APPENDIX.

No. I.—How TO SAVE THE WEST INDIES AND ABOLISH NEGRO SLAVERY.

[From the Colonial Gazette, ]st January 1840.] IT would almost seem that a law of nature has condemned the Negro race to misery. In the course of the world's progress in civilization and happiness, no event occurs to improve the condition of the African ; every circumstance that in anywise affects that blood, rather tends to augment its sufferings and to enlarge the field in which it suffers. Whatever influence it comes under is almost sure to be disastrous. For that people, no change, whatever its origin or its result for others, has hitherto been productive of aught but a new cala- mity. Even philanthropy itself has proved a curse to the Negro: Las Cases, the Wilberforce of the Indians, founded the African slave-trade—was the author of Negro slavery in America. The Negro race has done nothing for itself, or nothing but harm : the only blow that it has struck for freedom occasioned, in St. Domingo, a state of society hardly to be envied by the slave, and these three injurious effects elsewhere,—first, more slavery whereby to supply an existing demand for productions which were no longer fur- nished by St. Domingo; secondly, more severe slave-codes, the natural consequence of the master's dread of rebellion ; and lastly, an opinion, which many hold, that the Negro has no capacity for freedom. Peaceful aboli- tion has hardly, thus far, been more beneficial to the race. "The great experiment" has not yet answered its purpose. On the contrary, we be- hold the British Colonies, although, in consequence of the present enor- mous wages of labour, apparently prosperous here and there, yet really decreasing in wealth, producing less and less, gradually wasting their capital or means of reproduction, losing what distinguishes civilized from savage communities, approaching the semi-barbarous condition of St. Do- mingo, tending, it is to be feared, towards that economical state in which, for want of a capital stock or store, great numbers of the people are apt to be swept off by famine after an unfavourable season. Nor has the Negro of the British Colonies yet escaped the dangers of a war of races—of a contest for political and social equality with his master of yesterday, whose sense of in- terest does not at present overcome that suggestion of his pride which regards the slave of yesterday as an inferior being. Notwithstanding, moreover, emancipation in St. Domingo and the British Colonies, and the abolition of the African slave-trade by England and the United States—partly, indeed, by reason of those events—there is not in the world an institution or state of society that prospers and advances in comparison with Negro slavery. Slave- breeding in the United States was an immediate consequence of stopping im- portation from Africa : it has resulted in producing three millions of slaves, whose estimated value at market is not less than the enormous sum of three hundred millions sterling. Cuba and Brazil import snore Negroes than ever. The African slave-trade was never so extensive, or so cruel, or so destructive of human life, as it is at this moment. But slavery and the slave-trade are not the only evils to the race of which the continual aggravation is indisputable. The United States contain half a million of Negroes, nominally free, but really subject to social disabilities more galling, perhaps, than slavery itself. The numbers of this class augment continually, while fresh insults and injuries are heaped on them in consequence of philanthropic efforts to liberate their brethren who re- main in bondage. A downright slave—a dog—has better treatment than a "free Nigger m the United States since the question of abolition was Agi- tated in that country. Let what will happen, the African blood seems to be precluded from gaining by it. Even in the British Colonies, the immediate consequences of freedom, so far as these may be deemed favourable to the Negro, afford no security against fatal results hereafter from the destruction if capital, or against a war of races, or against such a course of events as should end in converting a body of slaves into a body of savages. In whatever other direction we look, at whichsoever of the evils that afflict the Negro race out of the British dominions,—either in their fatherland, or in their passage across the Atlantic—in the islands or on the continent of America, on both sides of the Line—either in slavery or in nominal freedom,—so surely do we find progres- siveness or aggravation to be a marked feature of the case. From the begin- ning down to the present hour, the course of events has been from bad to worse.

We are profoundly convinced that the general admission of this truth is the only first step towards the adoption of measures which shall allow the Negro race to participate with the rest of the world in the march of civilization and happiuess. A belief in this truth, thanks to Mr. Buxton' is fast gaining ground. The public mind is thus prepared for regarding with favour the sug- gestion of any plan for serving the Negro race, which differs, and because it differs from all the plans that -have hitherto failed. Such is essentially the character of the measure which we have now to describe.

The Tropical dominions of England in America, insular and continental, comprise a territory as fertile as any in the world, and sufficiently extensive to supply all the markets of the world with those Tropical productions which are anywhere raised by slave-labour. What then should prevent the British West Indies from producing these commodities in sufficient abundance, and at a sufficiently cheap rate, to undersell the slave-owner planter, and so, by driving Ins productions out of the principal markets of the world, to deprive him of all motive for desiring to employ slave-labour? There is but one thing to prevent it—the scantiness of population in the West Indies, the want of a sufficient number of hands to provide for two circumstances which slavery secures, and without which it is impossible to raise a large produce in proportion to capital and labour, or in other words cheap commodities. These two circumstances are—first, the combination of many hands in each particular work, such as a sugar-plantation; which power to combine the labour of many hands alone admits of the use of a large capital with all its advantages, and of a division of employments in the particular work with all its increase of production : secondly, constancy of labour, or the unceasing attendance of the sufficient number of

hands, so as to preclude all risk of any such interruption of the work as would tend to diminish the ultimate produce, still more such interruption as could not but be fatal to the harvest. We inhabitants of densely-peopled countries readily

overlook the importance of combination and constancy of labour, resembling in that respect the fine lady who when told that the poor wanted bread, suggested

that they might make shift with pastry. Never feeling the want of hands, al- ways able to procure and retain as many as our capital will employ, we have no notion of the hindrance to production, of the absolute bar to the production of cheap commodities, which arises from inability to secure the permanent labour

of a sufficient number of hands in each particular work for the adoption of the most productive modes of cultivation. This inability, however, is the disadvan-

tage of new or underpeopled countries. Its general existence in America ac- counts for the revival of slavery in that part of the world by those European nations whom a sufficient increase of people had just enabled to abolish slavery at home : for however scanty population may be in proportion to territory, slavery secures both combination and constancy of labour. These two condi- tions of a high degree of productiveness are at present wanting in the West Indies. It is indispensable to provide them in order to produce cheap commo- dities there: In some of the other colonies of England, where slavery has never been al- lowed, no means have been adopted for securing combination and constancy of labour ; and these present, accordingly, a character of poverty and stagnation. As respects another class of British dependencies, immigration accomplishes the desired end. We may assume that immigration is the only process by which it is possible that the West Indies should be supplied with a number of hands sufficient for the object in view. It may also, we think, be taken for granted that the Negro race is the one whose immigration to the West Indies would be most advantageous both to the present inhabitants and to the new comers. That is already the predomi- nant race, and is the only one, except Europeans, (whose immigration as labourers is out of the question,) that would be received on a footing of brotherhood by the staple population. That, too, is the only race to which the climate of the West Indies is known to be entirely congenial. It is also of essential importance, with a view to serving the African Negro, that his race should be preferred to all others.

In this as in every case where the aim is to increase the population of a colony by means of immigration, the first step would be to render the colony as attractive as possible to the class of immigrants. In order to attract any great number of the Negro race to the West Indies, it is absolutely necessary that the principles of Emancipation should be followed out to the end—that that race should there be placed on a footing of perfect social and political equality with the Whites. If any White object to this, we should say that his foolish pride deserves the beggary which the triumph of his objection would entail on his class. For while the utter ruin of the planters must occur without a great increase of labouring hands, it is equally sure that no measure of Negro immigration will be adopted by Parliament that does not repudiate all distinctions of colour. Nor if adopted by Parliament would any measure of the kind prove sufficient for its purpose, unless it made the British Colonies a land of refuge—a happy home for the persecuted Negro population of the Western world. This we address to such planters as forget that Emanci- pation has taken place. To those whose object is to give the Negro race, for once in the world, a fair chance of rising from their universal degradation, we need scarcely say that it is a sine qua non of success to banish every distinction of colour.

Supposing the British West Indies to stand out from the rest of America by the repudiation of every distinction of colour, there would be sources in plenty from which to draw immigrants of the Negro race. The Government of Trust. dad has settled this point as respects the free Coloured people of the United States. Its mission to the States for the purpose of setting on foot a system of Negro immigration to that colony has been completely successful. Equal rights under a sympathizing government was the attraction which it held out to these unhappy people. After much communication with the free Negroes of the United States, the Government of Trinidad is satisfied of their disposi- tion to settle in the British West Indies, provided they be there secured against falling into the same political and social degradation from which they now wish to escape. But where in that part of the world is that race admitted to a real equality with the Whites ? Wherever that race exists in America, they would be well disposed to emigrate to a country of suitable climate, which offered the attraction of good wages and equal rights. From fifty points be- tween Rio de Janeiro and Boston, they would flock to the British Colonies if invited by the call of justice to the Negro. In all probability, however, the increase of population in our Colonies would still be inadequate to the demand for labour. The more intelligent of the emigrants from various parts of America would MU lay by a capi- tal, and would themselves require labouriug hands. In order to supply the utmost possible demand for labour, recourse must be had to the father- land of the race. The object here would be to substitute for the exportation of slaves, a system of free emigration. This is the suggestion of Sir Ed- ward Cost. It may startle the friends of the Negro, but should engage their most serious attention. What is the objection to the emigration of labourers from Africa to the West Indies, any more than from Kent to Australia ? The sole objection is, that African emigration might become the disguise of a slave-trade. That might happen without fitting precautions ; but the objec- tion ceases supposing the precautions to be sufficient. One precaution would suffice : a law should preclude individuals from speculating in the conduct of emigration from Africa to the West Indies; the whole process from beginning

to end—from the first invitation to emigrate down to the emigrant's comfort- able settlement in the colony—should be confided to a special and responsible public authority. The same law might provide specific securities for the Negro's free consent to his removal, for just such care of him during the pas- sage as is bestowed on British emigrants who proceed to Australia under the superintendence of a Government Commission, and for his support in the co- lony until engaged as a labourer for hire. It were well if the law further en- titled the immigrant Negro to public support whenever unemployed, and to obtain, upon demand, a free passage back to Africa. These two last provisions, supposing the cost of their execution to be thrown on the landowners of the West Indies, would prevent the labour-market of the Colonies from being overstocked, either through design or negligence, and yet would really be no burden to the landowners, since they would be merely inoperative liabilities if the labour-market were never overstocked. The conditional liability would be

no more than a wholesome penalty in terrorem. An essential condition of the success of the plan—the economical, like the social attractiveness of the Colo- nies—would thus he continually maintained. Nothing more would be requi- site to produce ere long an amount of free emigration from Africa sufficient to destroy the very root of the African Slave-trade.

There remains another consideration of equal importance with any that has gone before. The mere immigration of labouring hands, however great the number of immigrants, does not by itself provide for constancy and combina- tion of labour—for the preservation of capital by means of labour wherewith to employ it productively, and still less for a continual increase of capital, without

which it is impossible that a colony should be very attractive to persons of the labouring class. If the acquisition of land in the colony be so facile that every one who pleases can readily obtain some land of his own, then an increase of people from immigration may add little or nothing to the amount of labour for hire. The cheapness of land, we have often had occasion to say before, was the original cause of slavery in America. In order that the abolition of slavery

may not be regretted by the capitalists of the West Indies, in order to provide sure employment at good wages for a succession of immigrant labourers, and

above all in order that the productions of free labour in the West Indies should, by their greater cheapness, drive the productions of slave labour elsewhere out of the principal markets of the world, it is indispensable that land in the West

Indies should be made comparatively difficult of acquisition ; in other words, it is a second sine qua non of the success of the whole plan, that poor immigrants should be unable to acquire land of their own otherwise than by saving its

purchase-money out of their wages. The principle is the same whether for an Australian colony with regard to poor emigrants from Britain, or for a West Indian colony in respect of poor Negroes emigrating from the United States or Africa. It is the principle of a due proportion between land and population— an end to be secured only by artificial means in countries where land is natu- rally in excess. In order to insure to the Negroes in the West Indies the at- tributes of civilization, in order to prevent them from sinking into the semi- barbarism of St. Domingo, it is absolutely necessary to apply to their case the principle of colonization which the British Government has adopted in Aus- tralia. The particular application of the principle should of course be adapted to the peculiar circumstances of the West Indies. If all the land of that part of the British empire were still public property, the simple method would suffice of requiring a sufficient price for every acre of public land which be- came private property. The sufficient price is that which would prevent the acquisition of _land by the immigrant until he had :saved its purchase-money by working some few years as a labourer for hire. And this is the course that should be adopted with respect to all land in the West Indies that has not be- come private property. The methods are various by which the undue cheap- ness of land already private property might be obviated. The most simple is perhaps the best. The most simple, and the one too most in accordance with the principle of a sufficient price for all public land, would be to impose an annual tax on private lands equal to the annual interest of the price required for public land. The only difference between the prices of public and private land would then be, that the one was payable in the lump and the other as an annuity : and if the annual land-tax on private estates were made redeemable, even that difference would soon disappear in most cases. In all cases, at any rate, the mischief of over- cheapness would be averted. We presume that another principle of the South Australian system would be applied to the West Indies—that the whole of the purchase-money of public land and of the produce of the tax on private land would be employed as an immigration-fund. The reason for so employing the whole rather than a part of the produce of the land-sales and the land-tax, is, that the maximum of advantage from the system would thus be obtained for every class—for the labourer not leas than for the capitalist. Not only would colonization make the most rapid progress, but if the whole produce of land-sales and land-tax were converted into population, then a less price and a lower tax would be suf- ficient to occasion the due proportion between people and land, than if any part of the fund were any otherwise employed. It may be further concluded, that in order to expedite the whole process as much as possible—in order to save the present capital of the West Indies by means of a timely and ample supply of free labour—the public department which was specially charged:with the execution of the measure, would be au- thorized to raise money by loan for the purpose of emigration on the security of the land sales and the land tax. This would be a power to accomplish the desired good long before the fund had been obtained that was ultimately to pay for that good. Considering that the expenditure of every shilling of the lo.ms would add to the value of the security on which they had been raised, and bearing in mind also that in every part of the West Indies a time must arrive when immigration would no longer be desirable, and the fittest application of the produce of land-sales and land-tax would be in the repayment of the loans which bad been raised on that security, the proposed anticipation of the emi- gration-fund appears wholly unobjectionable. We need not repeat how much it would add to the working capacity of the plan. This plan is scarcely applicable to any portion of the West Indies separately. If the measure were applied to one colony and not to the others, those would interfere with its operation in the one colony. The sufficient price for land in one place would very likely be defeated by an extreme cheapness of land else- where; and there can be no doubt that the colonies which had no immigration- fund would endeavour to draw on those which had for a supply of labouring hands. Uniformity, indeed, may be deemed a fundamental principle of the measure. In order to work oat the principle of uniformity, it is requisite that the whole of the British dominions in that part of the world should be treated as one country, at least for this particular purpose. Steam-navigation indeed promises to accomplish this, even in spite of law, so far as respects economical circumstances. We propose, therefore, a comprehensive plan which should in- clude every part of the British West Indies, without distinction among the colonies any more than between different parts of the same colony. To make exceptions from such a rule would diminish the force of opinion necessary to procure the adoption of the rule, and even when the rule was adopted, could hardly fail to diminish its efficacy. Let it be noted farther, that perfect social equality for the Negroes should also be a law admitting of no exception. The means of Negro civilization should be established, both economically and poli- tically, on every inch of British ground in the West Indies.

The obstacles to the adoption of this plan do not appear insurmountable. They may be told in a few words. There is the miserable jealousy of each other which prevails among some of the colonies ; there is the absurd pride of some White colonists, which, notwithstanding Emancipation, yet refuses to acknowledge brotherhood with the Coloured raced ; there is a habit of thought in some Abolitionists, which prompts them to doubt the possibility of good for the Negro from aught that finds acceptance with the planter or is likely to benefit him ; and, worst of all, there is the indifference, the supineness, the vis inertia of the Imperial Government. The inducements, however, appear more powerful than the obstacles to the adoption of this measure. By vig wously pursuing it, England would establish a great and free community of the Negro blood—would afford the first example of Negro civilization—would cause the current of the destiny of the race to flow for the first time in the channel of improvement. She would sap the foundations of Negro slavery in America, which not only resists all her efforts to overturn it by storm, but seems to gain strength from every violent assault upon it. She would put down the African slave-trade by ruining it. She would open to the African suffering in his own land, the way to peace, to wealth, to mental culture, to moral advancement, to the dignity of freedom and knowledge. She would point to her Negro empire in the West and say to the nations which yet cling to Negro slavery, Behold the complete success of my generous policy ! And if her own necessities gave importance to less noble considerations, she might still congratulate herself on a vast extension of her colonial markets. What a contrast with the present state of the West Indies, and with the actual prospects of the Negro race everywhere! And yet the happier picture might be realized by a tithe of the pains that is bestowed on schemes in relation to this subject which result one after the other in conspi- cuous failure.

NO. II.—REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS ON THE WEST INDIA COLONIES. [July 1842.] Your Committee have devoted their best attention to the important subjects of inquiry which were intrusted to them, and have examined witnesses from the colonies of St. Vincent's, Trinidad, Barbados, British Guiana, Grenada▪ , A.ntigna, St. Kitt's, and Jamaica.

The majority of those witnesses were interested as proprietors or managers of estates in some one or more of the above colonies : but your Committee have also examined other persons, who not only doubt the extent of the present difficulty and distress in the Weak Indies, but differ materially from the West Indian proprietors as to the causes which have led to that distress, and believe that the great advantages which have resulted from Emancipation have been unchecked and unalloyed by any consequent evils.

Your Committee regard the evidence which they have thus collected as being of a most important and interesting character. It closely affects that grand measure of Emancipation, of which the British Colonies in the West Indies have been and are now the scene ; it bears immediately upon the future condition and prospects of those valuable dependencies of the British Crown ; and it has, therefore, a claim to the deep and deliberate consideration of her Majesty's Government and the House.

Your Committee deeply regret that the advanced period of the session to which their inquiries have extended, and the large amount of verbal and documentary evidence which they have received, preclude the possibility of their now submitting to the House a detailed report, framed with that careful regard to every part of the great subject referred to them, which its importance requires, and which would be essential to a full explanation of the opinions they entertain.

It is feared, on the other hand, that if the report of your Committee were to be postponed till the commencement of the next session of Parliament, the evils and inconveniences of such a delay would greatly counterbalance any be- nefits which could result from the statement of their opinions which they might then present.

Your Committee feel reluctantly obliged by these considerations to restrict themselves to the following series of resolutions ; which they therefore beg leave to lay before the House, as expressing briefly but accurately the opinions which they have been led by the evidence to form.

In recommending those resolutions and the evidence to the attention of the House, your Committee feel bound to state, in conclusion, that they cannot regard the present state of the West Indian Colonies, unsatisfactory as it is, with any feeling of despair. They believe that the distress now prevailing in those colonies is very great, and requires immediate attention: they cannot indicate any remedy by which they can be sanguine enough to suppose that such serious distress could be speedily removed ; but they have offered suggestions, in the subjoined resolutions, the effects of which they confidently hope may be ultimately though gradually successful. They believe, that if those suggestions are considered and acted upon in a spirit of equal justice to both proprietors and labourers, prosperity may be restored ; and that, under the blessing of Divine Providence, the world may witness the complete success of the great example which this country has afforded.

RESOLVED, That it is the opinion of this Committee—

I. That the great act of emancipating the slaves in the West Indian Colonies has been productive, as regards the character and condition of the Negro po- pulation, of the most favourable and gratifying results. 2. That the improvement in the character of the Negro in every colony, into the state of which this Committee has had time to extend inquiry, is proved by abundant testimony of an increased and increasing desire for religious and general instruction; a growing disposition to take upon themselves the obliga- tions of marriage, and to fulfil the duties of domestic life ; improved morals; rapid advance in civilization ; and increased sense of the value of property and independent station.

3. That, unhappily, there has occurred, simultaneously with this amendment in the condition of the Negroes, a very great diminution in the staple pro- ductions of the West Indies, to such an extent as to have caused serious and in some cases ruinous injury to the proprietors of estates in those colonies. 4. That while this distress has been felt to a much less extent in some of the smaller and more populous islands, it has been so great in the larger colonies of Jamaica, British Guiana, and Trinidad, as to have caused many estates, hitherto prosperous and productive, to be cultivated for the last two or three years at considerable loss, and others to be abandoned.

i. That the principal causes of this diminished production and consequent distress are, the great difficulty which has been experienced by the planters, in obtaining steady and continuous labour, and the high rate of remuneration which they give for the broken and indifferent work which they are able to procure.

6. That the diminished supply of labour is caused partly by the fact that some of the former slaves have betaken themselves to other occupations more profitable than field-labour ; but the more general cause is, that the labourers are enabled to live in comfort and to acquire wealth, without, for the most part, labouring on the estates of the planters for more than three or four days in a week, and from five to seven hours in a day ; so that they have no suffieient stimulus to perform an adequate amount of work.

7. That this state of things arises partly from the high wages which the insufficiency of the supply of labour, and their competition with each other, naturally compel the planters to pay ; but is principally to be attributed to the easy terms upon which the use of land has been obtainable by Negroes.

8. That many of the former slaves have been enabled to purchase land, and the labourers generally are allowed to occupy provision-grounds, subject to no rent, or to a very low one: and in these fertile countries, the land they thus bold as owners or occupiers, not only yields them an ample supply of food, but in many cases a considerable overplus in money, altogether independent of, and in addition to, the high money-wages which they receive.

9. That the cheapness of land has thus been the main cause of the difficulties which have been experienced ; and that this cheapness is the natural result of the excess of fertile laud beyond the wants of the existing population. 10. That in considering the anxious question of what practical remedies are best calculated to check the increasing depreciation of West Indian property, it therefore appears that much might be effected by judicious arrangements on the part of the planters themselves, for their own general advantage. and by moderate and prudent changes in the system which they have hitherto adopted. 11. That one obvious and most desirable mode of endeavouring to com- pensate for this diminished supply of labour is, to promote the immigration of a fresh labouring population, to such an extent as to create competition for em- ployment.

12. That for the better attainment of that object, as well as to secure the full rights and comforts of the immigrants as freemen, it is desirable that such immigration should be conducted under the authority, inspection, and control of responsible public officers.

13. That it is also a serious question, whether it is not required by a due regard for the just rights and interests of the West Indian proprietors, and the ultimate welfare of the Negroes themselves, more especially in consideration of the large addition to the labouring population, which, it is hoped, may soon be effected by immigration, that the laws which regulate the relations between employers and labourers in the different colonies, should undergo early and careful revision by their respective Legislatures.

NO, III.—EXTRACT FROM THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE COMMONS ON WEST AFRICA. [August 1842.]

The next point we have alluded to, that of the place and manner of locating the Africans who are liberated front the captured slave-ships, is so closely connected with the question of emigration from Africa generally, that this seems to be the proper opportunity for discussing that important subject. Before, however, they go further, your Committee desire to say a few words as to the point of view from which they have felt it their special duty to look at it. On another Committee has been devolved the charge of examining it in its bearings on the prosperity of the West Indies : we consider it our peculiar

duty to look at it as affecting the interests of Africa only, whether of its

natives generally, or specially of those who come into our hands and under our protection in the course of our attempts to put down the slave-trade. Now, the investigation alluded to as devolved upon another Committee of your Honourable House, is no doubt one of the highest importance, even to the interests of the African himself; inasmuch as we have it on the highest authority, that the diminished supply of sugar from our West India Colonies, consequent on Emancipation, gave an extraordinary stimulus to the slave- trade for the supply of Cuba and Brazil; and the best aid for its discourage- ment, and the best chance for its total extinction, would undoubtedly be the diminution of inducement to carry it on, which would arise from the production of sugar by free labour in the British Colonies on lower terms. But, as more immediately within our province, we have thought it our duty to confine our inquiries upon this subject to three points : 1st, Whether, indeed, there are any considerable materials for a free emigration from Africa to the West Indies ; 2dly, Whether it would be desirable for the African to make the change ; and, 3dly, Whether it could be carried on, and how, without reason- able apprehension, or even a possibility, of creating or encouraging a new slave-trade.

Now, as to the first point, we may briefly say, that on the Gold Coast few materials for a perfectly free emigration, or for emigration of any kind, appear to exist. The devastations of the slave-trade, and of the wars con- nected with it, though it has now ceased there entirely for nine or ten years, are yet too recent to allow of the existence of any very crowded population, or any adventurous habits ; and all, save the chiefs and a few dwellers on the coast, who have engaged in the various pursuits of commerce under the protection of the British, the Dutch, and Danish settlements, are slaves, though their slavery, like that of Africa generally, is not, as to labour, of a very grievous kind. As we proceed up the coast, we fall in, between Cape Palmas and Cape Mount, with a very singular race of men, consisting of many small tribes, known commonly by the collective name of Kroomen, scattered along a considerable range of shore; much given, though not exclusively, to mari- time pursuits ; forming part of the crew of every English man-of-war and merchantman on the coast ; known by a distinctive external mark, and neither taken as slaves themselves nor making slaves of others. Their numbers are uncertain, but are undoubtedly considerable, and seem to be increasing; and their confidence in the English character is ascertained. But it seems doubtful whether permission for large numbers to leave their shores could be obtained without some present to their chiefs ; and their attachment to their own country, and their present habits of migrating only for a period and without their families, make it also doubtful whether they would ever become permanent settlers elsewhere, or indeed rercain away from home for a longer period than two or three years. Upon this point we would refer, in addition to other evidence, to that which was given before us by two or three of these men themselves.

Passing by Sierra Leone for the moment, we come to the British settlement of the Gambia; and here we find about 1,500 liberated Africans, whom the British Government has removed thither from Sierra Leone ; from whom of course not much emigration could be expected, though some, for they have little employment there. But we find there a periodical migration from a con- siderable distance up the river in two tribes of Serawoolies and Tilliebunkas, who come in numbers to do all the severe labour of the settlement, and having saved their earnings, return to their homes, apparently free to come and go without restraint or obligation of any kind. Their case may be considered as somewhat resembling that of the Kroomen, and as offering materials for a tem- porary emigration in the first instance, though possibly hereafter, on further experience, for one of a more permanent character. We now return to Sierra Leone ; and here we find the liberated Africans and their descendants, in number from 40,000 to 50,000, a body of Kroomen, in numbers which are variously stated from 1,000 to 5,000, who, like the Serawoolies in the Gambia, do all the hard labour of the colony, and between 1,000 and 2000, of a mixed population, who, like the Kroomen, have come into the colony of their own accord. We have also to deal here with those who may hereafter be the sub- jects of adjudication on their release from slave-ships, or who may hereafter come into the colony, if it should be permitted, for the purpose of emigration. These are the materials for emigration to the West Indies, which have pre- sented themselves; and progressively, if it were permitted, encouraged, and successful, they would probably prove to be considerable.

The next question is, whether it would be a desirable change for these people to be in the West Indies rather than in Africa. Now for this object we desired that statements might be prepared for us, founded principally on official docu- ments, acquainting us with the state of things, the condition of society, the temporal, the moral and religious advantages which would be enjoyed in three of our principal colonies; to which we beg to refer in our Appendix, bat from which we insert here a few extracts, as sufficient for the present occasion.

JAMAICA.

"Of the actual condition of the labouring population of Jamaica, and con- sequently the condition which would be accessible to the African immigrants, Sir C. Metcalfe gives the following description, in his despatch to Lord Stan- ley of the 1st November 1841 — "With respect to the labouring population, formerly slaves, but now per- fectly free, and more independent than the same class in other free countries, I venture to say, that in no country in the world can the labouring popula- tion be more abundantly provided with the necessaries and comforts of life, more at their ease, or more secure from oppression, than in Jamaica; and I may add, that ministers of the gospel for their religious instruction, and schools for the education of their children, are established in all parts of the island, with a tendency to constant increase, although the present reduction of the Mico schools is a temporary drawback."

"Of the means afforded for the religious and moral instruction of the popu- lation of Jamaica, Sir C. Metcalfe, in this despatch, makes the following statement- " I turn from the cheerless prospects of proprietors to a more pleasing feature in the present order of things. The thriving condition of the pea- santry is very striking and gratifying. I do not suppose that any peasantry in the world have so many comforts, or so much independence and enjoy- ment. Their behaviour is peaceable, and in some respects admirable. They are fond of attending Divine service, and are to: be seen on the Lord's Day thronging to their respective churches and chapels, dressed in good clothes, and many of them riding on horseback. They send their children to se 12°01 and pay for their schooling. They subscribe for the erection of churches and chapels ; and in the Baptist communities they not only provide the whole expense of the religious establishment, but by the amount of their coctribu- thms afford to their ministers a very respectable support. Marriage is general among the people. Their morals are, I understand, inch improved, and their sobriety is remarkable.

"For these very gratifying circumstances we are indebted to the ministers of religion in the island, of all denominations : Church of England, Church of Scotland, Moravian, Wesleyans, Baptiste, Bishop, Clergy, and Missionaries, all exert themselves, and vie with each other in amicable rivalry to do good to their fellow-creatures. The number of churches, chapels, and schools, built and baing built in every part of the island, afford a most pleasing and encou- raging sight. In this respect the prospects of the island are very cheering, and the liberal support afforded to useful institutions, and the encouragement given to religious teachers, without any bigoted exclusions, are creditable to the island Legislature, and every part of the community." The reports of the Magistrates, which will be found in the Parliamentary Paper 1842, concur in representing the great efforts which are made in pro- moting religious instruction. " The annual charge defrayed by the colony of Jamaica, for the support of the ministers and schools of the Church of England, was, in 1836, 53,2601. 14s. 5d. currency, or 31,956/. 8s. 8d. sterling money, as will appear by a paper laid before Parliament in 1837, and which will be found referred to in evidence before the Committee of the House on the West India Colonies. Since the year 1836 an increase has been made ; and in the years 1839 and 1840, an addition of 14,0001. sterling per annum was made to the charge. The total annual charge, therefore, defrayed by the colony for that part of the Ecclesiastical and School establishment, connected with the Church of England, exceeds 45,000/. sterling money. But his establishment is still further extended by occasional grants by the Assembly of Jamaica, by Parliamentary grants, and by certain religious societies in England, and by in- dividuals there and in Jamaica. In addition to this establishment very exten- sive means of religious instruction are afforded by the Presbyterian, Moravian, Wesleyan, and Baptist Missions, established in Jamiaca ; and thoselschools and places of worship are thickly spread over the colony ; and large contributions for supporting and extending these schools are derived from Parliamentary grants, from grants by the Assembly of Jamaica, by charitable institutions, and by private individuals here and at Jamaica."

BRITISH GrIANA.

" If I were not convinced that the unhappy Africans are benefited by Ilse transfer to this colony, I should not so urgently press the continuance of the countenance of her Majesty's Government to that effect. I have, in my mai- deuce on this coast, seen that the Africans from Sierra Leone are far from being in the civilized state I should have anticipated; that their condition must, therefore, here be improved : how much more so then must the pure savage be raised by being brought among his own colour, who are in a high progressive state of civilization."

" Religious instruction administered at fifty-seven places of public worship. Each parish has at least two parochial schools under the superintendence of the minister. Each Missionary has a school attached to his domicile, and nearly all the principal plantations in the colony, if at a distance from the schools, maintain a school for the instruction of their labourers' children free of ca- pes se. " An annual grant has been made by the colony in aid of the education of children of the labouring population in the rural districts, amounting to 13,333 dollars."

" The average rate of wages for agricultural labourers is about 5-12ths of a dollar per task ; a day's task is understood to be seven hours, but is generally performed in four or five hours by an industrious man : any extra time or labour is paid for additional." " House-room, garden-ground, medicine, and medical attendance, have hitherto been granted free ; all other requisites are provided by the labourers themselves."

TRINIDAD.

" By Mr. Latrobe's report in 1839, it appears there were 35 day and evening schools, and 14 Sunday, of all denominations; whereas, by the return of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, the Established Church alone has now 28 schools, and it is calculated that the present number in all is not less than from 50 to 60. As regards churches and chapels, there are no less than 18 connected with the Established Church, 11 Roman Catholic, 4 Wesleyan, and 1 Presbyterian, together 34, for a population of from 50,000 to 60,00 souls; this would give a school for every 1,000 souls, and a church for every 2,000. In the Colonial Estimate for this year there is a provision of 1,660L for the Established Church, and for the Roman Catholic 3,2361., as fixed expen- diture, besides 5,865/. towards building churches, and 1,937/. towards educa- tion."

" The soil of Trinidad is a rich marl that requires no manuring whatever, and of such soil there are fully one million of acres in brushwood and forest. Were there only a sufficiency of labour every British market might be amply supplied with sugar from this one Island : hence, foreign sugars would be ex- cluded and the slave-trade, as it refers to Great Britain at least, would be prac- tically discouraged. "in Trinidad, too, Christian ministers can live and labour with far less risk of health and loss of time. Government is also extremely willing to give half the amount required for the erection of chapels, school-houses, teachers' salaries, &c. in any part of the island where we may have even a small society of emigrants. " It is therefore my deliberate conviction, that the people would gain an ac- cession to their religious privileges by quitting any part of Western Africa for the island of Trinidad.

" But again, 1 think that the worldly circumstances of the emigrants would be considerably advanced. The labourers may very easily earn half a dollar per day on their arrival here!; and in a couple of weeks, that is, as soon as they fully understand the nature of the work, the able-bodied may make a dollar. A house and garden are given to every labourer On these particu- lars Mr. David and the labourers who have returned with him will be able to satisfy you."

Now, after looking at such a picture, drawn from the most unsuspected sources, we cannot doubt that, whether for the homeless Negro just rescued

from the hold of a slave-ship, or for the ignorant and uncivilized African who comes down to our settlements to pick up a smallpittance by the hardest labour, and to return with it to his barbarous home, it would be of the highest advantage, it would be the greatest blessing, to make such an exchange. But

how is it with the liberated African of Sierra Leone, w ho has been enjoying perhaps for years the fostering care of the British Government ? Now to that Government, beyond his rescue from the slave-ship, and emancipation from future slavery, and a temporary sustenance, and his being placed within the reach of missionary efforts, to which it has not contributed, the liberated African cannot fairly be said to owe much. To the invaluable exertions 'Atha

Church Missionary Society more especially, and also to a considerable extent, as in all our Afr:e an settlements, to the Wesleyan body, the highest praise is

due. The former expend nearly 7,000L, the latter nearly 2,000/. annually upon the religious instruction of the colony. By their efforts nearly one-tifth of the whole Imputation, a most unusually high proportion in any country, are at chool ; and the effects are visible in considerable intellectual, moral, and relgiou

improvement—very considerable under the peculiar circumstances of such a colony. But a few ill-supported schools and one chaplain is all that has been contributed by the Government to the religious and moral improvement of those of whom she has undertaken the protection ; and their social improvement has been unattempted. No model farm has been established, no instruction Ia agriculture has been afforded. The rate of wages, when any are earned, which U chiefly by a few in the neighbourhood of lithe towns, is fourpence to seven- pence a day ; and with this and a little cultivation, a sufficient subsistence, though nothing more, is gained. The extent of good soil is limited; the in- habitants weeder out of the colony for the subsistence which they cannot find within it. There is little industry; there are small facilities for trade, as the colony itself produces little to export save a little arrow-root and ginger, and the river which it commands is only navigable for thirty or forty mile, to any useful purpose, and supplies no article but timber and camwood. With such a climate, therefore, and thus circumstanced, the colony can never invite the residence of planters or of merchants of considerable capital, or become a favourite with officers, either civil or military, of a higher order. What de- ments of prosperity, therefore, can it have ? The Government has not done much, but under any circumstances the colony must be an artificial creation. The Government ought to have established a model farm, or in some way com- municated agricultural knowledge ; and we would recommend that it should he attempted even now. But, after all, what is that to the magnificent model farms which would surround the African in the West Indies ?

We need hardly add more to prove that it would be well for the African, in every point of view, to find himself a free labourer in the free British West India Colonies enjoying there, as be would, higher advantages of every kind ; than have fallen to the lot of the Negro race in any other portion of the globe.

We pass the question, though not absolutely to be lost sight of, that in Sierra Leone, the newly-liberated African is a burden to the British Govern- ment as well as to himself; and that in the West Indies, not only would his -own condition be improved, but he would become a source of wealth and prosperity to the empire. But we roust not omit the advantage to Africa, of the probable return to her soil of many of her own sons, enriched with civil and religious knowledge, and bringing back with them wealth and the means of wealth and civilization; that reflux of the West upon the East, in mo- derate numbers, and managed with caution," in the words of Sir John Jere- aide, " to which we must look fcr the civilization of the East."

But your Committee had next to consider %holier, in achieving this object, any danger existed of creating a real or plausible suspicion of a real slave- trade under another name. Under proper regulations, they think there is not. A free passage may be offered to the African already settled within the colony, and to the free settler or other native, who shall have remained long enough in the colony to give the authorities sufficient time to ascertain the circum- stances under which he came, and to assure themselves that they were entirely free from all suspicion of fraud or force. To such as thus leave their homes, a free passage back at the end of a certain period, say three or four years, might be promised, with full permission to them to return at any time at their own expense. To the homeless African, newly liberated, the option should be given of settling at once in the West Indies, if he please, with permission to return hereafter at his own cost, or of removing from Sierra Leone, or of re- maining in it on the first adjudication, if he undertake for his own maintenance or can find friends or relations who will undertake it for him.

With regard to the Kroomen, however desirable they may be as labourers, and however advantageous the object may be to themselves, we are not prepared in the first instance to recommend other facilities for emigration than those which we have suggested to he offered to other natives who might desire to make use of a British settlement as a point of departure.* If they should desire, an it appears that it is not improbable they may, to make a migration across the Atlantic, with their habits they will find no difficulty in making their way, for the purpose, to Sierra Leone, where some hundreds or even thousands of their brethren habitually reside ; some of whom have already emigrated to Guiana, and seem to be as active in the field as we have long found them to be ea the sea, and to be well pleased with the experiment.

If it should hereafter be thought desirable to form any settlement on the if.roo Coast, however small, it might facilitate arrangements similar to those which we have recommended for the other settlements. Or they might pos- inlay hereafter be embarked from the coast itself under the superintendence of

nran-of-war. (See Capt. Denman.) The same door might be opened, under the same precautions, from the Gambia; but with regard to the Gold Coast, the supply of labour there not appearing to be more than necessary for the wants of the country, we would not recommend any pecliar facilities to be afforded.

The expense of the emigration would of course be defrayed by the colony to which each successive band of emigrants was directed.

All this of coarse cannot be secured from abuse without the strictest super- intendence of some Government authority ; which we believe, dealing as it would do only with British settlements, would be substantially effective. But we would earnestly recommend that it should rather be undertaken altogether by the Government itself. In that way only can perfect security be given and felt against the abuses which might arise from the competition of the agents of rival colonies ; in that way only can perfect confidence be given, whether to the African himself, or to the public opinion of England and the civilized world, that nothing shall be done which shall even bring sus- picion upon a reputation of which we are justly jealous, of which we can still be proud, and which it is of the highest importance that we should sus- tain. But under these sanctions, whether we look to the effect of the pros- perity of our free colonies in discouraging the slave-trade, or to the advan- tage of placing the African in that position vy here he will be most likely to raise himself in the moral and social scale, and to react beneficially upon the destinies of his mother-country4 Your Committtee cannot but strongly verge upon Parliament, not only not to prohibit the emigration of free Blacks from our African settlements to our West India Colonies, but to encourage and promote it by the authority of Government, under the sanctions and regulations above suggested, or such other as further consideration may supply.

As we have said before, the way in which this question is disposed of will affect materially other questions connected with the internal administration of the colony. If emigration should go on to any great extent from the settled population of Sierra Leone, which we believe it might without in any way injuring the condition of the colony, but rather the reverse, (for the rate of wages would probably rise, and it appears that it is not the successful and thriving who are inclined to go,) it will probably be possible to dispense with some of the esta- blishment which is now requisite for watching over the interests of the liberated Africans. If, on adjudication, they are mostly located in the West

• On this point, however, we beg to refer to the important evidence of Captain Den. man, who thinks that on account of the peculiar character of the Kroomen, emigra- tion, with common precaution, might be conduard frum their coast without risk of abuse. See Q.6995, et preced. To prove that this expectation is not albigether even now unsupported by facts, we beg to quote a passage from a letter in the Appendix. from Messrs. Anderson and Co. Demerara, 30th April 1842. The Superior is off today for Sierra Leone slaty- eight people have gone in her, including children; and with the exception of three or four, who are old soldiers, the whole of' them are people who came seven or eight years ago from the Dahamas, (liberated Africans?) and they return to their native country with a good deal of money ; three of them have not less than 6,000 dollars each."

Indies, the much-discussed question of the best means of disposing of them, of the necessity of maintaining them, as now, for six months, or the expe- diency of leaving them at once to their own resources and the charity of their countrymen—the question of the best means of disposing of the children, and the ever-new devices of successive Governors for escaping from the inevitable evils of apprenticing them to persons on whose character no dependence can he placed, will be got rid of, and the British Government will be relieved from the necessity of attempting to overcome the obstacles which Nature seems herself to have interposed at Sierra Leone in the way of insuring a prosperous condition to the objects of its humane care.

No. IV.—DESPATCH FROM LORD STANLEY TO GOVERNOR

MACDONALD.

Downing Street, 6th February 1843. Sir—In compliance with the recommendation of the Select Committee of the House of Commons which sat last session to inquire into the State of the British Possessions on the Western Coast of Africa, it has been decided by her Majesty's Government to undertake the superintendence of emigration from that coast to her Majesty's West India Colonies. Of my concurrence in the views which induced my predecessor, Lord John Russell, to sanction and encourage a system of free emigration from Africa to the West Indies, you have already been made aware by the instructions you have received from me to facilitate and promote it. I am glad to find that the unanimous decision of a Committee, comprising among its members several of the most active and tried friends of the Coloured race, confirms my own opinion, that the benefits to be derived from such emi- gration will not be confined to the West India Colonies, and that a frequent and systematic intercourse with those colonies will afford the fairest prospects to the natives of Africa of an improvement in their physical comforts, and an advance in the blessings of civilization. I have little to add on this subject to the evidence and papers which accom- pany their report, and that of the Committee on the State of the West Indies, copies of which are enclosed. In confirmation of the general view, I am happy to be able to furnish you with reports lately received from the Governor of British Guiana on the condi- tion of the African immigrants in that colony. Your own experience will have proved to you the difficulty which exists within the limits of your own government in obtaining for the liberated Afri- can youths instruction and employment, even in the commonest agricultural pursuits.

The extracts which I enclose from the report of Lieutenant Webb, on his late expedition to the Model Farm upon the Niger, mark strongly the import- ance, with a view to the civilization of the African race, of their being in con- tact and communion with White men; but they furnish, at the same time, strong evidence of the difficulty of establishing such contact and communion within Africa itself. I am of course aware that the emigration of Africans to colonies which have been the scenes of former slavery, however conducted, is always liable to suspicion and to misconstruction on the part of foreign powers. I enclose you a note addressed by the Spanish Government to that of her Majesty, in December 1841, together with the correspondence relating to it, by which you will perceive that such misconstruction even at that time pre- vailed.

Her Majesty's Government had not, at the date of that correspondence, taken into its own hands the conduct of this emigration; and so far the reply to it is not applicable ; but as in taking upon itself that charge they are conscious that they only interpose another safeguard against the possibility of abuse, they feel that by so doing they give additional weight to the statements which that reply contains, and to which they consider they may confidently appeal as containing a triumphant vindication of the coulee which they are pursuing.

Into the details of the plan on which her Majesty's Government propose to carry on the system it is not my intention to enter in this despatch: you will collect them from the correspondence enclosed in a despatch (No. 88) of the same date with this, specifying the particular points to which it will be neces- sary that you should direct your attention, and covering detailed instructions for the Emigration Agent. Its general features, however, are as follows— All vessels carrying emigrants from the West Coast of Africa to the West Indies, at the expense of the respective colonies, shall in future be under the management of Government-officers, and either chartered by the Government or specially licensed for the purpose by the Secretary of State. In the first instance, the only colonies to which the emigration so managed will be directed are Jamaica, Trinidad, and British Guiana; money having already been pro- vided by their respective Legislatures applicable to defraying the expense of im- migration: but on proper provision being made by other West India Colonies, they will be included in the scheme. To insure similarity of practice in regard to all matters connected with emigration, it will be required of the Legislature of each West India colony comprehended, or which may wish to be compre- hended in the scheme, to adopt respectively laws upon the subject containing provisions in accordance with recommendations which will be submitted to them by my authority.

The only places from which emigrants will at present be taken are, Sierra Leone, Boavista, and Loando; the two latter being places at which Nixed Commission Courts have been established under the late treaty with Portugal.

As Governor of Sierra Leone, you will cause it to be publicly notified, that emigrant-vessels will for the future sail periodically from that colony, under the direct management of her Majesty's Government. With regard to the collection and the superintendence of the embarkation of emigrants, the same system which was established by Lord John Russell will be continued, viz, that agents, or an agent, will be employed by the West Indian Colonies for the purpose of collecting persons who may be disposed to emigrate, and may answer the descriptions required; such agents to be under the control of the Governors of colonies by which they are employed, though also liable to be suspended for misconduct by the Governor of Sierra Leone, and to be prohibited from entering into specific engagements for any exact amount of wages, or doing more than stating the substance of the latest official returns respecting the average rates in each colony. These agents, for distinc- tion, may be called Colonial Agents.

The embarkation of emigrants will continue to be superintended, as at pre- sent, by an agent to be appointed by yourself. He will of course be relieved from that part of his present duty which relates to the inspection of vessels, that responsibility being assumed directly by her Majesty's Government. It will, however, rest with him to regulate, under your directions, the order of precedence of sailing of vessels employed by Government under the new system; and, as before, to ascertain that all persons embark with their complete free consent, that they have been the requisite time in the colony, that they have been examined by the Surgeon, that the proper proportion of sexes is observed, and, in short, that the regulations applicable are strictly attended to. Fordis- tinction sake, this officer may be termed the Government Agent.

The plan has been first put into operation by engaging, in this country, one vessel for the service of each of the colonies named, which will be paid for ex- clusively by such colony. These vessels will return to Sierra Leone as soon as They have landed the emigrants; and it is intended that they shall perform as many voyages in the year as may be practicable under the established regale-

tions. On board each vessel is placed, first, a Lieutenant of the Navy, under whose general directions the ship will sail, and will consequently carry a trans- port pennant ; and secondly, a Surgeon of the Navy, who will examine the emigrants before embarkation, to ascertain the fact of their being in good bodily health, and have the medical charge of them during the voyage. Although these vessels, collectively, are calculated to carry annually a num- ber exceeding by one-third the total number who emigrated during the last year from Sierra Leone, her Majesty's Government are aware that the num- bers which could be thus conveyed would be inadequate to confer any sensible benefit on the West Indian colonies, and that these vessels must therefore be regarded rather as the means of promoting emigration by the facilities which they will afford for intercommunication, than as themselves affording adequate provision for coming it on. If emigration is to be increased to any consider- able extent, additional tonnage will of course be required. With this purpose, should it be found necessary, other vessels, supplementary to those directly chartered by the Government, will be permitted to proceed to the ports above enumerated, and carry from thence emigrants who could not be accommodated in the regular packets ; their passages being in like manner defrayed by the respective colonies, and the vessels (on board each of which a Government Agent, probably a Surgeon Superintendent, will be placed) being subject to the same regulations as those permanently chartered. I have carefully considered, in conjunction with the leading West India merchants, how far it might be expedient at present to bring into operation that part of the plan which provides for such additional tonnage; and I concur with them in considering it more prudent, in the first instance, not to add very largely to the accommodation provided by the permanent vessels, until time shall have been allowed to ascertain the effects of the confidence which it is expected that the return of these vessels will produce on the minds of the African population.

On the arrival of the emigrants in the West Indies, they will be received by the Government Immigration Agent for the colony to which they go. He will ascertain that the people brought correspond with the list of persons made out by the Superintending Agents or other officer appointed at the port of emigration; and he will take the necessary measures for landing them, or taking charge of them on board until they can have an opportunity of making them- selves acquainted with the nature of the offers of wages and advantages %Lich may be open to them. When lauded, they will be entirely free to adopt any course they may consider most for their own advantage ; no contract made by them out of the colony being permitted to be of any validity whatever as against them, and the duration of any contract made in the colon) being limited to the period of one year. A constant communication between Africa and the West Indies being kept up by means of the vessels chartered by Government, free passages backwards and forwards will be given in them to any persons acting as delegates, who will carry back to Sierra Leone information respecting the West India colonies, upon which it is likely reliance will be placed by persons of the labouring class. To all other emigrants taken from the coast of Africa, who will of course be at liberty at any period to leave the colony at their own expense, it is intended, as soon as the necessary legislative provisions can be made, that passages back to Sierra Leone shall be granted, at a rate proportionable to the period of their residence in the West Indies, during the first five years after their landing in the colony to which they have emigrated; and after the expiration of five years, (if they have not been across in the interim,) it is intended that a free passage shall be given on demand, provided the demand be made within a time to be limited after the date at which the five years shall have expired. The different Legislatures will be called upon to take steps for insuring the free passage hack, including those who may arrive by the first vessels; and in the mean time the emigrants must proceed, in this respect, under the condition of the Bounty system. Persons who may have crossed in the interim as delegates will equally be entitled, at the expiration of the five years, to a free passage hack. In the arrangements connected with the ship, and the number of passengers in proportion to the tonnage and superficies of the deck, all the regulations of the Passengers Act will be required to be strictly complied with. Such being the outline of the scheme, I must refer you for detailed in• structions to my despatch, No. 88; and, in conclusion, it remains for me only to impress upon you most strongly the necessity of exercising the strictest superintendence over the workings of the whole system. I need scarcely re- mind you, that it is due to those who it is hoped will avail themselves of the opportunities offered for emigration, that every precaution should be adopted which can be devised for the prevention of improper practices; but I must add, that it is not less important to those who hope to benefit by an influx of such immigrants, that the system should be free from even the suspicion of abuse; its very existence will be made to depend upon the purity of the character which it maintains.

I have, &c. (Signed) STANLEY.

To Governor Macdonald, &c. &c. Sierra Leone.

No. V.—CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE SPANISH GOVERNMENT.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM U. GONZALEZ TO MR. ASTON, DATED 20TH DECEMBER 1841.

It is here necessary to examine what would be the results to which Emanci- pation would lead in Cuba; and they are not gratuitous suppositions, but real and effective facts, which the English nation can prove in their own colonies. The abundance in Tropical countries, the few necessities of the African race, and their want of enlightenment, are the occasion that, if left to them- selves, they become overwhelmed with sloth, indolence, and all the vices of their condition ; thus bringing on society evils without number, as took place in Santo Domingo, and as now occurs in Jamaica. In Jamaica, the value of property fell 86 per cent in consequence of the Emancipation ; the same result is experienced in the Northern States with re- gard to those of the South of the American Union ; and in vain are coercive laws appealed to for compelling the Negroes to work, as neither the rural code of Santo Domingo, nor the law of the 17th September 1838, in Jamaica, are sufficient to render the Negroes laborious.

Jamaica presents besides, the lamentable example of a reform executed out of time or season ; and, without intending to censure the conduct followed in that formerly rich and now unfortunate island, the facts are so public that they do not require commentaries. The slaves emancipated refuse to work ; the proprietors emigrate by hundreds; the emigration of Whites has produced no other effect than to consume infructnously the funds voted for that pur- pose; and matters have arrived at such a state, that her Britannic Majesty's Government, the same who now demand the absolute emancipation in Cuba since 1820, have in February last authorized Mr. Barclay, a member of the Legislative Council of Jamaica, to convey thither from Sierra Leone thousands of Negroes, who, under the denomination of forced labourers for fourteen or fifteen years, will he real slaves, torn from their native country, and carried to work in slavery ; thus reproducing in 1840 those of statu liberi of the Romans ; and in consequence of this authorization, the Royal Navy of England has already begun to convey Negroes to Jamaica for a slavery, which, though tem- porary, is contrary to existing treaties.

So that it appears from this, that England retrogrades to slavery for the ad- vantage of her colonies, under the title of engagement or forced services, for the apace of fourteen or fifteen years ; the only path she has found for remedy- ing the evils which Emancipation has produced, and alleviating the immense losses of the proprietors of Jamaica, and notwithstanding all her resolutions with regard to the Negroes.

Such is the force of recta.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM LORD STANLEY TO THE EARL OF

ABERDEEN.

Dios nine Street, 28 February 1842. My Lord—My Under Secretary has laid before me Viscount Canning's

letter of the 19th ultimo, transmitting an extract of a note addressed by the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs to her Majesty's Envoy at Madrid on the 20th December last, and requesting that I would communicate to your Lord- ship any observations upon the subject of this note, which the information in my possession might enable me to give. In compliance with this request, I submit to yogi- Lordship the following remarks upon the note of M. Gonzalez.

• • •

Much less information than those papers contain, and a very slender know- ledge of the state of public feeling in this country and its influence over public measures, would have sufficed to show M. Gonzalez, that the forced convey- ance of Negroes from Sierra Leone to the West Indies, and the forced labour which he supposes to have taken place, would have been as impossible as they would have been iniquitous and Inconsistent with all that Great Britain has dune on behalf of the Negroes, and all the sacrifices she has made. These acts and sacrifices, and the spirit in which they were done and suffered, are notorious in every civilized region of the world, and therefore they cannot be unknown to the Government of Spain. The national feeling which prompted them is as strong now as it ever was, and the parties who are the representa- tives of that feeling in the country are not less vigilant ; and were there to be the slightest attempt at encroachment on the freedom of the Negro in any part of the British dominions, it would be exposed and resisted the instant that it was made.

On reference to the papers printed by Parliament, it will be found that the course of proceeding in regard to the emigration from Sierra Leone was en- tirely consonant with this state of feeling in the Mother-country. When that emigration was proposed, there was no law to prevent it, pro- vided it were bona fide voluntary. Her Majesty's subjects of the African race in Sierra Leone were as free to go to the West Indies as any of her subjects are to go from any one part of her dominions to any other. But if there was no law to prevent it, neither was there any law to guard it from abuse, and it appeared to her Majesty's Government that laws and regu- lations for this purpose were necessary.

On reference to the laws and regulations which were adopted, it will be

found-1st, That whereas M. Gonzalez states the Negroes to be " torn from their native country," the fact is, that no Negro can embark as an emigrant from Sierra Leone to the West Indies without having been personally ex- amined by an Agent of the Government, to ascertain not only that he goes by his own wish and with his free consent, but also that no fraud or imposition has been practised to procure his consent. 2ndly, That whereas M. Gonzales states that the emigrants will be real slaves, the fact is, that they will poseus precisely the same legal rights, with the same full security for a practical en- joyment of them, as any other British subjects in the colony. And 3ffiy, That

hereas M. Gonzalez states that they are to work under the denomination of

forced labourers for fourteen or fifteen years, the fact is, that they cannot even by their own act bin t themselves to any such labours, inasmuch as the law provides that any contract for labour which they may enter into before their arrival in the colony shall be null and void, and that even those which they may enter into after their arrival shall not be binding for more than one year. Such (to use M. Gonzalez's expression) is the force of facts, and such ill the care with which the British Government have guarded against every possibility of an invasion of the liberty of the Negro, whether in Africa or in the Welt Indies.

It will be further found, that lest interested persona should practise upon the

credulity of the Negro and tempt him to emigrate by holding out to him false or exaggerated prospects, the Agent of the Government at Sierra Leone ex- plains to every Negro desiring to emigrate the real state of things in the colony to which he proposes to go; the rate of wages, the price of provision; the nature of the climate, and all other particulars which it may concern him to know ; and that on his arrival in the West Indies, he is met by another Agent of the Government, who advises him to agree to no contracts till he has acquired experience of the colony, and can judge of the terms offered to him, and in the mean time advises him as to the terms he should accept for day-labour. It will also be observed by the reports of the Governors and. Sti- pendiary Magistrates, that although large numbers of emigrant-labourers have gone to the British colonies in the Vest Indies from various countries, both British and foreign—from Malta and Madeira, from the United States of Ame- rica, from Germany, from Martinique, and from British India—yet none of these labourers are more prosperous, healthy, and contented, than the emi- grants from Sierra Leone ; whilst the competition among the planters to obtain their services has placed at their command the highest wages which are paid for labour in the colony, amounting to no less than from half a dollar to a dollar per diem, according to the extent of the task which they may be desirous

to undertake.

The statements of M. Gonzalez have now been as fully answered as it is possible that they should be in the compass of a communication of this nature. But it may be desirable to invite M. Gonzalez to a careful examination of the documents accompauyiug this letter, by which he may possess himself of accu- rate information on a question deeply affecting the Colonial dominions of Spain. Should the G,vernment of her most Catholic Majesty be still distrust- ful of the information thus freely tendered, and desire to follow the example of the Government of France by. sending Commissioners to the British colonies in the West Indies to inquire Into the results of the emancipation, I shall be happy to direct that all public documents which can be of assistance to them in their inquiry shall be open to their inspection. In the mean time, 1 feel myself called upon, not only to answer the state- ments of M. Gonzalez as they have been answered, but also to express my regret that such statements have been made. Respecting the commercial prosperity of the British West Indian colonies, we can have no right to com- plain of the expression of any opinion which M. Gonzalez may have formed, upon whatever data. But when AL Gonzalez charges the British Government with having canoed thousands of Negroes to be torn from their native country and carried to work in slavery in the West Indies, I cannot withhold the expression of my deep regret that M. Gonzalez should have permitted himself, however strong may be his prepossession against the measure of emancipation, to hazard, in ignorance of the real facts of the case, arid, as it has been shown, in direct contradiction to them, imputations upon the British Government, involving a violation of national honour and faith, and a participation in acts which, by whatever nation they are done or permitted to be done, are re- garded in this country, and in the civilized world at large, with daily increasing abhorrence.

I am, &c. (Signed)

The Right Hon. the Earl of Aberdeen, Sec. &c. &c.STANLEY. NO. VI. —EXTRACTS FROM GOVERNOR LIGHT'S REPORT ON THE CON- DITION OF AFRICAN IMMIGRANTS IN GUIANA, " On the 16th September I began my inspection; first, to Plantation High- bury, on the East bank of the Berbice river, 12t1 miles from New Amsterdam, at the termination of the high road, and whence communication to the estates higher up the river is carried on by boats. On Highbury, between 18th Ja- nuary and 28th July, 143 Africans had been located; of whom eleven had re- moved to Plantation Everton, and five had died, leaving 127 ; of these fifteen were still suffering, chiefly from dysentery, in the hospital ; and others whom 1 saw with chigoe sores, which depicted the only wants of care and cleanliness that I afterwards had occasion to remark : the manager had only lately taken over the estate, and the sickness and deaths were accounted for satisfactorily, as arising from the sickly condition of fifty which the estate received from the Egyptienne. With the exception of the sick in hospital, the Africans were mustered for my inspection : they were apparently satisfied with their condi- tion were perfectly aware of their freedom and right to choose their employer,

of which, as is mentioned above, eleven had taken advantage. One half of the number are under fourteen years of age ; the younger ones under the care of men and women of the estate, who cooked for them and attended to their wants ; sixty-four attend an evening-school; a few are beginning to understand their letters and their use ; those who arrived first on the estate have learned to express themselves in English ; and all earn money by their labour, the older ones working and earning as much as the estates' people—and all know well the value of their industry. • • • " On return to New Amsterdam, I visited Plantation Friends, six miles dis- tant; where the original number of Africans was seventy-one ; of these seven had gone to some other estate, three had died. These people were exceedingly healthy, and exhibited evident marks of care and attention; they had better clothes than at Highbury ; were happy, joyous, free from sores; and did the highest credit to their employers, Messrs. Laing. There is a school on the estate, which all attend ; they all earn wages, and are fully aware of the value of their industry. • • " Plantation Providence was the next and bust estate of this day's route. Here there had been thirty-five Africans located; but only twelve bad re- mained; the others had been induced to remove to Standfastighird, a planta- tion on the other bank of the river—not very creditably to the inducer, it is said, for they had been most kindly treated, and had no cause for complaint : of the remaining twelve, seven were children, having already the civilized ap- pearance of the Creoles, and five adults, who earn the ordinary day's wages of the estate's labourers; they all attend school close to the estate, and Divine service on Sundays. • • • "Rose Hall had nineteen Africans originally ; of whom three had quitted for another estate. They were healthy, but were less satisfied than on the other estates. None had died. I contented myself with instructing the Sti- pendiary Magistrate to attend at the payment of wages to those who were dis- satisfied; being convinced that the full choice of masters being open to the Africans, they would soon seek other locations, where such source of dissatis- faction would cease. •

" I returned to Blairmont, opposite New Amsterdam. Sixteen out of twenty had left the estate. None had been sick or had died. This, with Bal- thyock, an adjoining estate, is under one management and attorneyship. On the latter estate there had been fifty-one located ; one had died on the estate, and one at the colonial hospital ; nine had gone to some other estate, leaving forty. They were brought to Blairmont for my inspection. They were in excellent health, free from sores, and appeared to have had great attention paid to them. They were cheerful and industrious. One of the men, who only arrived in May last, was about to become a freeholder on the cstatc, having contracted for the purchase of a piece of land.

"There is no school on this estate; but they attend a neighbouring chapel.

" On my return I was prayed to visit Litchfield, a free settlement ; and entered the cottage of one of the labourers, [apparently a Creole Negro, not a native-born African—not one of the influenced, but of the influencers,] who was the acknowledged chief of the village, and whose hospitality has been noted by Mr. Wolseley, by name Cudjoe Macpherson. I believe a man might travel from the Land's End to the Northern extremity of Scotland and not find in a peasant, or even farmer's house, the cleanly sumptuous fare that had been provided for myself and suite ; wine, beer, sangoree, lemonade, ginger- beer, fish, flesh, and fowl. Unluckily, we had no appetites; but there was no indiscreet pressing to eat or drink : three or four well-dressed labourers stood round us, ready to assist the host : this man was a labourer, the evening teacher of the village school, and bad been a slave; his house, the common- sized cottage of the country, wattled with mud plaster, boarded inside, thatched with Trouli leaves on the out, bad cost him only eighty dollars, besides the labour of his own bands. Decent sideboard, displaying well-arranged de- canters and glasses, with wooden beeches and chairs, formed the furniture of a well-cleaned sitting-room.

" Here I inspected 104 captured Africans, out ef 108 originally located : one of these had died, and three were slightly indisposed. It was impossible not to perceive that the highest care had been taken of these people : they were well dressed, free from sores, and cheerful with their employer; many of them earning high wages, which already had been applied by the earners to their own comforts ; the younger ones under charge of respectable Creoles; their cottages excellent, some of which I entered; and in one, that of a married couple, was to be found the ordinary furniture, good bed, washing and other utensils, trunks, chairs, and table covered with clean white tablecloth; several of the men wore superfine coats, their own purchase. There is a school and Episcopalian chapel at a short distance from the estate, attended by the greatest number of the younger people daily, and on Sunday s by the adults. There was an air of activity and progress here which was highly gratifying ; extensive buildings, numerous, well-built, and well-laid out dwellings, all which united gives this property the aspect of a large flourishing village : the addition of 100 more labourers, in progressive squads, would, I believe, free the proprietors from all anxiety ; and I trust, ere long, on that bead they will be satisfied, for the Africans cannot but be benefited by such locations."

" I will add a few words on the benefits conferred on the Africans, which may be applied to the whole province ; which, I trust, will be enabled to profit by their introduction ; and in places where they are most wanted, particu- larly the islands in the Essequibo, (whose population has been considerably diminished by the labourers purchasing independency on the main land,) parts of the west coast of Demerara, and of the Arabian coast.

" The first arrivals at Berbice have already established their character for cheerful industry ; they fully know their freedom • the younger ones are docile, many of them understand English, read their alphabet, and comprehend its use; some repeat the Lord's Prayer. They were in some degree disciplined when the second importation took place : these, by their intercourse with the first, have more quickly known their position and attained industrious habits, working cheerfully, eager for money. The third addition were still more readily -ettled to industry by the example of their predecessors on the estates. " Habits of cleanliness, decencies of dress, have been taught to all. The ministers of religion are earnest in endeavours to bring them to a sense of reli- gion. The younger are taken to church, chapel, and school, by persons ap- pointed for that purpose on the estates; the elder ones fellow the example of the younger.

" The vices of savages take time to correct : fondness for ardent spirits, and indifference to ties between the sexes, are prominent. Every pains is taken to check these vices : and one or two marriages have been contracted, at urgent request, by some who have begun to understand the nature of the tie. " The baptism of the Africans is still withheld by the different ministers of religion, till more knowledge of its meaning can be impresssed. " The old labourers of the estates encourage and kindly treat the new corners; have no jealousy of them. The example of the first will assist the zeal of the ministers in conversion to Christianity.

" I found on every estate the means of interpretation, either through some old African of the estate or forward new importation who had learned English. " When asked if they wished to return to Africa, the answer was always in the negative; they were happier where they were. Were they well fed and kindly treated? the answer was always in the affirmative, except at one estate, Rose Hall, where there was dissatisfaction as to wages; which the Stipendiary Magistrate was directed to sift. The Africans have an easy remedy in any neighbouring estate, whose manager or proprietor will be too happy to employ them. These people know their freedom ; and I have elsewhere shown they have in many instances proved their sense of it by removing to estates to which they give preference.

"Of the whole number, one half maybe said to be under fifteen years of age, none above twenty-five, or at most thirty : most of these with fully the intelli- gence of the Creoles. When asked bow they were made slaves, the answer by some was, they were taken in war and brought from the interior, far distant ; and by others that they were sold by their parents for a small supply of corn. "The absence of all old people from the number brought to Berbice is well accounted for, when I learned that 180 persons, of both sexes, were barbarously put to death on the sea-coast, as being too old for the purchasers and selectors of a cargo afterwards captured by a British cruiser, and of which several of the Africans formed a part. " From among the Africans now and hereafter to be introduced, both the rural Dean of Berbice, Mr. Fothergill, and the Reverend Barry Cornwall, look forward to the selection of some who may be educated for missionaries; and I have no doubt that if these gentlemen, both enthusiastic in the idea, live, this will be one of the tasks to which they will apply themselves. It is thus that, for the benefit of Africa, some useful subjects may be found willing and able to aid in the great aim of our country—the civilization of Africa, and the conver- sion of its barbarous children."

V I I . —EXTRACT OF A DESPATCH FROM LORD STANLEY TO SIR LIONEL SMITH, THE GOVERNOR OF THE MAURITIUS.

Downing Street. 22d January 1842. Sir—Her Majesty's Government have carefully weighed the question of permitting the introduction into Mauritius of labourers from India, and have adverted to the various despatches on that subject from yourself, which are enumerated in the margin. Their conclusion is, that whether regard be had to the interests of the colony, or to the welfare of the labourers themselves, it is desirable to revoke the existing prohibitory law. Some explanation, however, appears necessary to prevent any misconception of the motives which have in- duced the confidential advisers of the Crown to adopt this conclusion.

The abolition of slavery has rendered the British Colonies the scene of an ex- periment, whether the staple products of Tropical countries can be raised as effectually and as advantageously by the labour of freemen as by that of slaves. To bring that momentous question to a fair trial, it is requisite that no unne- cessary discouragement should be given to the introduction of free-labourers into our colonies. So far as it may be inevitable to obstruct such immigration by taking effective securities that the immigrants shall be, in the fullest sense of the term, free agents—that obstruction may be justified, but no further. Without the aid to be drawn from a foreign supply of labour, much of the fixed capital a present existing in the Sugar Colonies, and especially in Mauri- tius, will become comparatively useless. In addition to the very serious loss attendant on such an extinction of property, would be the still greater evil, that the colony must retrograde in wealth and civilization beyond the power of recovery within any assignable period. To these considerations are to be added such as directly affect those for whose protection the existing restraints were imposed. In the vast population of India, poverty and distress but too often appear in the most appalling forms. Among the few resources open to the sufferers for escaping these calamities, one is emigration to Mauritius, where a constant and large demand for their labour exists. The motives for interdicting to them this relief ought to be at once clear and decisive.

Among those motives, justice to the newly-emancipated class has been al- leged. It is maintained that we have no moral right to introduce rivals into the market for their labour, especially when such rivals are brought there at the expense of the public revenue; a fund to which it is said the enfranchised Negroes contribute so largely, though they have neither voice nor influence in the expenditure of it. I cannot subscribe to the justice of this reason. When the slaves in our colonies were emancipated, they became subject to all the duties and to all the liabilities of the free members of a free state. Industry in their callings was one of those duties, and the penalties consequent on indolence and self-indulgence were among those liabilities. I of course do not mean that any inoffensive member of society, who earns what is necessary for the subsistence of himself and his family, should be exposed to any punish- ment, in the strict and proper sense of that term, because, contenting himself with the bare necessaries of life, he consumes in idleness time which, well em- ployed, would improve his comforts and elevate him in the scale of society. But if a large portion of the people in any colony, contenting themselves to live in this manner, withdraw from those labours by which the community at large would be enriched and improved, they can have no reasonable ground of complaint if measures be taken by the Legislature to introduce other work- men a ho will undertake the duties which they decline. In fact, by thus stimulating the indolent to a vigorous competition, the most essential benefit will in reality be rendered to them, in proportion as a life of successful exer- tion is more conducive to the welfare of men than a state of self-indulgent repose.