AMERICAN CONFERENCE IN EUROPE.
TICE explanation of the motive and purpose of a conference of American Ministers on the European Continent is intelligible— is consistent with the progress of America in power and influence, and with the present posture of affairs. The present war must come to an end sooner or later. There is no expectation in America, any more than in England, that it will terminate within a twelve- month from this period : it may terminate sooner, or be pro- tracted indefinitely longer. At the conclusion there will of course be a congress to settle the conditions of peace and the relations of litigants ; and at that congress America, in some way or other, intends to be present. By the previous conference, now pend- ing, will the American Government be assisted in preparing to advance its claim in the manner most conducive to American in- fluence, and least alarming or offensive to other parties engaged. There is a strong feeling in the United States that a better un- derstanding reciprocally of the views entertained in Europe and in America would obviate interruptions to friendly feeling. As an example of the subjects upon which America is misunder- stood, Cuba is instanced ; and the question of right and wrong in that matter is of course distinct from the question respecting the na- ture of American motives and views. A thoroughgoing patriot of the Republic is proud to boast that no land has been annexed to the United States without having been duly acquired under treaty, and even paid for. France was paid for Louisiana, Spain for Florida, he Indians are compensated for their ceded land ; and even ilexico, beaten as she was, received a price, with which she professed to be contented, for California. " Law- less annexation" is not desired—is disliked. During the troubles of 1837, when the Canadians declared themselves on various grounds to be oppressively treated by Great Britain, there were organiza- tions along the whole extent of the 1Western border, for the purpose of assisting the colonists in a stand-up fight to conquer their liberty and independence. It was not solely by abstract political principles that the Americans were moved. A very great number had personal relations with individuals on the British side of the border. Sprung from the same stock, bearing the same names, speaking the same language, they were, sometimes literally, cousins ; and when Tom Styles on the North of the border declared in the tone of complaint that he was wrongously treated, John Nokes on the South side told his old woman that he was thinking of taking his rifle and being off for a month or two to help his cousins in getting their own. The Government at Washington felt an anxiety on that subject which could scarcely be appreciated in this country ; sines here our Government either
absolutely concurs in any object supported by the popular acclaim,- or it possesses the power to suppress an irregular manifestation of general opinion. ...Amy Government with responsibilities beyond the frontier would be desirous to restrain the action of its citizens upon foreign ground ; but the American Government, subject to the body of citizens, does not possess the imperial power to " put down " the people. The gordian knot was out by the- British Government, which instituted a liberal policy in Canada, superseded internal questions of faction and disaffection, rendered Canada tranquil, annulled the occasion for American sympathy, and relieved the Executive at Washington from anxiety. No one hears of Canadian annexation now ; no one fears border troubles ; and the Executive is applauded in passing reciprocity treaties with Lord Elgin. Viewed in this manner from Washington, the case of Cuba ap- pears strictly analogous to that of Canada. Whatever grand dis-. unctions we may see, the American statesman at once discerns ex- actly the same troubles in the direction of Cuba that it escaped in the direction of Canada. There is a far more widespread connexion between the Spanish island and the Anglo-American states than we always remember. Havanna is an agreeable place in winter, with a softer air than most of the American towns can boast, with varied entertainments, and a pleasant society. It is therefore much fre- quented by Americans who dread or dislike a harsh winter. On the other hand, unwholesome even for the Creoles in summer, it is deserted by many of them, who rush to the watering-places of the Union, and there form another round of personal acquaint- ance. The Americans in Cuba acquire a strong sympathy for an European race under great and mortifying subjec-
tion. Offices of trust, political power, exercises of author-
ity, are monopolized for Spaniards born. They alone are trusted; they can mulct the islanders ; they can pocket pelf ; and they can insult those whom they oppress. Again, the Cuban visit- ing the Republic acquires a strong liking for the personal freedom which he finds enjoyed by everybody with a white skin. He re- turns imbued with an Anglo-Saxon view of public policy. He
becomes " suspect "; and probably, if there is any insurrection to repress, the Spaniard-born officials who are anxious not to subtract
from the tribute sent to the Madrid Government which appoints
them, notifies to some three hundred or so of those suspected Liberals, that they shall be fined to pay for the expenses of de-
fence. Thus fines are inflicted broadcast, without control; and a wrong is sustained which commercial Americans can perfectly, understand, which all Americans resent by sympathy. The feel- ing extends every day. There is an idea constantly gaining ground
that the genuine Cubans—the residents of European extraction. who are born on the island—desire to join the Union, but are pre-
vented by foreign Royalists at a distance. Every State in the Union sympathizes with that position ; the individual friends of the Cubans feel political sympathies animated by personal regard ; and some thousands, whose numbers are continually increasing,, are ready to act as a volunteer auxiliary corps in Cuba. These, thousands again possess the sympathy of tens of thousands; and the American Executive would contravene public opinion if it appeared fighting on the side of Absolute Spain against the Cuban form of " Native Americanism." Were Spain free to copy the
conduet of the English Government, the Executive of Washington would be released from an urgent anxiety, and would find no new nessity to buy peace, as it proposes to buy it, in purchasing Cuba from insolvent Spain with a large sum of money. In the American view which we are stating, the interests of all parties would be served by such an arrangement. Cuba,'of course,
is supposed to be anxious, on every ground political and social ; while commercially it would share the prosperity that extends to the whole Union. France and England, who have committed themselves to some advocacy of Spanish rights, are believed to have a material interest in sanctioning the release of Cuba from a fiscal and customs system which prevents the large trade that might otherwise be enjoyed by the merchanta of Western Europee Spain herself, so Washington thinks, would not lose if she had in hand a sum of money equivalent to a. few future years of Cuban revenue, and were released from those military and naval expenses
which she now incurs to retain the island, and which probably leave to her annually only a nominal profit upon the possession.
Moreover, money would rescue Spain from the weight of debt with which she now vainly struggles, would supply the means for developing her internal resources, and would be the first step towards placing her on a level with other European countries. Now it is believed in Washington, that a more perfect under- standing in England of questions like these would be as conducive to cement the friendly feeling between the great states on either side of the Atlantic, as unquestionably a better comprehension of English politics developed in Canada has contributed to the esteem and confidence of Americans for England.
Already American influence has procured consideration for some questions, concessions upon some points, which the Union had greatly at heart. The immunity for neutrals during war is a de-, tided tribute to American influence. Although not greatly locomo• tive, the power of America it would be preposterous to deny. The stake which she has acquired in the wide extension of her commerce is equally manifest ; and the degree to which that commerce lain- fluenced by treaties arranged between European powers is equally evident. The advantage of knowing the wishes, and of receiving any advice which American statesmen can contribute to delibera- tion upon the political arrangements of the civilized world, cinidd hardly be despised by any assemblage of European statesmen.
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