary Reform will be brought forward when the time is ripe, whatever Minister may be in power.

Sir GEORGE GREY did not consider that Lord John had given a new pledge, but merely made a statement to show that Government did not

avail themselves of any temporary circumstances to retract a pledge given in the face of the country, which had gained the confidence of a large por- tion of the constituency. That the course taken by Lord John Russell was consistent with his personal honour, and dictated by the highest sense of duty, were equally unquestionable.

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT, after correcting some misapprehensions of Lord Jocelyn, and defending Lord John Russell from tho attack of Mr. Disraeli, vindicated his own conduct in reference to Parliamentary Reform. He had not altered the opinions he expressed in 1848, and he still desired to confer upon the working classes that increased political power their grow- ing intelligence would enable them fitly to exercise. He hoped at no distant day to see Lord John Russell accomplish this object, and "thus complete the great work of Parliamentary Reform with which his name, his honour, and his fame, are so indissolubly united."

Sir JOHN PAKINGTON and Mr. 11.1.GREGOR concurred in the tribute of respect to Lord John.

At the close of the discussion, Lord JOHN Ilt-ssura, expressed his grate- ful sense of the manner in which the statement he had made had been met by the House.

In the House of Lords, the Earl of HARDWICHE asked whether it was true that the Reform Bill had been abandoned, and under what circum- stances?

The Earl of ABERDEEN said, the measure, though not abandoned, had been deferred. Government had endeavoured to fulfil the promise im- plied in the recommendation contained in the Speech from the Throne ; but circumstances had arisen that made it unadvisable to press the mea- sure, and therefore it had been considered judicious to withdraw it. lie expressed no opinion of his own as to whether this was a proper time or not to urge forward such a measure ; but he would say, generally, that he thought a state of war was not simply in itself a reason why we should not proceed with the consideration of a bill of so much essential importance as that now referred to. Still, when war bad arrived at so pressing a juncture as it now undoubtedly had, it was our duty to bow to the pressure of cir- cumstances, and, at some sacrifice of feeling, to withdraw the measure for a time, with a full determination, however, to bring it forward at a more pro- per and seasonable opportunity. (Cheers.) Lord CAMPBELL, as a friend of Reform and of the British empire, ap- proved the course which the Government had adopted, and considered the postponement of the measure manly and sensible.

TEE FINANCIAL STATEMENT.

- Having presented the balance-sheet of the year, and moved that the paper do lie on the table, Mr. GLADSTONE made a statement respecting the revenue of the year now closed, the condition of the public balances, and of the unfunded debt. He explained, that he had intended to make a statement in detail; but as Mr. Disraeli has moved for further in- formation, he thought that, so far as matter of argument was concerned, he should do well to postpone all reference to it, and confine himself to- statements upon matters of fact. There were two reasons for this : first,. he had not yet had the opportunity of presenting to the House a complete account of the income and expenditure of the past year ; and secondly, it was important at a moment of alarm and excitability like the present, to put the public in possession of the most authentic information on points on which they naturally desire to be informed. Members who had examined the account would not fail to have observed that it is more favourable than was estimated on the 6th of March. The improvement is no less than 749,0001. ; but that considerable difference is not accounted for by any substantial change of circumstances, lie had spoken of the uncertainty as to the precise period when the Income-tax in Ireland would be paid into the Exchequer. The department had greatly reduced the arrears ; but if there is a difference as regards the ultimate re- ceipt, it is merely a difference as to the time of the money arriving at the Exchequer. The difference between the estimate and the amount received is 417,000/. Another portion of the difference above referred to arose under the Customs revenue. The reduction of the duties on tea had dimi- nished the entries during the past quarter ; but the loss has been recovered, because parties anxious to deliver tea at a very early hour on the 6th of April were obliged to pay the duties on the 5th, and thus a large sum of money was brought into charge on that day, which, properly speaking, be- longed to the next quarter. It will be observed that the excess of income over expenditure on the year ending 5th April 1851 amounted to 3.524,000/., and the excess on the year ending 5th April 18.53 to 2,460;0001. His estimate on the 6th March was 2,854,000/. If the balance of the present year had been formed precisely like the last, and the same sums paid out of the Exchequer for supplying the Paymaster-General's accounts for supply service, the balance would have been lees by 500.0001., and it would be well to take the estimate of the present surplus at 3,000,000/. That difference arose from the fact that half a million of Exchequer Bills about to be issued at that period were, under a fiction of law in which the operation is conducted, issued to the Paymaster-General for supply service, thus passing by the Exchequer altogether. But it is setisfactory that the surplus is 3,000,0001., especially as the sums produced by the increase of taxes had fallen short of the anticipated amount. Last year, 2,600,000/. was remitted in taxes ; but the substituted taxes only partially came into play, producing about 700,0001.; yet with a remission of 2,000,000/. there is a surplus of 3,000,000/. Avoiding all reference, in the way of defence or discussion, to the mode in which the state of the public balances had been brought about, he would provide the House with trustworthy, real, and accurate information. On the 5th April 1853, the balance in the Exchequer was returned at 7,859,0001.; on the 5th April 1854, the balance was returned at 2,778,000?.; showing a decrease of 5,081,000/., or in round numbers, something over 5,000,0001. During the last year, over and above the ordinary items of expenditure, 8,048,0001. of funded debt was paid off; 716,0001. paid away, merely a transfer of money, under the Metropolitan Advances Act; and 1,718,000/. in reducing the unfunded debt ; in all, 10,482,0001. Of that sum, about 5,000,0001. is represented in the decrease of the balances ; 1,274,0001.. of

Stock created in the name of the National Debt Commissioners, in respect of Exchequer Bills purchased and cancelled ; and 420,0001. of debt newly created in the form of Exchequer Bonds ; in all, 6,775.000/. against 10,482,000!.; the remainder is accounted for by the surplus. The balance in the Exchequer, as it appears in the balance-sheet, is 2,778,0001. How was that balance brought up to cover the charge of the quarter just gone ?

The published statement of the probable amount of Deficiency Bills was 5,852,000!.; the actual amount brought to charge, 5,472,0001. It is not unnatural that the public, deluded by a system of public accounts, should feel some alarm when anything called by the name of "deficiency" reaches to such a formidable amount. But what was the real amount of the accom- modation ? Even in 1853, when the balances were extremely low, and the apparent amount of Deficiency Bills was 1,407,000/., not more than 300,000/. was chargeable with interest. This year there is an apparent increase of 5,172,0001.; but the figures by no means indicate the real state of the case. Even the best-informed persons thought that the Government received ac- commodation from the Bank to the amount stated in the account published on the 6th of April. These sums, however, are calculated on the assump- tion that all that the public is liable to pay, it will be called upon to pay at the commencement of the quarter ; but experience, sometimes more certain than a priori demonstration, shows that it will not be so charged, but that a large portion of the money represented by the figures will remain in the hands of the Bank until the calls of the public have been overtaken by the growing revenue of the quarter. The discrepancy arises in that way, and what does it amount to ? He had heard four, five, six millions spoken of, as the amount of the accommodation. The real amount was not 5,808,0001., but 2,808,0001. He had deemed it his duty, having taken advice as to his competency, to regulate the issue of these Deficiency Bills in point of time with some reference to the coming demands on the Bank. If we were at peace, that was not an extravagant sum to receive in accommodation from -the Bank; but at the present time it must be our desire to take security against chances which at other times it would not be necessary to take into consideration. He spoke, therefore, of this sum as an amount to be progres- sively reduced ; which can be done without the smallest difficulty.

Mr. Gladstone characterized as ludicrously erroneous the statement that the demands of the Government had withdrawn from the general purposes of the London money-market any sum at all ; and showed that exactly the contrary is the case, every farthing of the large disbursements of the Govern- ment going into the money-market. The whole amount added to "loan- able capital" by these payments from the balances and by Deficiency Bills is in round numbers 8,000,0001.; while the whole amount withdrawn from the market by accommodation from the Bank amounted, up to Monday, to 2,129,000/.

Referring to another point, because it is supposed to involve a breach of faith, Mr. Gladstone described how an idea is entertained by some persons that in 1844 an unwritten compact was entered into between the Govern- ment and the Bank, according to which demands for Deficiency Bills were not to be made upon the Bank, under the charter then granted ; how no such compact can be found ; and how a written compact does exist, in the Bank Act, by which the Bank has a claim for interest when the balances are below their usual amount, and the Government claim to a share of the profit on the Government deposits when they are above the usual amount. He also showed that the amount this year is a little less than in 1844.

To estimate the present not unsatisfactory condition of public credit, Mr. Gladstone compared the state of our present credit with what it was twelve months ago, and with that of France; showing that the fall of the French Three per Cents between the 1st of April 1853 and the let of April 1854 was 21 per cent, while the decline in Consols during the same period was 14 percent. He also showed, that during the last twenty years of peace there were six years in which Consols were lower than they are now in the midst of war. Those years are-1847, when the price was, 71; 1848, when it was 801 ; four other years preceded when Consols still went down : in 1841 they were 871; in 1840 they were 87; in 1836, a year of great -prosperity, they declined to 86f; and in 1834, a year of uniform prosperity, they were only at 87/.. Comparing French and Bnglish paper, he showed that while the increase in the interest on Exchequer Bills has been 100 per cent, the increase on Bons de Tresor has been 122 per cent during the past year. Taking all things into consideration, he trusted he had shown that it is needless to view with alarm or apprehension what has occurred within the last few weeks.

Mr. Dtsnama made a speech to show that his estimates of the balances in the Exchequer on the 5th of April, and the Deficiency Bills which would be required, were more accurate than Mr. Gladstone's ; to establish that the public treasury is minus 6,000,000/., and that Mr. Gladstone's views on the subject of balances are not those of men of business ; and to deprecate habitual borrowing upon Deficiency Bills.

Mr. Tixams,s BARING said, he could see no cause for alarm or appre- hension requiring so long a statement to remove it. He regretted that Mr. Gladstone proposed to make Deficiency Bills the basis of his system ; and recommended a loan. Mr. LAING also recommended a loan to re- plenish the balances.

Mr. GLADSTONE denied that he could be justly called an habitual bor- rower—this was the first quarter he had borrowed at all ; far leas could it be asserted that he made the issue of Deficiency Bills the keystone of his system of finance. His argument went only to the extent that you might, within narrow limits, go to the Bank for an advance that might be taken up within a week or fortnight of the quarter's revenue. He might tell Mr. Baring what was the keystone of his system of finance : it was, invariably to ask the House to provide an income which would more than meet the expenditure of the year ; and his secondary doctrine was, that the question of having a large or a small balance at the Bank was open to discussion, but it was a matter of no great moment provided you keep within narrow bounds. If he should be obliged to take a further view of the demands of the public service for the year, he would then state the means by which he proposed to put the Exchequer in a safe and satisfactory condition.

QUESTIONS ON THE WAR.

Lord BeAuxoNT put a string of questions to the Foreign Secretary on Tuesday, with a preface taking credit for his forbearance, and disclaim- ing any intention to interfere with the proceedings of Government.

In reply, the Earl of CLARENDON said that Lord Beaumont had made up for previous forbearance by putting such a series of questions that the principal difficulty would be, not to answer, but to remember them all! With respect to the protocol that had been recently signed at Vienna, It was only signed on Sunday, and a draught of it only arrived on Mon- day. "It is not precisely that which we originally desired, or that which the Austrian Government agreed to in the form of a convention ; but it has now assumed the form of a protocol to meet the wishes of the Prus- sian Government ; and I may say that it substantially contains all that was included in the convention." The assent of Prussia was readily given

to this protocol ; and as soon as Parliament reassembles after the recess it will be produced.

AB to the rumour that Prussia has gone over altogether to Russia, there is not the slightest ground for apprehending such an event. The temper

and tone of the debates in the Second Prussian Chamber are not all that could be wished—" sometimes the same feeling may be entertained with regard to what passes in this House "—and Lord Beaumont would not

expect the Government to be at all responsible for the tone adopted in the Chambers. Still it has been made sufficiently manifest by the Chambers, by the press, and by the Government of Prussia, that such an event BS that of Prussia's passing over to Russia is quite impossible.

As to the report that the Chevalier Bunsen had been recalled, Lord Clarendon had heard it, and Chevalier Bunsen himself had heard it, but as

yet he had no knowledge of the fact. The only official information he has received is that it is likely another special mission may be sent over here of a somewhat similar nature to that sent some weeks ago, which will pro- bably be attended with the same result.

He could give no information with respect to the treaty or new con- vention signed between Prussia and Austria, as it has not been communi- cated to her Majesty's Government. All he could say was, that it pro- ceeded from Austria to Prussia, and was carried by General Hess; but he could not say whether it was ratified or agreed to. According to the last information, the whole of the combined fleets were at Kavarna, even be- fore the news was received of the passage of the Danube by the Russians. It was expected that the passage might be attempted, and that day infor- mation had been received that the news of the passage of the Danube had reached the Admirals, and that they had despatched steamers in the direc- tion of Kostendje to communicate with the Turkish military authorities. He might add, that no information had been received of the entry of Aus- trian troops into Servia ; but "some time since, a communication was re- ceived from the Austrian Government that the Austrian corps d'armee on the frontier would enter Servia if the Russians crossed into Servia, or if there was a Servian insurrection; but that the intervention would be solely to maintain the status quo, and to uphold the authority of the Sultan."

In reply to Mr. MILNER GIBSON, Lord JOHN Bussmi, said, that the demands that were made by the Turkish Minister upon the Greek Go-

vernment were made by order of the Turkish Government, and without

any concert with her Majesty's Minister; but after those demands had been made, at the time when they were under consideration, the repre- sentatives of the Four Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia— met, and came to a resolution, which they submitted to the Greek Go- vernment, that the Greek Government ought to give an answer to those demands, which in themselves were reasonable. The explanation which our Minister at Athens gave with respect to the article about the press, was to the effect that what the Turkish Minister asked was, that the Greek Government would not in their own newspapers have articles in- serted exciting rebellion amongst the Turks in the Turkish provinces; and that this demand was founded on the notorious fact that the Greek Government were in the habit of so acting.

SIR HAMILTON SEYMOUR AND THE CZAR.

Lord LYNDHURST called the attention of the Government to a current report that the Russian authorities had seized the property of our late Minister at St. Petersburg. If it is true, it is such a gross violation of the law of nations as could scarcely be expected from Russia as a civi- lized state. He hoped some explanation would be given by Ministers. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, in the absence of Lord Clarendon, he might state that he entirely agreed in the construction which Lord Lynd- hurst had put on the character of the proceeding, if it has taken place ; but as no information has reached the Foreign Office, he could give no explanation.

[In a letter to the Times, Sir Hamilton Seymourexplains, that the ques- tion affecting his interests appears to be, not whether certain cases he left at St. Petersburg, containing books, pictures, and other articles of value, were to be confiscated, but whether their shipment on board the Anne M'Alister, the only English vessel remaining at Cronstadt, was to be per- mitted. According to the latest advices, the decision had been deter- mined against him; but he hoped it might be revised.]

LAW IMPROVEMENT.

Several specific amendments of the law have been promoted in the

House of Peers this week; Lord BROUGHAM being in each case the agent of the process. First, on Monday, he laid on the table a bill for amending the Conveyance of Real Property ; the particular object of which was, to enable the Taxing-masters to take into account the difficulty, learning, and skill required in the construction of deeds and instruments, and thus to encourage reliance upon those qualities for remuneration, rather than upon the mere length of the document. Lord Brougham said that the Taxing-masters have learned to change their strong objection into great favour for the measure. Lord CAMPBELL observed, that the attainment of the object at which the bill aimed would confer one of the greatest benefits ever conveyed upon the public. The LORD CHANCELLOR would offer no opposition, but foresaw great difficulty. The bill was read a first time.

On Tuesday, Lord BROUGHAM drew attention to the large fees taken in County Courts. He mentioned one case, undefended, in which the fees amounted to V. 58. 9d. on a debt of 141. 3s. 6d., and another in which they were 10/. Os. 6d. on 18/. ; both in the Middlesex County Court. In the Court of Queen's Bench the fees for the first ease would have been only 308., perhaps not more than 12s. 6d. [Lord

interposed—" Ours is the cheap shop."] Might any hopes be

entertained of the speedy abolition of these fees ? The Earl of ABER- Dmpat admitted the importance of the subject. The fees might be heavy, but they are only taken for the purposes professed. Whether the public, instead of the suitors, should pay them, is a question for the consideration of Parliament. He could not promise a mitigation of the evil at present. Lord BROUGHAM moved the second reading of the Bankruptcy and In- solvency (Scotland) Bill, with an interesting preface on the inconveniences arising from diversities in the law of England and Scotland, and a rapid description of the evil belonging to the particular system if bankruptcy trusteeship in Scotland,—the election of the trustee by the majority of the creditors in value, the canvassing for election, the influence of the

trustee in appointing the commissioners to control him, the lodging of

monies to the private account of the trustee, and other inconveniences, the result of laxity in the system rather than corruption. He proposed to appoint official assignees as well as trade assignees, and to repose the judicial jurisdiction in the Sheriffs, excepting in Edinburgh and Glasgow, where separate judges would have to be appointed. Lord Brougham, greatly regretting that we have not a Minister of Justice, concluded by urging the Lord Chancellor to take charge of the bill, as a means of bet- ter insuring its success. The Loan CHANaELLOR gave his cordial assent to the second reading, heartily approving of the measure. Lord Bresnan- at pressed for an answer as to Lord Cranworth's willingness to take charge of the bill. The LORD CHANCELLOR replied that it was in much abler hands than his. Lord LYNDHURST to Lord Brougham—" Until the Minister of Justice is appointed, you must be Chargé d'Affaires." The bill was read a second time, to be referred to a Select Committee.

The Declaratory Suits Bill was withdrawn by Lord BROUGHAM, in order to its preparatory consideration by a Commission now sitting.

COLONIAL CLERGY DISABILITIES BILL.

The House of Commons was engaged for above five hours on Monday in discussing four lines of the one clause of which this bill consists. Three-fourths of the debate arose upon the principle of the bill, and the propriety of legislating at all ; and in deference to the expressed opinions of Mr. NAPIER, Mr. HENLEY, and Mr. Erases, that they could not un- derstand it, the SOLICITOR-GENERAL twice restated the objects and scope of the bill.

Mr. Dimmer proposed two amendments : the first was, to substitute the words "bishops and clergy" for the words "metropolitan of any province or the bishop of any diocese " ; the effect of which would be to deprive the meetings of the clergy of their character as meetings of the Church of England. The Somerrort-GEarsnat gave a qualified assent to the amendment, and it was carried by 81 to 34. The next amendment was to omit certain words, and insert the words "of churches in com- munion with the United Church of England and Ireland" and their lay members. This was negatived by 78 to 43.

After more discussion, on the motion of Lord Jonsr RUSSELL the Chairman reported progress.

REFORMATORY SCHOOLS.

In reply to Mr. ADDERLEY, Lord PALMERSTON said that the draught of a bill on the subject of Reformatory Schools had been sent to him ; but his other avocations, he was sorry to say, had not permitted him to give it full attention. On the earliest opportunity, he would state whether he should be prepared to bring in the bill as a Government measure, or whether he should be able to give his support to it if brought in by an in- dependent Member.

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN NEWFOUNDLAND.

Sir Joins PAKINGTON asked whether it was true that the House of Assembly in Newfoundland had lately refused to proceed with business unless responsible government were conceded to that colony ; and whether her Majesty's Ministers had consented to establish responsible government in Newfoundland, and if so, upon what conditions ?

Mr. PEEL said that the statement was correct. Meanwhile, however, before the Government were aware of the course taken by the Assembly, they had forwarded a despatch to the colony, intimating their readiness to concede a system of responsible government to Newfoundland so soon as certain conditions were complied with. Those conditions were, that the holders of existing offices rendered liable to displacement should be indemnified ; that the number of members of the Assembly should be in- creased from fifteen to thirty, not by doubling the number of representa- tives of the different districts, but by the subdivision of those districts; and lastly, that the salaries of members, and the expenses of candidates at elections, should not be paid out of the Colonial treasury, but, if paid at all, by a local assessment on the different districts.

VENTILATION OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Mr. Sroosain brought under consideration the report of the Committee on the Ventilation of the House. He described the present system as intolerable. One steam-engine above drew out the air, and two below pumped it in—the air coming up through the floor, burnt, decomposed, and full of dust, which Members have to swallow perforce. The House is ventilated in a manner that is a disgrace to the country, at a cost of not less than 200,000/. The air is drawn down the tall air-chimney, forced through chambers, one of which is over a sewer, and then forced up through the floor. That is what is called "fresh" air. Mr. Goldsworthy Gurney has proposed to bring the air from the top instead of the bottom, and declared that he could establish a complete and perfect sys- tem of ventilation for 17001. Mr. Spooner moved that the House should adopt the recommendation of the Committee, as embodied in the following paragraph-

" That the Board of Works should communicate at once with Mr. Gurney, and ascertain whether it would be possible to make any or all of the changes recommended by him during the Easter recess; and that if this can be done, the Board of Works should take immediate steps for instituting them ; care being taken that the experiment should be conducted in such a way that if it should prove unsatisfactory there should be as little difficulty and expense as possible in reverting to the old system or having recourse to a better."

Sir WismAst MOLESWORTH hoped the House would not agree to sub- vert the present system without further consideration. Mr. Gurney's plan might involve as much inconvenience as the present. The whole of the existing machinery would be removed, and could not be reinstated except at considerable expense. If the House desired, he would consent to allow the experiments to be made during the Easter recess; but he did so without feeling at all confident as to the result.

A very general desire to have the experiment tried was expressed by the House ; and the motion was agreed to.

STATUE OF GEORGE THE SECOND.

Mr. Thostes DUNCOMBE inquired what had become of the statue of George the Second which used to stand in Leicester Square ? Sir Wrws.st Motnswonris said, that Mr. Wyld, the proprietor of the Great Globe, had informed him that when he took possession of the en- closure the statue and its pedestal were greatly damaged, and that what remained had been carted away as rubbish. The statue, Mr. Wyld said, was composed of clay coated with lead, and was utterly valueless. Be- side; it was private property, and ought not to be the subject of inquiry in the House of Commons.

Sir William announced his intention of bringing in a bill to place statues in public places under the care of the.Board of Works.

BUSINESS OF 'ran HOUSE OF COMIONS.

In moving that for the remainder of the session orders of the day should take precedence of notices of motion on Thursdays, Lord joins RUSSELL stated the order of proceeding with respect to public business.

He proposed to take the Committee on the Oxford University. Bill on Thursday the 27th instant, and to proceed with the bill in Committee on the following day. On the let of May the President of the Board of Trade proposed to go into Committee on the Railways Bill. With regard to the measure for the settlement and removal of paupers, in the absence of the President of the Poor-law Board, he stated that it was not proposed to go on with that measure during the present session ; but that Mr. Baines intended to move the appointment of a Select Committee to consider the law and practice respecting the removal of Irish paupers from England and Scot- land, and English and Scotch paupers from Ireland.

Colonel SIETHORP and Mr. DISRAELI thought that it would be suffi- cient to take only alternate Thursdays. But the motion was agreed to.

THE STONOR COMMITTEE.

Sir GEORGE GREY reported that the Committee of Selection had ap- pointed the following five Members of the House to be the Select Com- mittee on the ease of Mr. Stoner: Mr. T. H. S. Sotheron, Mr. S. B. Car- ter, Mr. J. M. Gaskell, Mr. E. llorsman, and Sir John Duckworth.