ruttiuti111.

Mr. Ellice, the senior Member for Coventry, and a voter in the minority on the 3d March, issued an address to his constituents explaining his reasons for giving that vote. "I did not approve," he writes "and sincerely lament, the extreme ry

measures to which our civil and miliia authorities in China have carried their proceedings, on their own responsibility, and without direct instructions from home. It appears to me that reprisals might have been required, or taken, for the insult offered our flag, and the ulterior course, if these had not been considered sufficient, reserved for the determination of she Government in England. It may be true that frequent infractions of the treaty, petty ado of provocation and insolence, and feelings of alarm and horror i , nspired by the cruel and unscrupulous character and hostile disposition of the barbarous Governor of Canton, may have led our agents to act more upon the impulses of the British residents than a calmer review of these occurrences hero would seem to justify. But still, in my opinion, the question of general hostilities should have been reserved for higher authority. It would seem full time that this practice of involving the country in wars in the East, except under the pressing necessities of self-defence, Should be brought more directly within the control of Parliament. But the case before the House of Commons was not the original policy of the war, for which the Government were not responsible, but whether they had made the most expedient choice in the evils before them' of maintaining or disavowing the acts of their agents The questionI asked myself, on deciding on my vote, was whether, if I had been a member of Lord Palmerton's Cabinet, I could have even with the opinions which I have expressed, taken any other course than that which they adopted. I could only answer I must, however reluctantly, have agreed with them. . . . . If I had had greater doubts with respect to my vote, I confess I should have been unwilling to desert the Liberal ranks and abandon Lord Palmerston on such an emergency. We have carried the country victoriously through a hard struggle, under his auspices. The very men who were associated in the debate and the division, to destroy his power and expel him from office, were those to whose hesitation and weakness we probably owed the origin of the Russian war, and who for one reason or another left the helm in the storm that followed, and did their utmost to weaken and embarrass him in the arduous task thrown upon bins I felt that he was entitled to your and my gratitude for the energy,_ constancy, and success with which he carried us through the trial. We are indebted to him also for the appointment of earnest, zealous, and efficient men ià the highest places in the Church, under whose auspices we may hope for reforms and amendments in the Establishment, as well as for the encouragement and protection of religious liberty, and of the worthy and enlightened ministers of other denominations of the Protestant Church."

Sir Joseph Paxton has circulated an address to the electors of Coventry, vindicating his conduct in voting with Mr. Cobden.

Sir Francis Baring's vote on the China question having been challenged by some of his supporters at Portsmouth, he has defended himself in a spirited but temperate letter to the chairman of his committee. On the party question, he writes—" I have been a party man all my life, said am not willing to underrate party considerations. In many cases I perfectly understand that, weighing the evils or advantages of two alternatives, it may be perfectly justifiable to prefer the retaining a good Government in office rather than the carrying any particular motion, however good. But there must be some limit to these party feelings. I cannot rate war and all its horrors as a light matter. For the shedding of the blood even of our enemies I believe we are responsible to a higher tribunal : we have no right to go to war without a justifiable cause ; and I do not reckon as a justifiable cause the desire to keep my friends in office. "I am told that the honour of England requires that their agents should be supported." He had no hesitation in saying what should have been done. "The conduct of affairs should at once have been taken out of the hands of Sir John Bowring ; he has shown himself utterly unfit for such grave duties. On the receipt of the first intelligence, a man of firm but calm temper should have been sent out with instructions framed in a conciliatory spirit. Much must have been left to his discretion. I am not one to believe that the instant withdrawal of our forces and at all hazards would contribute to the object, peace ; but I believe every effort should be made, and in a conciliatory spirit, to bring us out of the discreditable and difficult position in which Sir John Bowling has placed us."

Lord Monck has received a rebuff from his constituents at Portsmouth. He met them in the Hall of the Beneficial Society on Wednesday. A resolution was proposed expressing confidence in the Government in general and Lord Monck in particular ; but it was negatived, and a resolution was carried by a great majority, stating that it would not be " judicious to return Viscount Monck to Parliament, unless he pledges himself to support the extension of the suffrage and vote by ballot."

Sir Erskine Perry met his constituents at Devonport on Monday. He denied that he had given a factious vote ; he had voted according to the dictates of his conscience. He ventured the opinion that in the forthcoming Parliament Lord Palmerston will have a larger majority of supporters than he has at present ; that he is the only man in whom the country could place confidence, or at least who is strong enough to form a Government ; that he has deserved well of his country in upholding British honour in a time of great danger ; and Sir Erskine would deem it his duty to vote with him when in the right, but against him when in the wrong. The meeting came to no conclusion ; giving Sir Erskine Perry time to explain himself further.

Mr. Roundell Palmer has issued a circular stating that he shall not offer himself again to the electors of Plymouth. The Liberals have resolved to unite and elect "a more suitable colleague for Mr. Collier."

The two Southampton Members, Mr. Wilcox and Mr. Weguelin, again come forward. Mr. Wilcox stands on his Parliamentary conduct for ten years, and recommends his colleague as "a sound Liberal, a man of ability, and a gentleman." Mr. Weguelin vindicates his vote on the China question; praises Lord Palmerston's foreign policy; and promises "an independent but not an indiscriminate support" to the Government; and renews his pledges to vote for an extension of the suffrage, law-reform, unsectarian education, the ballot, and the abolition of church-rates.

Mr. W. S. Lindsay has made an appeal to Tynemouth. In voting with Mr. Cobden, he says, he was not actuated by a factious motive. His feelings are with Lord Palmerston; and if Lord Palmerston had told the Liberals when he called them together that he would send out some one to Canton high in authority, Mr. Lindsay would have voted with Lord Palmerston.

Mr. Bright was at Rome when he received the news that his Manchester friends would again put him forward. He instantly replied by tele graph, that he accepted the decision of the committee. At a meeting er this body on Tuesday, Mr. George Wilson read an extract from a lett written by Mr. Bright, at Rome, on the 2241 February, to Mr. Vaughan, his brother-in-law. It will interest those who take an interest in Mr. Bright.

"And now about my health. Nobody supposes that anything is the

matter with me, I seem so well ; and I can do generally what other people do when they are doing nothing but to amuse themselves. I am, however, much better : reading, vrriting, or talking, do not harm me now; and, with some interruptions, I feel in better spirits, and as if time' and not a long time perhaps, would restore the tone of the system. It has been a terrible disappointment to be thus exiled, and at such a time, and when questions of such interest are being discussed at home. But I try, not always with success, to resign myself to what I cannot escape from.'

Mr. Roebuck, having learnt that his constituents objected to his China vote, called them together on Wednesday, and personally addressed them in the open air. The result was, that they came to a strong resolution approving of his manly and independent conduct, and asked him to stand again. The meeting also made the like request to Mr. Hadfield.

The Sheffield Cutlers Association have adopted an address of confidence in Lord Palmerston. The mercantile community of Bristol have largely signed an address of a similar purport. Both these addresses have been presented to the Premier, and " thaukfully received."

Mr. Torrens M‘Cullogh and Mr. E. W. Watkins, the Liberal condi dates for Yarmouth, met the electors on Saturday. Mr. M'Cullagh regrets that the issue before the country is exceptional, and would prefer that it were broader. The Liberal party should give up something of their individual opinions for the sake of common progress. For his part, he will not pledge himself to support any Minister ; he will be the servant of his constituents.

Bath seems doubtful whom to choose in the room of Captain Scobell. Sir Arthur Elton has been asked to stand ; with what result is uncertain. There is some talk of calling in " Etithen."

Mr. Arthur Helps, whom not a few members of the University of Cambridge would have preferred to Mr. Walpole as successor to the late Mr. Goulburn, has addressed the following letter to the Master of Sidney College:

Oxford and Cambridge Club. March 9. "My dear Master of Sidney—I have just received your letter. I have no intention whatever of coming forward as a candidate for the representation of the University of Cambridge. The experience which I gained when sitting in Mr. Denman's committee convinced me that I am not a fit person to aspire to that honour. I cannot attach the importance to such questions,as the Maynooth Grant' and 'Sabbath Observance' which I found was at

tached to them by many excellent persons in your constituency ; and I perceived that a man like myself, of decidedly Liberal tendencies, inclinecl to form his own opinions upon all subjects that should be brought before him, would be likely to come into unpleasant collision with that numerous and influential part of the constituency which enjoys a fixity of opinion, not always justified by the amount of thought bestowed in forming the opinion, upon most matters in Church and State. Moreover, in the embarrassing condition of political parties, I am afraid I should find it difficult to obtain a firm footing in any direction. Like the rest of the world, I admire Lord Palmerston for his many brilliant qualities, and for much of his conduct of the late war ; but I think his home administration singularly deficient in purpose and usefulness. He holds out little or no promise, that I can see, of political or social reforms ; and with regard to the subject at_present at issue, I am obliged to admit that, if I had been in Parliament, I must, however reluctantly, have voted against the Government upon the China question.

"lam much grieved to observe the imputation of unworthy motives to those

public men who have come to a similar conclusion, upon reasons which I doubt not were imperative upon their consciences. Amongst the foremost men in polities, there is hardly any one with whom I have hitherto sympathized less than I have with Mr. Gladstone ; but I am not blind to the nobility of his nature, and to his ardent desire for right and justice on every occasion. I cannot accuse such a man of factiousness. Then with regard to Lord John Russell, I have never very much admired the Whig Administrations which he has directed ; and I have often regretted to see the predominance in them of certain Whig families which has not been justified as it seemed to me, by any particular administrative ability on their part. But I must confess that the political world, especially the Liberal part of it, seem to be somewhat ungrateful to Lord John, and very prone to construe his conduct in the most unfavourable manner. I believe that on this China question he has been actuated by none but the highest motives; and I am confirmed in that opinion when I find that he is supported by such amen as Sir Francis Baring, whose scrupulous sense of justice I have had many opportunities of observing when serving with him, in a humble capacity, in official life. Lord Stanley, too, must be admitted to be a man who is above and beyond mere party considerations. The same assertion is indubitable as regards Mr. Cobden, Mr. Roebuck, and many other well-known personages who voted recently against the Government. I do not know what view the University may take of the China question, and I may be merely fighting a shadow ; but I think it probable that my views on this question, and my opinions, above expressed, of some of the principal members of the Opp.osition, would alone insure my rejection by many of those whom I might otherwise hope for as supporters. "Upon purely personal considerations, there are not many men in the country, I believe, who would be more glad than I should be to find the next six weeks pass over without having to solicit the votes of their fellow citizens ; but, as I said on a former occasion, I shall not reject any feasible opportunity of obtaining a seat in Parliament ; for in so doing, I may strengthen, though by one vote only and by the labour of one additional mind, that small party which finds most employment for its energies in matters connected with social legislation. I firmly believe that, amidst the din of wars' i the intricacies of foreign politics, the contentions of party, and the difficulties arising from the want of preparation and the inefficient conduct of legislative business, the interests, the welfare, the amusements, and the education of what we call the lower classes, are steadily neglected ; of those people to whose stalwart energy, habitual obedience to law, and wonderful endurance, here at home as well as on the battle-field, we owe the preflminence that we enjoy as a nation, in arms, in industrial conquests, and in political organization.

"I have thus fully explained myself to you, my dear Master; and I

think you will have no doubt, after reading what I have written, that I should be a most unlikely candidate to succeed in obtaining the representation of the University of Cambridge—one of the greatest honours that can be conferred on any man. Will you have the kindness to communicate the substance of this letter to my friends at Cambridge ? The question which you put to me has been asked by others, and I cannot too quickly inform, them of my determination not to come forward. "I remain, yours ever most faithfully, Anarren HELPS?' The action of Davison versus Duncan and another—a libel case which has already made some noise in and out of Parliament—was tried at Durham Assizes on Saturday. The action was brought by Mr. Davison, a Durham attorney, against the publishers of the _Durham Advertiser. The libel, charging fraud, was included in the report of the proceedings of the West Hartlepool Improvement Commissioners—two or three of the Commissioners concurring in a charge uttered by one. The defendants pleaded "not guilty" of publishing the libel ; also that it was true ; and that the report was correct, and published without malice. Evidence was given to show that the libel was not true, and the second plea was abandoned by the defendants. Mr. Justice Crompton, in summing up, said there was no doubt as to the publication of the libel. The Jury must dispose of the third plea—that the report was accurate—because although the Court of Queen's Bench had decided that it was a bad plea, yet a Court of Error might hold that it was a good defence. The Jury must also say whether the defendants had malice. The Jury found for the plaintiff on the first and second issues, and for the defendant on the third, being of opinion that the report was correct, and published without malice—damages one ,forthing. The Judge declined to certify that the libel was wilful and malicious.

At Aylesbury Assizes, Philip White, a most infamous fellow, has been convicted of administering a noxious drug to a girl to produce a miscarriage. Sentence, transportation for life. He was accused also of having poisoned his wife but the Grand Jury ignored the bill, and a trial on the Coroner's commitnient was not pressed, the evidence being insufficient.

At York Assizes, Edward Autey, formerly clerk to the Leeds, Bradford, and Halifax Railway Company, was convicted of forging and uttering three dividend-warrants. The sentence was six years' penal servitude.

The notorious George Holmes—prematurely liberated on account of his weak health—has been reconvicted at the Wakefield Sessions, the poor fellow having sufficiently recovered to commit a felony : sentence, six years' penal servitude.

Water continues to be poured into the workings of the Lundhill Colliery to extinguish the fire. It is not expected that the bodies of the sufferers can be got out of the pit for a month or six weeks. It has been ascertained that 189 colliers must have perished in the mine.

At the resumed inquest, on Monday, on one of the sufferers who died after reaching the surface' more evidence was given that the rules of the pit had not been observed. One man had complained that the system of working was not safe ; and he explained to the Jury why he thought it unsafe. But all the other witnesses, as usual, while admitting that the rules were broken, tried to justify their non-observance by saying it was not necessary to carry them out strictly. Nothing conclusive as to the cause of the explosion was elicited.

The Tyne steamer was rescued from her uneasy berth on the Dorsetshire coast on Thursday morning, and safely towed to Southampton.