13thatto nut Vrnrutings in arlionitut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OP THE WEEK..

HOUSE or LORDS. Monday, July 9. Italian Affairs ; Lord Normanby's Com- plaints—Naval Discipline Bill read a second time—Tramways (Scotland) Bill with- drawn—Law and Equity Bill committed.

TUesday, July 10. Syrian Question ; Lord Stratford's Questions—Railway Cheap Trains Billread a second time—Local Boards of Health, Sze., Bill read a thud time and passed. Thursday, July 12. Jew's Act Amendment Bill committed—Naval Discipline Bill committed—Indemnity Bill read a second time—Law and Equity Bill read a third time and passed. Friday, July 13. Criminal Lunatics Asylum Bill read a third time and passed— Railway Cheap Trains Bill read a third time and passed —Indemnity Bill com- mitted.

over or Convoss. Monday, July 9. Bankruptcy and Insolvency (Salaries, .) Bill reported—Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill in Committee—Indemnity Bill ad a third time and passed—Regulation and Inspection of Mines Bill read a third time and passed—Bleaching and Dyeing Works Bill read a third time and passed. Tuesday, July 10. Kensington Gardens ; Mr. Cowper's Statement—Italian poli- ties; Lord John Russell's Answers to Mr. Griffiths—Naval Allowances ; Mr. B. Cochrane's Motion—Gas Metropolis Bill in Committee—Smithfield Market, Rte., Bill committed—Roman Catholic Charities Bill in Committee.

Wednesday, July 11. Census Bill committed—Census (Ireland) Bill committed —Corrupt Practices Prevention Act (1854) Amendment Bill withdrawn. Thursday, July 12. Bankruptcy Bill in Committee—Galway Packet Line ; Mr. Gladstone's Statement—The Syrian Troubles ; Lord J. Russell's Statement—Sar- dinia and Sicily ; Sir Robert Peel's Motion—Supply ; the China Vote of Credit- Annuity-tax. Abolition (Edinburgh) Bill read a third time, by 204 to 17, and passed —Registration of Births, Ste. (Scotland), Bill read a third time and passed—Peace Preservation (Ireland) Act Amendment Bill read a first time. Friday, July 13. Tenure and Improvement of Land (Ireland) Bill considered as amended—Savoy and Switzerland ; Mr. Kinglake's Question—Paper-duty ; Mr. Whalley's Question—Supply ; China Vote.

• BANKRUPTCY.

The adjourned debate on the report of the Bankruptcy and Insolvency (Salaries) Bill, so abruptly terminated a fortnight before by an adverse vote,- was resumed on Monday ; when the ATTORNEY-GENERAL stated what course he should pursue. He had proposed to throw the old com- pensations of 1831 on the Consolidated Fund. The House decided against him ; but not for that did he hesitate about going on with the

bill.

" I took that vole as an indication of the temper of the House. I had met with three adverse divisions. I had received from the opposite side of

the House the most generous and the most enlightened support. I am in- debted to the honourable and learned Member for Belfast, to the Member for Wallingford, the Member for East Suffolk, and the right honourable

gentleman the Member for the University of Dublin, for such assistance ; but the adverse divisions were all called for and headed by gentlemen who sit behind me. (Laughter.) Nothing would induce me to proceed with the bill unless there is some confidence in the Government and some confi- dence in its author. It is a bill which not twenty gentlemen in the House have read, and which certainly not twenty understand—(Renewed laughter) —therefore, if every gentleman is to do that which is right in his own eyes, whether he understands the matter or not it would be of no use to attempt to proceed with the measure. I could undoubtedly meet any ordinary op- position ; but the blows which I have received have come from familiar friends in whom I trusted. (Continued laughter.) What probability is there of success ? I am opposed by the right honourable gentleman the Member for Coventry, although I believe there is not a single merchant or manufacturer in that place who has not petitioned in favour of the bill.

The honourable Member for Nottingham also went out with the majority, yet from the town which he represents I have received the strongest entreaties to go on with the measure nay, on the part of the whole commercial world

there is, as far as I see, with the exception of some matter of detail, the greatest anxiety for the passing of this bill. (Cheers.) We have had two nights, and

have got through twenty-four clauses. Unless, therefore, there is a general disposition to put confidence in the Government, to trust to the attention and care which have been used in preparing this bill, and to place that confi-

dente upon the approbation which has been given to it by the public;' n 4 are infinitely more concerned in it, and have been infinitely more di .g-v in its study than have honourable Members of this House I must give of

the attempt to pass it as a hopeless task. In the hope that confide, '

8- 4' will be extended, and that we shall proceed with a desire to pass it, I , r 1,1r willing to go on with the bill. The arrangement which I propose in ordejy to remedy the mischief which the honourable baronet somewhat uncon seiously did is this—I propose to leave the additional salaries of the County ' Court judges, if the House shall think fit to pass them, charged upon Di_ e Consolidated Fund, but I also propose to give to that fund a very large compensation for that small additional charge. The House will recollect ' that the County. Court judges have been treated with some little inequality —I may say with some degree of unfairness. They are divided into three classes ; some receive 15001. a year, another small class receives 13501., and another 12001. Now, it being the object of the Bankruptcy Bill to give ad- ditional labour in bankruptcy to these judges, and especially to those who receive only 1200/. a year, I propose to make the salaries of all County Court judges 15001. a year. In return for this it has been felt that the fees of the County Courts would well bear some augmentation. At present 10d. only is paid for each plaint; it is proposed to increase that to Is. At present nothing IS paid for the service of a summons, and in consequence summonses are frequently taken out vexatiously. It is proposed to impose a small charge upon the service of a summons, and so numerous are these sum- monses that this trifling additional impost, which has been recommended by 50 County Court judges out of 57, will bring in to the Consolidated Fund about 34,0001. a year, the charge which I propose to throw upon it amount- ing to only 10,5001. If, therefore, that be done which the House is aware depends upon the Treasury and the Lord Chancellor, the Consolidated Fund, instead of being a loser, will, in fact, be a considerable gainer. The other measure which I shall ask the House to adopt is this—I shall leave the retiring annuities created by the Act of 1831 charged where they now are. I propose that a statement of accounts shall be laid before Parliament on the 1st of March every year, and that a vote for any deficiency which may exist, never exceeding the amount of compensations and retiring al- lowances, shall be taken on the 1st of April. In that way I expect to enable the Court of Bankruptcy to diminish its fees to the amount of about 90,0001. per annum. Those fees may be described in few words. There are stamp-duties now paid to the amount of 26,0001. a year ; I propose to reduce them to about 50001. There is a heavy percentage paid upon estates in bankruptcy, which, upon an average of seven or eight years, amounts to about 38,0001. I propose to take that avray altogether, because the practi- cal effect of its continuance would be to keep very large estates out of the court. In addition, there are large and oppressive percentages received by the official assignees ; they amounted last year to nearly 51,0001. I propose to abolish these altogether. Of course in making these large reductions I reckon upon a considerable increase to the income of the court, which I ex- pect will be made by bringing all trust deeds and deeds of composition with-

in the reach of the law of bankruptcy." - The resolutions were agreed to and adopted by the House, which then went into Committee on the Bankruptcy Bill, beginning with clause 28. The Committee subjected every clause to a rigorous criticism and made several changes.

Clause 28 relates to the salaries of County Court, and adds to them, making them 15001. a year. But the Arrousev-Gearsam. desired to amend it, and therefore it was postponed. Clause 32 provides that cases of debt or damage not exceeding 40e. in value might be tried by the registrar of a County Court, instead of by the judge. This was objected to by Mr. BOCVERTE and others who said it was an innovation to delegate the functions of Judges to Registrars. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL admitted the force of the objection and with- drew the clause.

Clause 40 provides for the vacations of the district Commissioners of Bankruptcy. Mr. RoEmrca said it was unjust to make any distinction between County Court Judges, who pay for vacations, and Commission- ers, whose vacations it was proposed should be paid under the bill. Several Members agreed in this objection, and the Committee dividing on question that the clause should stand part of the bill, there were 36 for and 38 against the clause, so it was struck out.

Clause 49 was amended by the insertion of words enabling the Chief Judge in Bankruptcy, to call in the assistance of one or more judges of the superior courts of common law. It was further amended by omitting words limiting the right of appeal to special cases certified by the Chief Judge. In clause 73, words were inserted giving power to transfer the officers of the Insolvency Court to the New Court of Bankruptcy. The words in clause 77 providing for the payment of a substitute during the temporary absence of the Commissioner or registrar from sick- ness or any other reasonable cause were struck on the motion of Mr. SCHOLEPIELD by 117 to 110. The Arronsey-Gmeesar, at once proposed to strike out the clause altogether. This led to an attack upon him for his "temper" by Mr. Bbuvsure, and to a defence against this " unrea- sonable" attack from Lord Pathisasros who said that Sir Richard Bethel had behaved in a most conciliatory manner, and had accepted suggestions from both sides of the House. The Arrouivev-GssmAx also sharply defended himself. Having done so he said he thought it unkind, unreasonable, and impolitic to impose upon a sick judge the obligation to appoint a deputy whom he would have to pay. But finally the clause was agreed to. Then arose a long conversation on a motion to report progress, moved by Mr. ROEBUCK after midnight. Lord Priareusrox proposed to take up the bill again at a morning sitting on Thursday. To this there was some demur, and Mr. MaLnes suggested the withdrawal of the bill. But Lord Palmerston was firm.

The House then resumed, divided on the question, that the Com- mittee should sit at twelve on Thursday, and carried the motion by 135 to 66.

Further progress was made in Committee on Thursday morning up to clause 128, some intermediate clauses being postponed. On clause 84, abolishing prospectively the office of accountant, a warm dispute arose on the question whether the office should not be abolished at once, as it is useless. On the other hand, it was alleged that if the office were abolished compensation must be paid, and the registrar paid too for doing the work: An amendment was moved by Mr. MITHUAT to abolish the office at once. Mr. HENLEY hoped the Attorney-General would tell them what the duties of this gentleman really were. It was admitted on all aides that such an office was useless, and in these circumstances he should like to know why the present accountant was to be retained. Sir FITZROY KELLY thought great injustice would be done to this gen-

thrum if his office was to be abolished without giving him adequate com- pensation.

The ATTORNEY-GMNERAL could not characterize the proposal that had come from the other side of the House as other than a most extravagant democratical proposition. ("No, no .1") This office had been originated by an Act of Parliament, and the duties were designated and the salary fixed by that Act. It was, in truth, a freehold office, and one to which the words of the Duke of Wellington in 1831, when speaking of the proposed abolition of the office of patentee of bankrupts, were in every respect applicable. The Duke, speaking of the Reverend Mr. Thurlow, the holder of that office, said in another place that he was as much en- titled to retain his office as any one of their lordships was to retain his seat. It would be an outrage on justice, and a violent and democratic measure, to deprive the present accountant of the rights guaranteed to him by Act of Parliament, and he believed that the adoption of such a course would insure the rejection of the bill in another place. (" Oh, oh !") Mr. HENLEY denied that there was the slightest ground for the impu- tation cast on the Opposition side of the House. He had no right to assume that it was proposed to abolish this office without compensation. Neither had Sir Richard any right to charge them with violent and de- mocratic conduct. He had not condescended to argue the subject or to answer the queition he had put, as to what were the duties of this office, but he had heaped upon them the most violent abuse. He would ask the honourable and learned gentleman if indulgence in that kind of language was the way to get on with his bill ? (Laughter.) It was the very way to stop it. He could tell the honourable and learned gentleman that he would not be permitted to make such charges unanswered when Mr. Henley is present. (La'ughter.) And he would ask those gentlemen who were anxious to proceed with the bill to keep the Attorney-General quiet if they expected to do so. (Laughter.)

On a division the amendment was negatived by 89 to 37.

THE CMCSUS BILL.

The Wednesday sitting was occupied by a debate on the clause in the Census Bill providing for a religious census.

The House went into Committee ; the first three clauses were agreed to; but on clause 4, which provides for a declaration of the religious pro- fession of each person enumerated, Mr. EAMES moved the omission of the words in question from the clause, pointing out that the feeling of the dissenting, body was to be gathered from the vast number of petitions which bad been presented against it, and protesting against an enact- ment which was so much opposed to the strong religious sentiments of a large body of the people of this country. Sir GEORGE Lewis said that the plan now proposed was adopted in all civilized countries except England, and was carried into effect in some of our colonies. A return of the kind had been made in 1834, in Ireland, under a Royal Commission, without an Act of Parliament, and the nagmbers of every religious denomination had aided in carrying it out. He pointed out that the objection of the Dissenters was, on their own showing, merely an instinct, a sentiment, a feeling; while the pre- sent plan was intended to correct the imperfections and fallacies of the plan of 1851. Still it must be admitted that the census and its success depended on the voluntary cooperation of the people. He had received from the Registrar-General a statement that the religious profession clause would operate, not merely to render the religious return, but the general return, imperfect and ineffectual. Under these circumstances, seing that Mr: Baines was at the head of twenty legions, and that a fervid sentiment was roused in a large body of persons against the clause, he was not prepared to press it. Mr. OSBORNE characterized Sir George Lewis's speech as calculated to offend all parties ; and after giving excellent reasons for retaining the clause he had concluded by withdrawing it. He objected to the notion which had been hinted at of assimilating the system of taking the census to that of France and Prussia. He denied the right of the Government to inquire into the religious profession of any person in this country. Mr. HENLEY hoped that no religious census would be taken if the amendment were agreed to ; and Sir GEORGE LEWIS gave an assurance that none should be taken. Mr. MARSH objected to a religious census. Lord Rose= CEcor. said the debate showed that the Dissenters feared the facts. Mr. JAstias, Sir Monra.st Paro, Mr. CROSSLEY took' xception to the spirit of Sir George Lewis's speech, which they said was personally insulting. Sir JOHN TRELAWNY resisted the clause, because if men were compelled to state their religious professions it would injure their worldly prospects. Mr. MONSELL hoped that the provision for taking a religious census would be retained for Ireland, where such objections as had been made in England did not exist. Mr. CAnnwass, said it was the wish in, Ireland that such a census should be taken, and it was intended to retain the provision in question in.the bill for Ireland.

Sir Joan PARINGTON expressed his regret that no religious census was to be taken. He could not really understand the objection which the Dissenters entertained to such a proceeding. He could not see or feel an insult or offence in a man's being asked what his religious profession was ; and he was driven to believe that the Dissenters were afraid of the results of an examination which was not objected to by any other body of Christians, which would show that they were not so strong as they asserted they were, or as was shown by the last census. Lord PALMERSTON said Sir George Lewis had been unjustly accused of casting reflections on the dissenting body. Even Mr. Baines had himself .shown that religious statistics were valuable and useful. Lord Palmer- ston entirely agreed in putting into the Census Bill a religious enumera- tion, and denied that it implied any inquiry as to doctrinal questions ; nor 'could he see how such an inquiry could be construed into an affront to persons of any denomination ; and it did appear to him that the objection to it was an unreasonable one. Nothing could have been more fallacious than the plan adopted in 1851.. Until lately he could not have believed that the nonconformist objection was so wide spread, and when ho found it was so he thought that such an expression of opinion on the part of so large a body was entitled to respect, and therefore he concurred in the withdrawing of the provision. Mr. Warrzsmn said that Lord Palmerston and Sir George Lewis had most excellent reasons for pursuing consistently the course which they had abandoned. He denied that the Church of England was merely a sect, as 80 per cent of all the women in England were married in Pro-

testant churches, while 78 per cent of all the children in public schools attended those belonging to the Church of England. He regretted that the Government had been frightened out of their intention by the Dis- senters.

Mr. BAINES, amid cries of " Divide !" said that when he addressed the House he was determined not to say a word to excite acerbity be- tween Churchmen and Dissenters, and ho wished the speech of the Home Secretary had been as little offensive to Dissenters. He thought the right honourable gentleman' speech a contemptuous one, ascribing as it did to the Dissenters almost a total want of reason, When it was considered that•these Dissenters amounted to more than 6,000,000 of the population of England and Wales, and constituted the great strength of the right honourable gentleman's party, they ought not to have been so spoken of by that right honourable gentleman. It is absurd to say that the Dis- senters are afraid of avowing their religious opinions • but there is an obvious distinction between a free avowal and the acknowledgment of the right of the Government to make the proposed inquiry. It is said that the Dissenters are afraid of the results of a religious enumeration. That is an entire mistake.

The words " religious profession" were struck out of the clause ; the other clauses were taken seriatim, and the bill passed through Com- mittee.

ITALIAN POLITICS.

On the motion for going into Committee of Supply on Thursday, Sir ROBERT PEEL moved for copies or extracts of papers relating to the threatened annexation of Sicily to Piedmont, and to any information received by her Majesty's Government as to the probable demands of France consequent upon the event of that annexation taking place; also for any papers showing that her Majesty's Government have within the last few weeks intimated to the Government of Turin that the con- tinued aggressive policy of that Government would not be viewed with indifference by Great Britain. Anything relating to Sicily affects this country both commercially and in a maritime point of view, in reference to our position in the Mediterranean. Seeing that Sardinia is now merely a tool in the hands of France, ho urged upon the Government the neces- sity of not this time being' leo late in interfering to prevent another aggression and annexation. In the course of some observations on the unsettled state of Europe, and the general arming which was going on in every country and in this country, he took the opportunity of saying, in reference to some observations he made on the Volunteers, that he withdrew them, and bore his testimony to the zeal, discipline, and effi- ciency of that force. The wonderful success of Garibaldi appears to have resulted in an approaching annexation of Sicily to Piedmont, from whose monarch a transferrence of that territory might be as likely as the cession of Savoy. In 1848 the Government of this country was ready to see Sicily separated from Naples and pass to the House of Savoy ; and he wished to know if that were the policy of the First Minister and the Foreign Secretary now ? Ho earnestly hoped that the Government would not give their consent to the annexation of Sicily to Sardinia. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not complain of flab opportunity being taken to inquire into the policy of the Government on this question of Sicily. In considering this question it must be remembered that, from 1815 to last year, Austria exercised paramount influence all over Italy, and that she sent her armies to establish absolute rule. It was now confessed by the Prime Minister of Austria that that policy had failed, and that it must for the. future be renounced. Last year the King of Sardinia, with the assistance of France, drove Austria out of Italy. This country re- mained neutral, and was, therefore, not entitled to do more than remon- strate against the annexation of Savoy to France, and state the feeling of mistrust it would cause in Europe. Disunion had for hundreds of years been the cause of the degradation and oppression of Italy, and it was only natural that at last they should endeavour to secure their independ- ence by a general union under one sovereignty, and they had rallied round the King of Sardinia. The British Government thought the time had come when the- Italians should be allowed to work out their inde- pendence for themselves without interference from any foreign power. With regard to Sicily, in 1806 Great Brit in refused peace with France because she demanded Sicily ; in 1814 the King of Naples was recognised as King of the Two Sicilies. In 1815 he made a treaty with Austria not to introduce any constitutional government into Sicily ; in 1848 he gave a constitution to his people, which he destroyed; and from that time to 1859 the people suffered under a government of mere police, and under every species of tyranny. When the present King acceded to the throne, the British Government pressed on him liberal institutions and a just ad- ministration of the law, but, without success ; and no reproach could rest on the ministry of this country if it was found that the King of Naples could not hold his throne, or secure his dynasty. The Sardinian govern- ment thought Garibaldi's expedition was a wild and hopeless one. His success had given a new phase to the situation. " It may be that the people of Sicily will declare in favour of annexation. It may be, and I think it likely, that an attempt to annex Sicily and then to annex Naples, and, I suppose, the Roman States, would not end in the consolidation of a firm government. For my own part, I doubt very much' whether the people of the North of Italy can, under the same sceptre with the people of Southern Italy, form a firm and permanent government, which would act in harmony for the welfare of the Peninsula. These are my doubts and my opinions. If the King of Naples is able by the con- cessions which he has made to conciliate the Neapolitans, and induce them to live under his rule with free institutions, her Majesty's Government cannot find fault with such a result. Again, if the people of Sicily can ob- tain the constitution of 1812, and are satisfied with the constitution, it is not for us to find fault with the arrangement. But, on the other hand, we will never lose sight of the Fluty() which we have before enunciated, and which we think is a sacred princip'e—one to which there are indeed some, but very rare, exceptions—namely, that with regard to the internal govern- ment of a country the people of that country are the best judges, and that no one should interfere by force to coerce and to overwhelm their decision. (Cheers.) It is not only a nice question, but it is one of the moat ex- treme difficulty, for foreigners to declare, Such a man is worthy of your confidence ; such a Prince may be safely followed ; such a chief is a good po- litical adviser, such another will give you a constitution under which you may live happy.' A foreigner should speak on such matters with great measure and with great reserve, and can only give an opinion according to the imperfect lights which he may possess. It is, therefore, for the people of Sicily and of Naples, and I must add also—whoever may be offended by that expres- sion—it is for the people of the Roman States themselves to say what is the form of government under which they choose to live. (Cheers.) With re- gard to the policy of the British Government, we may from day to day have to treat of matters in which our relations with other Powers may induce us to recommend a particular measure at one time or a certain course at an- other ; but I can assure the House, and it is the only word and the last word I have to say, that, as fur as concents the people of Italy, we have no other policy than to leave them to decide for themselves their own fate. If their decision should be such as tends to the future happiness and independence of Italy, I feel confident we shall rejoice at it, and not on account of Italy alone.

' Who values liberty confines His love for her within no narrow bounds ; '

and I believe that for the liberty and happiness of Europe, as well as for the balance of power ' in Europe—a phrase which is often abused, but which yet has a clear and significant meaning—there can be no better guarantee and no greater security than the iudependenee of Italy." (Loud Mr. RINGLIKE expressed his satisfaction at the observations which had fallen from Lord John Russell, but declared that his opinion with reference to the insincerity of the ruler of France remained unchanged. He feared that the policy of France, in strengthening and extending the sceptre of Victor Emmanuel, was animated by the sinister desire of raising up a power to be used hereafter in his designs against Ger- many :-

" It is well known that since 18.57 the French Government has pressed upon the Prince of Prussia the idea of his taking some of the minor States of Germany, and giving up to France, as compensation, the Rhenish pro- vinces. To obtain that object was, I believe, the hope of the Emperor when he went the other day to Baden, but he found there an insuperable diffi- culty. It would, indeed, hardly have been possible for the Prince of Prus- sia to act otherwise than his honourable, straightforward nature dictated on that occasion, for he was in possession of a fact which I will mention to the House, and can do so with perfect confidence on its accuracy. The House will do me the justice to remember that I have on former occasions ventured to make statements, which I think time has shown to be accurate. and therefore the House may feel inclined to believe the fact which I am about to state. I amen this, and it is a fact of deep importance for those who still retain the idea that the Emperor of the French is the sincere champion of Italy. I assert that, at the second meeting at Villafranca, the Emperor of the French proposed to the Emperor Francis Joseph to give him back Lombardy upon condition that Austria should acquiesce in operations which he then intended to attempt on the Rhine. I repeat that the Prince of Prussia was in possession of this fact, and it is not to be wondered at that he met the proposal of the Emperor in the same spirit of straightforward honesty as inspired the answer of the Emperor Francis Joseph. That answer was very short and very simple. He said, No, I am a German prince !' "

After some further discussion, the amendment was withdrawn.

THE TROUBLES IN SYRIA.

Lord STB.ATFOR.D DE REDCLIFFE asked several questions respecting.the troubles in Syria, and prefaced his inquiry by an interesting speech. He said-

" Your lordships are aware that the country in which these massacres are reported to have taken place is one which forms an important part of the Turkish empire, and to which, historically and politically, very momentous considerations era attached. The country is of a very peculiar nature, formed of a mountainous district, and inhabited by tribes of a very imperfect el-

vilization, are more aepaeated from each other by religious animosities, pod more exposed to violent collisions in consequence than the inhabitants 9f other parts of Turkey, where such causes of discord and mutual excite- ment are at all times ready enough to break into flame. At an antecedent period the country was occupied by the Pasha of -Egypt ; and it is only fair to my—though her Majesty's forces mainly contributed, for political reasons, to restore it to Turkey7tbat Mehemet Ali appears to have governed it in a manner calculated to give more security to the inhabitants than any which they have enjoyed of late. The principal tribes are the Druses, of Pagan origin, who generally profess the Mabomedan creed, and add to the pre- judices of religion a character marked with no small degree., of ferocity ; and the 3laronites, who, ps your lordships know, are Ro- man Catholics, but, in spite, pf their chnstianity, act from time to time with little regard for humanity in their disputea among themselves and with their neighbours, The, other tribes, such as. the Motu- ales and Yezidis, are of less political weight and very inferior in numbers. The Druses, by their religion, have the most intimate relations with the Turkish Government, while the Maronites, beina Christians, have looked at all tunes more to the Christian POwers, and especially to France, whose G.overnment from alt early 'period, by its tradition' policy, and common -faith, has been considered their more immediate protector, to say nothing of the interests founded on its commercial establishments in Mount Lebanon. It appears that in the month'of May an attack was made by the Druses on a place near the coast named Beit Wien, where acts of violence'and bloodshed had been previously perpetrated,-to the destruction of a considerable number of the inhabitants. More recently; The Bruses, increased in numbers by reinforcements front the Karp' and Bedouin tribes in the neighbourhood, collected a considerable force. add,-attacked in succession 'several large towns, perpetrating acts of th'e'groatest atrocity. I am aold that'women and 'children were included in- a 'etainmon slaughter with-the men. They sub- sequently marched on Zahleh, a town at no great distance from the Medi- termncan coast and the city of Beyrout. In addition to -these destructive operations, what immensely increases the painful interest -of the subject is that, not contented withatll. these horrors of plunder and butchery, they have surrounded Damascue,.and,,aa I_ understand,-have threatened, to take possession of that place. The Christians there are very naturally in tholast

stage of anxiety and alarm." _ • France has the strongest motives for repressing these outrages, and.he learned from- the public prints that she;was about to do so with a strong

hand. Then the diploniatiu7proceedings of Russia enhance the import- ance of the question. "If anything more were wanting ta give import- ance of the deepest charbeter to the subjectI haVe brought forward, it is supplied by the rumours which arc afloat as to the existence of some understanding between the two great Towers of the Continent who are most disposed to take an active interest in the affairs of Turkey. It appears to me that on all these grounds it. is of the utmost consequence that her Majesty's Government should adopt with immediate promptitude that line of conduct which is best calculated not only to serve the cause of humanity, but to provide for those political objects.which might be so seriously compromised by delay, indifference, or mistake. My long ex- , perience of the affairs of Turkeyinclines me to aalc„:,whether the _Turkish authorities-have shown theinselyeasufficienlly alert in meeting. the danger which threatens the security. of those who are so imioediately entitled to their constant and efficient mpteltion. I feel mitred that your_ ordships will be grievously sorry to find,amy grounds fer supposing piattheir re- missness has been the cause of outrages which all must in?* in deplor- ing, and still more so if there were reason to suspect them of positive connivance. I should myself be slow to entertain any suspieion of th kind; but I must say that there are circumstances, not yet confirmed proved, which seem to open a door for some distrust on the subject, and Q., t all events to furnish an additional reason for desiring to ascertain from he Majesty's Government the real state of the case, and for pressing up0471 them the importance of bringing the Porte and their subordinate autho-7 rities to a sense of their duty, not only towards their own subjects, but towards the great Christian Powers who interfered at such a sacrifice of blood and treasure to preserve them from a great danger. I cannot con- ceal from myself, that an empire which has been confessed to exist politi- cally on sufferance has a paramount duty to perform towards allies, as well as towards its own subjects. It does, I confess, appear to me that, whatever suspicions we may have entertained in former times with re- gard to the intentions of Russia, and however we may have acted for the repression of her apparent disposition to interfere too much with the Porte's independence, it is exactly in proportion to our own interference on that subject that we are bound, as one of the principal Powers of Europe, to see that justice be done to the Christian subjects of the Porte, aye, and to their Mussulman subjects too ; and that the security which has been given to the Turkish Government by the treaty of 1856 be not made use of as a screen for their negligence and for the faults of admi- nistration which allow of the perpetration of atrocities such as those which it has been my painful duty to describe." He then put his questions.

Lord WODEROUSE said that, as ho had not an exact copy of the ques- tions, he was afraid he could not answer them all precisely. He had received despatches to the 18th of June. There is some hope that many Christians have escaped. At Hasbeya the Druse chief put to death his Moslem enemies as well as the Christians. The Consul at Damascus is of opinion that the alarm has been exaggerated.

" The Ambassadors of the different Powers met together some weeks ago and agreed to send instructions to their consuls in Syria to communicate with the Turkish Pashas, and to endeavour to induce them to take some ac- tive measures. We have not received the information, but intelligence has reached France that a Pasha has been sent with extensive powers to put down rebellion, that reinforcements of troops have also been sent, and that efforts will be made to restore order. . . My noble friend asks whether we can lay the papers on the subject on the table of the House. I have not had an opportunity of communicating with my noble friend at the head, of the Foreign Office, but I do not think it likely that there will be any objection to their production. With regard to the steps which have been taken by her Majesty's Governdept, as soon as intelligence reached us, before the latest accounts, orders were sent to Admiral Martin to proceed with a squad- ron to the coast of Syria, to take "such steps as might be necessary for the protection of British subjecis. We are informed that the French Govern- ment have sent some ships of war for the same purpose to that coast, and that there- are also vessels there belonging to Russia and, other Powers. Her Majesty's Government have been in communication with the Govern- ments of Turkey, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France as-to the measures which will become necessary. With regard to any communication by M. Thouvenel to the Porte, that the French Government will be compelled to take strong measures if the Porte is not able to repress these disorders, I can only say that we have not received any information of it from Paris, and that we are not aware of any such communication having been made. The whole of the Powers havean earnest desire that some steps should be taken, and the deepest attention of her Majesty's government is fixed upon this

important matter."- - Lord BROUG4AM hoped that the papers would.be produced. In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Sir CHARLES NAPIER and Sir TAMES FEROBSSON asked for information. Sir JAMES FEB.GUSSON said that the, House would commit a great mistake if they believed that these disturbances had a religious origin ; he believed that, in fact, re- ligion had very little to do with them. Speaking from his own personal knowledge, he said, that France and Russia, as well as Turkey, stir up these disturbances.

Lord Jouw Russou, said that great -caution should be used in impu- ting blame either to the Druses or the MaVonites in reference to. the atrocities which were now going on, seeing that they had long been in .a state of hostility. There could, however, be no doubt that the Euro- penn Powers should interfere to put .a stop to tbescemcssaeres:r Itwas no doubt true that merely sending ships of war to the coast would not afford aid to the people in the mountains ; but the Turkish troops in .Syria were only about. 400 in number ; the shins might afford support to the Turkish authorities, and free the troops from the necessity of garri- wining the cities on the coast, independently of the moral effect which their presence would cause on the insurgents. He did not believo,that the jealousies arising, out of a desire of influence in. Syria which 'foromrly characterized certain European Powers would prevent uniform aetiatt to

reestablish order in that country. -

Mr. GREGORY suggested that Mr. Wood,, our Consul-General, at,Tunis, who, when Vice-Consul at Daniascus, obtained .a most extraordinary in- floence among the mountain tribea of Syria, should be employed in endeavouring to pacify the country of the Lebanon. In answer to Sir HENRY Wicioloanny, Lord Ptionms-row said chat there was no treaty excbading the Turks .from.. the- district of _the Lebanon; but an engagement was made that no Turkish authority should be paramount in Piet district.

Taw ..Ganists. :Vora.: Before - Before Mr. Sidney Herbert, in Committee of Supply on Thursday, . moved the estimate for the China war, Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY and Gene- ral PaeL.severely criticisedthe lax mode of -drawing upthe estitnates4 and especially objected to 'speaking of one gum as an estimate "which has already been paid,way. General Peet pretested against introducing the budget before the estinaateis were laid an the table. ' MT. SIDNEY HERBERT, in moving the "vote of credit " for the ex- penses of the war in China, answered in detail the criticisms of General Peei,lo she* that the Goternnithithad acted on the best informalicin at

its command in dealing 'Withthe estimates for the China He showed that of the items of the vote of credit-3,800,0004,.some 443,000/, was an arrear owing to the old East India Company,' for which he is not responsible: It was said the estimates should hive been

glien in detail. ' " I think it better to`disliense with accuracy rather than follow the sys-

. tern which bits hithertez peavailedc _first spending .tha money, -saying nothing to Parliament, and after all the transactions are ended coming to Parliement to,inake geed: a deficieney over which they have.-op-possible dwelt. orcontrol. . . . TQL1 cannet foresee in war what the,axpenditure be. toubave in your estimates, the actual cost of the pay of the men. -You'may put an approximate estimate of what it will be when the men are Indian allowances as well as English ; you may put an approximate estimate of the coat of Indian native troops, but you cannot make an esti- mate of the cost of the followers attached to these regiments. Therefore, if I were to depart from the precedent of putting the estimate in a lump sum, I should depart from it for the purpose of hying before the House an esti- mate which would be illusory, and one which would deceive the House as to the sums which they were voting. . . . . I may really say that the very term 'vote of credit' shows what is intended. It is not an esti- mate—not sums of money approved by the House of Commons—but a vote given in confidence to the Government that they will spend it for purposes which are requisite, to the best of their ability. And I do not believe we could carry on war otherwise, unless we chose to accept knowingly, and with our eyes open, delusive estimates, delusive criticisms, and delusive votes." Having minutely described the different items, he continued :—" I will not now enter into the policy of the war, because I have already had an oppor- tunity of expressing my own opinions on that matter when the question was raised at the earlier part of the 'hellion. At one time there was every reason to hope from the advicee which were received that hostilities would have come to an end, and that a great demonstration of force would alone have proved sufficient to procure us redress for the outrages which had been committed at the mouth of the Peiho. We have been disappointed in that hope. Those, however, who are best informed on the subject still maintain that the chief is at head of the war party in China, and who dis- tinguished himseLf by, the arrangements he made for our repulse at the Pei- ho, Stands too near the throne to be agreeable to the Emperor of China. He derives great pewer from the party of which he is the organ, and till some defeat or digester happens to him, there is little likelihood of a change in the policy of the Chinese Government. But should any reverse befall him, it would be gladly made use of by the Government to reverse a policy which has been originated by one of whom they are so jealous. These are mere speculations, it may be said, but they come from an authoritative source. Her Majesty's Government would certainly receive with the greatest de- light and satisfaction any news that would encourage us in the hope that we are likely to enter into a better state of relations with the Chinese. In the meanwhile I think no one can deny that we are bound to provide for the possibility of continuing hostile operations. We have very large forces in China exposed to a deadly climate, and we are bound to do everything to enable them to bring the contest to a speedy and successful issue." Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY renewed his criticism, and added to it a cri- ticism on the financial policy of the Government. Mr. GLADSTONE de- fended the course pursued by himself in dealing with the finances, and showed that he could not have foreseen the amount of the debt that would prove to be due to the Eagt India Company, nor what the China war would cost, or whether there would be a war. Sir Aux PAKING- TON attacked the whole policy of the war in China, and especially the part played by the Government in bringing about the present expedition to force the forms of European diplomomacy on a half-civilized court. Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose at once to retort upon Sir John and his former colleagues some share of the blame of bringing about the present war ; since they sent Mr. Bruce to the Peiho with " an imposing force " and imperfect instructions.

The debate was carried on until a very late hour ; when Lord PAL- MERSTON, consenting to divide the vote by striking out the East Indian item, the other and larger item was agreed to.

SARDINIA AND NAPLES.

Mr. GREFFPTH asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he had reason to believe that great pressure was being put upon the Go- vernment of Sardinia by that of France to induce the former to enter into alliance with the Government of Naples, on the strength of the pro- mise of a Constitution ; and whether the British Government would afford its moral support to the Government of Sardinia to enable it to preserve its independence and liberty of action in respect to any such pro- posed alliance?

Lord JOHN ResseLL said, "I received a communication the other day from Sir James Hudson, which enables me to say that no pressure has been put upon the Government of Sardinia by the Government of France to induce the former to enter into an alliance with the King of Naples."

ANNEXATION OF SAVOY.

Mr. GRIFFITH asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether by his acceptance of the proposed conference upon the question of the aanexation of Savoy in his despatch of the 25th day of June it was dis- tinctly understood by the French Government that the question of an efficient substitute for the neutralization of Savoy, by the cession of such "a military frontier to Switzerland as should comprise the southern shores of the Lake of Geneva and the Alpine passes of the Valais," as stated to be, in his opinion, necessary in his despatch of the 15th day of May to Lord Cowley,' was to be fully and freely submitted to the con- sideration of the proposed conference, and was not to be presumed to be precluded by any declarations that might hitherto have been made by the French Government in any quarter on that subject. Lord JOHN Humeri replied, "The subject for the conference would be to put the 92d article of the Treaty of Vienna in accord with the 2d ar- ticle of the Treaty of Turin. It would be competent for her Majesty's Government, or any other Power represented at the conference to state in what manner they thought that object ought to be effected. Of course, it would also be competent for the French Government to make any ob- jection it deemed fit to any such proposal."

NAVAL DISCIPLINE. The Duke of Sostseser has introduced a bill to amend the law affecting the discipline of the Navy. The bill does away, to a large extent, with the almost universal punishment of death, and regu- lates in detail the punishments, and modes of inflicting them. Except in cases of mutiny, no man is to be punished until his case has been inquired into by one or more officers.

The bill has been read a second time.

PAPER-nnTres. Sir JOHN THELAweY, after the withdrawal of Sir Ro- bert Peel's motion on Thursday, proposed to move :-

" That this House, in consequence of the House of Lords having interfered with the arrangement of supplies for the year recommended by her Majesty's advisers, and by such interference assumed responsibility for the conduct of finance, post- pones the consideration of further proposals by the Ministers of the Crown towards meeting public expenses until the period when the authority of the House of Com- mons shall have been asserted, and the Bill for the Repeal of the Excise on Paper shall have become law." But the SPEAKER decided that it could not be put, as one amendment had been already "reposed. At a later stage Sir JOHN divided the House against going into Committee of Supply, but was defeated by 198 to 13. Tics Jews. Lord LYNDHURST moved that the House go into Committee on the Jews Act Amendment Bill, the object of which is to make the reso-

lution of the House of Commons, which it is now necessary to move on the occasion of every Member of the Jewish faith taking the oath, a standing order.

Lord CHELMSFORD urged that the bill was a very important one, and contended that the compromise which had taken place on the question of the admission of the Jews to Parliament was not meant to have the force of an Act of Parliament, but should be binding only in the then Parliament, and not on any future ones. The resolution was meant to continue only during each session, and there ought to be no difficulty in the matter. After some observations from Lord BROUGHAM, the bill passed ;through Committee.

xnE GAS BILL. In Committee on the GAS (Metropolis) Bill, Mr. STSNI- LAND moved that the Chairman leave the chair, introducing the motion by a long and able explanation of the position of the Gas Companies of the me- tropolis, the contracts which he considered the Legislature had made with them, and the manner in which the bill, by cutting down dividends, would, according to his view, invade the rights of a very large property embarked in gas-works. Mr. S. ESTCOURT, Chairman of the Select Committee to which the bill had been referred, suggested, after the statement of Mr. Staniland, that the bill should be referred back to the same Select Committee.

Sir GEORGE LEWIS observed that, without giving any opinion upon the details of the bill, he thought circumstances had come to light which ren- dered some further consideration of the questions between the companies and the consumers expedient ; and it seemed to him that the House would do well to adopt the course recommended by Mr. Estcourt, to recommit the bill to the same Select Committee, with the view of reconciling conflicting interests.

Ultimately, after further discussion, the motion that the Chairman leave the chair was (apparently by inadvertence) agreed to, so that when the Speaker resumed the chair no report could be made.

ALLOWANCES TO SAILORS AND MARINES. Mr. COCHRANE noosed a re- solution, that this House will resolve itself into a committee to consider of an address to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be pleased to place the officers, marines, and seamen of the fleet serving in China on the same footing as her Majesty's troops with respect to extra pay and allowances. He cited testimonies from the commanders in the operations in China from the year 1841 to the gallantry and valuable services of the marines and sea- men who were employed on the same footing and in the same field of action as the troops, and he contended that they were entitled to be treated, be would not say with the same generosity, but with the same justice. The motion was seconded by Sir MICHAEL SEYMOUR. Admiral WALCOIT supported the motion. He could not understand, lie said, the justice of denying to the navy a reward given to the soldiers.

Lord CeAnesee PAGET showed that the mode of dealing with the navy proposed by Mr. *Cochrane was not practicable, the troops being rewarded by field allowances and remission of stoppages irom pay not applicable to the navy, in which there were no stoppages ; at the same time, he explained the mode in which it was intended to reward seamen and marines for past ser- vices, and promised hereafter to state in detail the batta donation to which they would be entitled in the impending hostilities in China.

Motion withdrawn,

GA.RIRALDI. Lord NORMANDY, on Monday, qualified to some extent his accusations against Garibaldi, but he still imputed " atrocities" to the " revolutionists," and spoke of the " Provisional Government " at Florence, their-misdeeds, and tyranny.

•

Lord BROUGHAM stoutly vindicated General Garibaldi against the charges and insinuations of Lord Normanby. He hoped the constitution would fail to save the detestable tyranny of Naples. Lord NORSLINEY rejoined, that Garibaldi had violated the law of nations.

Lord BROUGHAM :—" My noble friend says that General Garibaldi has assumed his position in violation of the law of nations. All I can say in re-

ply is that, if the law of nations is to be enforced to effect perpetual subju- gation and misery on any nation, the sooner we hear as little as possible of the law of nations the better."

Lord WODEHOUSE said that General Garibaldi had taken very severe measures to prevent excesses. He certainly deserved the highest credit for

the generosity and moderation which he had displayed. It must not be for- gotten, too, that if some outrages had been committed in the excitement of a revolution, outrages had been previously committed by the Royal troops, which were perfectly well known to all the world, and which were unsur-

passed by anything of which the oppressed people of Sicily had been guilty. KENSINGTON GARDENS. In reply to Mr. TAMED, Mr. COWPER said he intended to open Kensington Gardens to equestrians. They are to enter at the west end of Rotten Row, and to ride up and down one of the avenues. Mr. Cowper does this in pity for the sufferings of that ill-used class of her ajesty s subjects who are condemned at present to ride in Rotten Row. He thinks they are an aggrieved body, and to redress their vast grievances, it is right to desecrate the quiet of Kensington Gardens.] THE GALWAY LINE. In answer to a question from Mr. Coen:, Mr. GLADSTONE said that an arrangement had been made between the Montreal

and Ocean Steam Packet Company and the Galway Company for the as- signment of the Government contract for the conveyance of mails, which had been referred to the Government, and they had declined to sanction the assignment. A request had, however, been made for a reconsideration of the subject.

IRISH OPPOSITION. About half-past two a.m. on Friday, Mr. CARDWELL moved for leave to bring in a bill to continue and amend the Peace Preser- vation (Ireland) Act, 1856. Thereupon, Mr. HENNESSY and ten other Irish Members divided the House four times on motions to adjourn the House and adjourn the debate. Mr. MAGUIRE rose (at half-past three o'clock) to make what he thought was a most rational motion—that honourable members should all go to bed. (Laughter.) Formally, his resolution would be that the House do now adjourn. Lord PALMERSTON was inclined to move as an amendment that the minority only should have power to go to bed. (Laughter.)

The House again divided, and the motion was defeated by 69 to 7.

Mr. BLAKE moved the adjournment of the debate. Lord PALMERSTON suggested that, as the minority was reduced to seven, they should now show that there were at least severs wise men in the country. (Laughter.) The motion for the adjournment of the debate was withdrawn, and the House divided on the main question; it was carried by 53 to 15, and the bill was then brought in and read a first time.

It was now twelve minutes to four : the House had met at twelve on Thursday, and was to meet at twelve next day.

a ITALY, SWITZERLAND, SAVOY. Part VI. of the Correspondence relating to the affairs of Italy, Savoy, and Switzerland was issued yesterday. It extends from March 14 to June 25. In fact it contains the history of the last three months, touch- ing on many questions collateral to those of Italy and Switzerland. Two of the latest despatches will place,the reader abreast of the facts up to the end of June.

Thouvenel to Count Persigny.

Paris, June 20, 1860.

" M. le Comte-The Treaty of Turin having received its definitive sanc- tion, and the transfer of the territories ceded by the King of Sardinia having been effected, the moment is come for the Giovernment of the Emperor to conform to the obligation which it has taken of coming to an understanding both with the Powers who signed the General Act of Vienna and with the Swiss Confederation on the subject of the contingent neutralization of a portion of Savoy. The object of this understanding, as I had the honour of remarking to you in my. communication of the 10th of April last, should, according to us, consist in reconciling Article 92 of the Act of Vienna with Article 2 of the Treaty of Turin. " This reconciliation it is proposed to sanction by diplomatic stipulation destined to a place in the law of Europe. For the attainment of this object several courses are open to the Powers. The question may be brought be- fore a conference. An exchange of notes might be likewise agreed upon, if it were thought preferable, by which the Government of the Emperor should assume towards the Powers who guaranteed Swiss neutrality, and towards. Switzerland, the obligations contracted by Sardinia. Finally, it might also be pronounced in favour of a preliminary negotiation between France and Switzerland the object of which should be to determine the reciprocal rights and duties resulting from the neutralization, which would be done by remodelling and completing the Treaty signed at Turin, between Sardinia and the Swiss Confederation, in 1816. The Government of the Emperor is ready, for its part, to choose the course which the other cabinets shall pre- fer, and which shall 'seem to them heist suited to the circumstances. I con- fine myself, in case they should decide in favour of a Conference, to remind- ing them that the majority of them have already recognized the propriety of meeting at Paris, and that Sardinia and Switzerland have established, in favour of their participation in its labours, considerations, the justice of which has been admitted by his Imperial Majesty's Government.

" You will read this despatch to Lord John Russell, and give him a copy of it.

" Receive, &c., (Signed) Tuorvr...xv.L." " lord J. _Russell to Earl Cowley.

" Foreign Office, June 25, 1860.

" My Lord-I transmit to your Excellency, herewith, a copy of a de- spatch from the Minster for Foreign Affairs of the Emperor of the French to his Majesty's Ambassador at this Court, which was delivered to me by

M. de Persigny, on the 22d instant. " In this despatch M. Thouvenel declares that the time has arrived for France to come to an understanding with the Powers of Europe, with a view to put Article 92 of the Treaty of Vienna in harmony with Article 2 of the Treaty of Turin. This can be done, according to M. Thouvenel, in one of three ways :- " 1. By a conference of the Powers who signed the Treaty of Vienna ; or- " 2. By an exchange of identic notes in which France should undertake, and Europe should acknowledge, that France was bound to Europe and to Switzerland by the same conditions by which Savoy has been hitherto held by Sardinia ; or- ' 3. By a preliminary negotiation between France and Switzerland, with a view to determine their reciprocal rights and duties. " Of these three modes her Majesty's Government prefer the first. It is that which has been asked by Switzerland, the Power most interested in this question. It is that which is most likely to lead to a frank discussion and a friendly explanation. " Her Majesty's Government accept the proposals of France, that the nib- ject of the conference should be the means of reconciling Article 92 of the Treaty of Vienna with Article 2 of the Treaty of Turin ; that the place of the Conference should be Paris ; and that Switzerland and Sardinia should participate in its deliberations.