THE MESSAGE OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN.

The Message delivered to Congress on the 27th of December is a document of unusual ability. It occupies upwards of six closely printed columns of the Times, but its length is not greater than is warranted by the treatment of the important subjects under review.

The Message opens with an expression of gratitude for blessings be- stowed by Divine Providence—health, plentiful harvests, prosperity. "Indeed," says the President, "notwithstanding our demerits, we have much reason to believe, from the past events in our history, that we have enjoyed the special protection of Divine Providence ever since our origin as a nation." And he prays that so it may continue. After this he enters upon the most exciting topic of the day-

" While it is the duty of the President from time to time to give to Congress information of the state of the Union,' I shall not refer i I detail to the recent sad and bloody occurrences at Harper's Ferry. Still, it is proper to observe that these events, however bad and cruel in themselves, derive their chief i •,portance from the apprehension that they are but symptoms of an incurable disease in the public mind, which may break out in still more dangerous outrages and terminate at last in an open war by the North to abolish slavery in the South. While, for myself, I en- tertain no such apprehension, they ought to afford a solemn warning to us all to beware of the approaching danger.

"Our Union is a stake of such inestimable value as to demand our con- stant and watchful vigilance for its preservation. In this view, let me im- plore my countrymen, North and South, to cultivate the ancient feelings of mutual forbearance and good-will tpwards each other, and strive to allay the demon spirit of sectional hatred and strife now alive in the land. This ad- vice proceeds from the heart of an old public functionary whose service com- menced in the lastgeneration, among the wise and Conservative statesmen of that day, now nearly all passed away, and whose first and dearest earthly wish is to leave his country tranquil, prosperous, united, and powerful. "We ought to reflect that in this age, and especially in this country, there is an incessant influx and reflux of public opinion. Questions which in their day assumed a most threatening aspect, have now nearly gone from the memory of risen. They are volcanoes burnt out, and on the lava and ashes and squalid scoriae of old eruptions grow the peaceful olive, the cheer- ing vine, and the sustaining corn. Such, in my opinion, will prove to be the fate of the present sectional excitement, should those who wisely seek to apply the remedy continue always to confine their efforts within the pale of the Constitution.

"If this course be pursued, the existing agitation on the subject of do- mestic slavery, like everything human, will have its day, and give place to other and less threatening controversies. Public opinion in this country is all powerful, and when it reaches a dangerous excess upon any question, the good sense of the people will furnish the corrective and bring it back within safe limits. Still, to hasten this auspicious result at the present crisis, we ought to remember that every rational creature must be presumed to intend the natural consequences of his own teachings. Those who an- nounce abstract doctrines, subversive of the Constitution and the Union, must not be surprised should their heated partizans advance one step further, and attempt by violence to carry these doctrines into practical effect.

"In this view of the subject it ought never to be forgotten that, how- ever great may have been the political advantages resulting from the Union to every portion of our common country, these would all prove to be as nothing should the time ever arrive when they cannot be enjoyed without serious danger to the personal safety of the people of fifteen members of the confederacy. If the peace of the domestic fireside throughout these States should ever be invaded—if the mothers of families within this extensive region should not be able to retire to rest at night without suffering dreadful apprehensions of what may be their own fate and that of their children be- fore the morning—it would be vain to recount to such a people the political benefits which result to them from the Union.

'Self-preservation is the first instinct of nature, and therefore any state of society in which the sword is all the time suspended over the heads of the people must at last become intolerable. But I indulge in no such gloomy forebodings. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the events at Harper's Ferry, by causing the people to pause and reflect upon the possible peril of

their cherished institutions, will be the means, under Providence, of allay-

ing the existing excitement, and preventing future outbreaks of a similar. character. They will resolve that the Constitution and the Union shall not

be endangered by rash counsels, knowing that should the silver cord be loosed or the golden bowl be brokers it the fountain ' human power could never reunite the scattered and hostile fragments."

By a natural transition the President next passes to a cognate point.

"I cordially congratulate you upon the final settlement by the Supreme Court of the United States of the question of slavery in the territories, which had presented an aspect so truly formidable at the commencement of my administration. The right has been established of every citizen to take his property of any kind, including slaves into the common territories be-

longing equady to all the States of the confederacy, and to have it protected there under 'the Federal Constitution. Neither Congress nor a territorial Legislature nor any human power has any authority to annul or impair this vested right. The supreme judicial tribunal of the country, which is a co- ordinate branch of the Government, has sanctioned and affirmed these prin- ciples of constitutional law, so manifestly just in themselves, and so well calculated to promote peace and harmony among the States.

" It is a striking p:oof of the sense of justice which is inherent in our people that the property in slaves has never been disturbed, to my know- ledge, in any of the territories. Even throughout the late troubles in Kansas there has not been any attempt, as I am credibly informed, to inter- fere, in a single instance, with the right of the master. Had any such at- tempt been made' the judiciary would doubtless have afforded an adequate remedy. Should they fail to do this hereafter, it will then be time enough to strengthen their hands by further legislation. Had it been decided that either Congress or the territorial Legislature possess the power to annul or

impair the right to property in slaves, the evil would be intolerable. - In the latter event there would be a struggle for a majority of the members of the Leg,islature at each successive election, and the sacred rights of property held under the Federal Constitution would depend for the time being on the result. The agitation would thus be rendered incessant while the territorial condition remained, and its baneful influence would keep alive a dangerous excitement among the people of the several States."

In each case the question of slavery will settle itself before a territory is prepared to demand admission as a State. When a territory has formally constituted itself, it will be received into the Union with or without slavery, as the constitution may prescribe. From slavery within the Union, he proceeds to the African slave-trade, and declares he will execute all lawful means to inforce the laws. He has not been able to discover that any other slaves have been imported save those landed from the Wanderer. The persons "engaged in this unlawful enterprise have been rigorously prosecuted, but not with as much success as their crimes have deserved. A number of them are still under prosecution." At great length the President enters into the his- torical question of the right of Congress to prohibit the slave-trade, very ably vindicates that right in a long and close argument, and thence proceeds to describe the evil effects that wbuld follow if the trade were reopened. The importation of native born Africans would demoralize and exasperate both existing slaves and slave owners. As in "a neigh- bouring island, the only spot on earth now where the African slave-trade is openly tolerated" in defiance of treaties, the slaves would be worked to death and the feeling of reciprocal dependence and attachment would be destroyed. Besides, if the trade were reopened "all hopes of African civilization would be thus ended."

" On the other hand, when a market for African slaves shall no longer be furnished in Cuba, and thus all the world be closed against this trade, we may then indulge a reasonable hope for the gradual improvement of Africa.'

The next subject is the mission to China. Mr. Buchanan details in general terms the policy pursued by Mr. Ward, his journey to Pekiu, and the ratification of the treaty, and adds-

" It is but simple justice to the Chinese authorities to observe that throughout the whole transaction they appear to have acted in good faith and in a friendly spirit towards the United States. It is true this has been done after their awn peculiar fashion ; but we ought to regard with a lenient eye the ancient customs of an empire dating back for thousands of years ins far as this may be consistent with our own national honour. The conduct of our Minister on the occasion has received my entire approbation."

The President congratulates the country on the satisfaction granted to the United States by the Republic of Paraguay without any resort to force.

As regards European Governments, the United States is on friendly terms with "all," except Spain. Relations with that power have not improved, the American claims not being satisfied. Mr. Buchanan renews his recommendation "in favour of the acquisition of Cuba by fair purchase ; " and asks Congress to recognize that policy. Then he thus speaks of his relations with Great Britain-

" Until a recent period there was good reasons to believe that I should be able to announce to you on the present occasion that our difficulties with Great Britain, arising out of the Clayton and Bulwer treaty, had been finally adjusted in a manner alike honourable and satisfactory to both parties. From causes, however, which the British Government had not anticipated, they have not yet completed treaty arrangements with the republics of Honduras and Nicaragua, in pursuance of the understanding between the two Governments. It is, nevertheless, confidently expected that this good work will, ere long, be accomplished. "While indulging the hope that no other subject remained which could disturb the good understanding between the two countries the question arising out of the adverse claims of the parties to the Island of San Juan, under the Oregon Treaty of the 15th of June, 1846, suddenly assumed a

threatening prominence. In order to prevent unfortunate collisions on that remote frontier, the late Secretary of State on the 17th of July, 1855, ad- dressed a note to Mr. Crampton, then British Minister at Washington, cem- municating to him a copy of the instructions which he (Mr. Marcy) had given, on the 14th of July, to Governor Stevens, of Washington Territory,, having a special reference to an apprehended conflict between our citizens and the British subjects on the Island of San Juan.'

"To prevent this the governor was instructed that the officers of the territory should abstain from all acts on the disputed grounds which are calculated to provoke any conflicts, so far as it can be done without implying the concession to the authorities of Great Britain of an exclusive right over the premises. The title ought to be settled before either party should at- tempt to exclude the other by force, or exercise complete and exclusive sovereign rights within the fairly disputed limits.' "in acknowledging the receipt on the next day of Mr. Marey's note, the British Minister expressed his entire concurrence in the propriety of the course recommended to the Governor of Washington territory by your (Mr. Marcy's) instructions to that officer,' and stating that he had lost no tune in transmitting a copy of that document to the Governor-General of British North America,' and had earnestly recommended to his Excellency to take

such measures as to him may, appear beat calculated to secure, on the part of the British local authorities and the inhabitants of the neighbourhood

of the line in question, the exercise of the same spirit of forbearance which is inculcated by you (Mr. Marcy) on the authorities and citizens of the United States.'

"Thus matters remained upon the faith of this arrangement until the 9th of July last, when General Harney paid a visit to the island. He found upon it twenty-five American residents with their families, and also an es- tablishment of the Hudson's Bay Company for the purpose of raising sheep. A short time before his arrival one of these residents had shot an animal belonging to the Company, while trespassing upon his premises, for which, however, he offered to pay twice its value; but that was refused. Soon after the chief factor of the Company at Victoria, Mr. Dalles, son-in-law of Governor Douglas, came to the island in the British sloop of war Satel- lite, and threatened to take this American (Mr. Cutler) by force to Vic- toria, to answer for the trespass he had committed. The American seized his rifle and told Mr. Defies if any such attempt was made he would kill him or, the spot. The affair then ended.' "Under these circumstances, the American settlers presented a petition to the General, through the United States Inspector of Customs, Mr. Hubbs, to place a force upon the island to protect them from the Indians as well as the oppressive interference of the authorities of the Hudson Bay Company at Victoria with their rights as Americon citizens.' The General immediately responded to this petition, and ordered Captain George E. Pickett, 9th Infantry, to establish his company on Bellevue, or San Juan Island, on Borne suitable position near the harbour at the South-eastern ex- tremity.' This order was promptly obeyed, and a military post was esta- blished at the place designated. The force was afterwards increased, so that by the last return the whole number of troops then on the island amounted in the aggregate to 691 men. "While I do not deem it proper on the present occasion to go further into the subject and discuss the weight which ought to be attached to the statements of the British colonial authorities, contesting the accuracy of the information on which the gallant General acted, it was due to him that I should thus present his own reasons for issuing the order to Captain Pickett. From these it is quite clear his object was to prevent the British authorities on Vancouver's Island from exercising jurisdiction over American residents on the Island of San Juan, as well as to protect them against the incursions of the Indians.

" Much excitement prevailed for some time throughout that region, and serious danger of collision between the parties was apprehended. The British had a large naval force in the vicinity, and it is but an act of simple justice to the Admiral on that station to state that he wisely and discreetly forbore to commit any hostile act, but determined to refer the whole affair to his Government, and await their instructions.

"This aspect of the matter, in my opinion, demanded serious attention. It would have been a great calamity for both nations had they been pre- cipitated into acts of hostility not on the question of title to the island, but merely concerning what should be its condition during the intervening pe- riod while the two Governments might be employed in settling the question to which of them it belongs. For this reason Lieutenant-General Scott was despatched on the 17th of September last to Washington Territory to take immediate command of the United States forces on the Pacific coast, should he deem this necessary. The main object of his mission was to carry out the spirit of the precautionary arrangement between the late Secretary of State and the British Minister, and thus to preserve the peace, and prevent collision between the British and American authorities pending the nego- tiations between the two Governments.

"Entertaining no doubt of the validity of our title, I need scarcely add that, in any event, American citizens were to be placed on a footing at least as favourable as that of British subjects, it being understood that Cap- tain Pickett's company should remain on the island. It is proper to ob- serve that, considering the distance from the scene of action, and in ig- norance of what might have transpired on the spot before the General's ar- rival, it was necessary to leave much to his discretion, and I am happy to state the event has proved that this discretion could not have been entrusted to more competent hands. General Scott has recently returned from his mission, having successfully accomplished its objects, and there is no longer any good reason to apprehend a collision between the forces of the two coun- tries during the pendency of the existing negotiations."

Mexico is the next prominent subject. Here we have a history in little of the civil war in Mexico. The election of Comonfort in De- cember 1857, his expulsion within a month, Zuloaga's brief sway, fol- lowed by that of Miramon. During this time Juarez represented the constitutional government at Vera Cruz, and he has been recognized by the United States, whose representative had been withdrawn from the capital and sent to Vera Cruz. In great detail the President describes the unhappy condition of the country. "Outrages of the worst de- scription have been committed on persons and property." Contracts have been set at defiance. American residents have been seized, im- prisoned, fined. Military contributions have been exacted ; duties ex- torted over and over again. Americans have been shot without trial—in- cluding three American physicians. Redress being impossible, the Pre- sident recommends "Congress to pass a law authorizing the President, under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemity for the past, and security for the future." He also asks for the establish- ment of posts in Sonora and Chihuahua to protect American citizens, and for a law establishing territorial Government in Arizona.

As regards the Central American states, Nicaragua and Costa Rica have not given redress for injuries. The President asks for a naval force to protect the transit across Panama, Nicaragua, and Tehuantepec ; and a naval force to prevent the seizure of American ships in Spanish and Mexican ports. Then follows a constitutional argument on the question of entrusting the President with the war-making power, which Mr. Bu- chanan thinks Congress has the power to confer in advance. These are all the important topics handled in the message. The remainder relates to the Post Office, the Pacific Railroad, and the income and expenditure of the country. The President points out that the last Congress separated without making provision for the Post Office. He would have called them together again immediately, but for the fact that fifteen out of thirty-three states had not elected representatives. He points out the duty of voting the necessary appropriations, and re- commends Congress to pass a law to provide for the election of re- presentatives before the term of existing Congress expires. Mr. Buchanan recommends the construction of a Pacific Railroad, by incorporated companies or other agencies, and not by the State ; for were it done by the state it would increase the patronage of the Executive and lead to corruption.

The remainder of the message is taken up with matters of finance. The President remarks that they had scarcely recovered from the extra-

vagant habits produced by an overflowing treasury several years before he entered office ; but the Government has endeavoured to reduce expendi- ture to the lowest amount. It is doubtful whether the next fiscal year will be passed without provision being made for additional revenue. A deficiency ought not to be met by loans, but by "an increase of duties on imports." The receipts in the year ending June 30, 1859, were 81,692,471 dol- lars; which the balance in hand increased to 88,090,787 dollars. The expenditure was 83,751,511 dollars, including 17,405,285 dollars interest on debt. The estimated receipts for the year extending June 30, 1860, are 75,384,541 dollars ; the estimated expenditure, 61,002,732 dollars. The estimated receipts for the year 1861 are 80,606,808 dollars ; expen- diture, 66,714,928 dollars. The balance, however, will be reduced in various ways to 3,530,196 dollars. The estimates for the army in 1861 have been reduced 2,000,000 dol- lars. The deficiency in the Post Office is 6,996,009 dollars. This will be reduced to a low figure in 1861 if Congress adopt the reforms proposed by the Postmaster-General. "The period seems to have arrived for determining the question whether this department shall become a permanent and ever-increasing charge upon the Treasury, or shall be permitted to resume the self-sustaining policy which had so long controlled its administration. The course of legisla- tion recommended by the Postmaster-General for the relief of the de- partment from its present embarrassments and for restoring it to its ori- ginal independence is deserving of your early and earnest consideration."