r hafts nu vtirttitisfeiii varlimunt.

PRINCIPAL PIISINRIMI 3 MMI1 WEEK.

Horse or Loess. Monday, Feb. 9. Denman Law Procedure Amendment BM, read asecond time.

Zassellay, Feb. 111... Course of LegislatieRI Lterllojaiimrst's Bill—Disturbancet in ',eland.

Thursday, Feb. 12. Law Reform ; Common Law Procedure Act, to be referred to a Select Committee—Outrage on Mr. Mather at Florence; Government Explanation.

Friday, Feb. 13. Gunpowder Traffic in Caffraria—County Courts Further Exten- sion Bill, read a second time—Patent Law Amendment Bill, brought in by Lord Brougham.

Room or Commas. Monday, Feb. 9. New Reform Bill; Lord John Russell's Speech.

Tuesday, Feb. 10. Landlord and Tenant in Ireland; Mr. Sharman Crawford's Bill—Irish Railways ; Mr. M•Ctilbgh's Bill.

Wednesday. Feb. 11. Manchester and Salford Education ; second reading postponed—Ventilation of the House ; Mr. Osborne's Motion of Confidence in Dr. Reid, carried by 96 to 68—Irish Belief Works and Payment of Treasury Advances ; returns ordered for Colonel Dunne—Income-tax Committee of last Session renewed. Therwley. Feb. 12. Parliamentary Representation Bill, brought in by Lord John Russell, and read a first time—Preserved Meats for the Navy ; Select Committee granted ter Sir William Jolliffe—Mortmain Laws ; Mr. Headlam's Select Committee reappointed—Qualifications of Phamaceutical Chemists ; Mr. Jacob Bell's Bill— Customs Inquiry ; Mr. Mitchell's Select Committee reappointed—Passengers at Sea; Mr. Peel's Bill.

Friday, Feb. 13. British Subjects in Austria--Hohnfirth Catastrophe—Interns- tional Co "right; Bill by Mr. Labouchere—Parliamentary Representation (Scot- land), Parliamentary Representation (Ireland). Bills to be brought in by the Lord- Advocate and Sir William Somerville—Lighting the House.

TIME-TABLE.

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thmuday Friday

The Lords.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment. Sh eh Ism Oh 6h Him No Sitting. 1111 eh eern 7h Om

The '

Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday

Sittingsthis Week, — this Session,

WeinntIeSs.

Hour of Hour of illisrUng. Adjournment.

IS .... eh 46m Noon .... 5h 15m .... eh nom 4h .... 85 On Sittings this — 155443essisen, Week, 4; Time, elt 15m 7 ; 145 Om

5; Time, 27h. Om

9; — 44h 30in

THE NBW REFORM Brix.

Lord Jorci RUSSELL began his speech in moving to bring in a bill "to extend the right of voting for Members of Parliament, and to amend the laws relating to the representation of the people," with a reply to the criticisms on his choice of juncture for proposing the measure. " The state of affairs in which I bring forward this motion ought to be satisfactory to Parliament and to the country. During four years we have seen the Continent of Europe torn •by convulsions • during that period the aspect of this country has been tranquil? and any threatened danger has been averted by the general spirit and unanimous feeling of the people. It ap- pears to me that this is a proper time for considering whether any further extension can be given to the right of voting, consistently with the prin- ciples of the constitution, by which the prerogatives of the Crown, the au- thority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the peo_ple, are equally secured. I know there are some who say that we ought rather to wait for agitation ; that it is better to legislate on subjects of this kind when the passions of the people have been roused—when there is great discontent on the one side and great fear on the other. I totally differ from that opinion. I think, if it is desirable to make any further extension of the right of voting, to make any amendments in the state of the representa- tion, it is better to consider them with calmness in a time of tranquillity, and to enact those franohises without compulsion as a reward of past con- duct and a security for the future for the institutions of the country. I be- lieve, therefore, that I do right in now bringing forward a question of this kind, consistently with many previous amurances which I have given to this House. I repeat this, because I am aware that it has been asserted, but as- serted without a shadow of foundation, that it was merely on the spur of the moment, being pressed by a motion which was made last year, that I gave notice that I should bring this subject under the consideration of the House during the present session. It has been stated by me—it was stated in the year 1848—that although I could not agree to motions made in this House, especially to a motion made by my honourable friend the Member for Montrose—my opinion was that it might be advisable to consider of a further extension of the franchise, and that the time when that fran- chise might be dealt with calmly and deliberately was at hand. In the year 1849, I accordingly brought under the consideration of the Cabi- net the propriety of introducing such a measure. It was thought, as au& a measure must lead, before any long period had elapsed, to a dissolution, that it was not desirable to bring it forward in the ensuing session. Then last year, there was deliberation of the Cabinet on this sub- ject, and the reasons for postponement appeared to outweigh those for immediately bringing forward a measure. But, though the reasons for post- ponement were valid, they of course exposed me, or any one on whom might devolve the duty of stating the course of the Government, to the •dilemma that either I must, by giving reasons against a motion on the subject, and opposing it altogether, conceal that which was really the intention of the Government, and thus appear in the following year forced into the adoption of measures, or, on the other hand, by intimating my general intention to bring forward some measure, make an announcement which would rouse ex- pectation, and lead to hopes that might not possibly be realized. I preferred the latter alternative. No doubt,. that course has not been without incon- venience. I must say, however, that there was nothing that I had ever said, there was no expectation which I had ever held out, that could induce extravagant hopes on the one side, or exaggerated fears on the other, as to the nature of the measure I was about to propose."

In explaining the principles which have regulated the objects and frame of his measure, he assumed as a matter notnow needing discussion, that to have the franchise extended to every individual is not a claim that can be supported. Enlarging on the important functions which the House of Commons have, through their power over the purse of the na- tion, now established, he proceeded to sketch the Parliamentary history of the endeavours made in that branch of the Legislature to reform its own constitution ; his object being to show the avowed principles on which those efforts were directed, and were at last successful.

In 1786, Mr. Pitt proposed his plan of setting apart two funds of a million sterling each to buy up a certain number of the small nomination boroughs, and replaoe their Members by others representing counties, and large, towns that plan was rejected. In 1790, Mr. Flood proposed to give the elective franchise to resident householders in every. county : Mr. Pitt put that plan aside, as inopportune. Then followed various plans, which severally were tinged'by the violence of the passions evoked by the French Revolution. In 1822, Lord Durham proposed the division of the country into districts : the House rejected that plan. In the same year commenced Lord John Rus- sell's own Parliamentary efforts on the subject. "In 1822, 'myself had the honour to bring forward a plan of reform, in which I proposed that 100 mein- hers should be taken from the smaller boroughs, one from each, and 60 given to counties and 40 to populous boroughs. Mr. Canning made a most elo- quent speech on the subject, and gave me great hopes of success in that speech of obtaining, on some subsequent occasion, a reform in the representation. He pointed out the difficulties I should have had, supposing the plan carried in that state, of dealing with the burgage tenure, which everybody. knows was a species of nomination, and entirely in the hands of the proprietors of towns. After several other motions for reform had been discussed, in 1831 I brought forward, as the organ of the Government of the day, a plan of reform which was debated in this House. I hold in my hand the original paper, which was submitted to Lord Durham, Lord Duncannon, and Sir James Graham, in December 1830, and marked, in Lord Durham's hand, Lord John Russell's Plan.' The plan which I proposed was, that 60 boroughs should cease to return members, and 50 other boroughs should have only one member, and that in cities and boroughs generally the ten-pound household suffrage should be established. Other changes were likewise proposed ; and the plan was discussed and laid before the Cabinet. It was thought better, however, to take a limit of population ; and it was proposed that all boroughs under a population of 2000 should be deprived entirely of the privilege of sending members to Parliament, and those between 2000 and 4000 of popu- lation should in future only send one member. In the long and animated discussions which followed the proposition of that plan, a difficulty arose in respect to the assumed population of different boroughs. It was found that as the population returns gave the boundaries of the parishes and not of the boroughs, there was a difference in many cases between the population as assumed in the plan and the real population • and it was necessary in conse- quence to appoint commissioners to ascertain the real boundaries of the bo- roughs, and obtain more accurate information with respect to the real num- ber of the population and houses. In the subsequent Reform Bill, as brought before another Parliament after the dissolution, it was proposed not to take, as I did at first, an arbitrary number of 60 boroughs to be disfranchised, and 60 others to be left with the privilege of returning only one member each nor to take the limit of population simply, but in reference to the boroughs to be disfranchised to take, as the test for disfranchisement, the number of the houses and the assessments to the Assessed Taxes. Such was the basis on which that part of the Reform Bill went. It went on the basis of the small- ness of those boroughs; that many of them were places without any inha- bitants whatever; that in others the inhabitants were few in number and never had any right of •voting, the burgage tenure being in the hands of the proprietors, and that therefore nomination, strictly and properly so called, existed in them. In proposing the great change then proposed, that a great number of large towns should be enfrancised—that the great seats of manu- facture, Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Sheffield, and other places, should have members—in proposing, likewise, a very considerable addition to the county representation, we did not, in 'disfranchising a great number of bo- roughs having a small population, go to the extent of saying that no borough with a small population should have members, but only to the extent of de- termining that those boroughs which we conceived to be nomination boroughs should no longer return members. The following is the substance, though not exactly the precise words, used by me in reference to the second Reform Bill, in June 1831—

In the representation, as we propose to leave it, there will still be a class which some will think a blot on our system; but the existence, I think, will add to the permanence of Parliament and to the welfare of the people. I mean, that there will be a hundred or more members from places of three, four, live, or six thousand in- habitants, who will not, perhaps, immediately represent any particular interest, and who, therefore, may be better qualified to speak and inform the House on great ques- tions of general interest to the community. If we bad proceeded as some recommended —namely, to destroy the existing system, and to allow none but members from counties and large cities and towns—although it would have been a representation of the landed, commercial, and manufacturing interests, something would still have been wanting to its completeness. That something I find in a number of persons not connected either with the land, commerce, or manufactures, but who are certain- ly well worthy to enter these walls, and able to give advice and advance opinions important to the welfare of the community.' "The fault which was then found with our plan was not, generally speaking, that we had not destroyed those boroughs, but it was said, in respect to schedule B in particular, that we had gone too far in taking away members of that class, whom we had admitted to be an important class of members in this House. Other nations have endeavoured to remedy that which is ob- viously a fault in the representation founded solely on numbers. In ancient Rome, there were particular contrivances by which weight was given to a certain mode of voting ; and in the United States of America, besides the existence of the Senate, whose members do not immediately represent num- bers, but are chosen according to the institutions of the separate States, there is a power in the President of the United States, holding the executive, beyond, in some respects, that which the Sovereign of this country possesses. The President of the United States, in choosing his Ministers, may utterly disregard the wishes of the Congress, may appoint any person he chodees to represent what policy he approves of, and does notconsider them responsible to Congress, but to himself as head of the Executive. Thus, in that con- stitution, the Congress, in this respect, holds a different position from that of the House of Commons, whose deliberations and decisions affect all holding office under the Crown. I maintain, therefore, that it would be extremely unwise to destroy the balance of the constitution, as we should do if we were to say that we would have none but counties and large cities and towns re- turning members, and if we were to admit of no other representation."

Therefore, argued Lord John, neither on precedent, as warranted by what was proposed or done at the time of the Reform Bill, nor on principle, is any measure,of arbitrary and absolute disfranchisement now called for. All that is called for is disfranchisement in eases of proved corruption. So the second bill he should have to submit to thq House that evening would propose a considerable alteration in the mode of inquiring into cases of corruption. It is proposed, that on any address of this House to the Crown—be that address based on the report of an Election Committee, or of a Select Committee ap- pointed by the House, or, if the House so think right, on common fame and notoriety—it shall be lawful for the Crown to appoint a Commission with power to resort to the borough charged with corrupt practices, and there to prosecute the same sort of inquiry lately carried on with such success in the case of St. Alban's. By this mode, Lord John conceived that in many cases we should obtain evidence sufficient to enable us to disfranchise corrupt boroughs. The other House of Parliament could not complain of this mode of proceeding, because no disfranchisement could take place without their concurrence, and on evidence as open to them as to us. "It would then," he said, "be possi- ble for us occasionally to enfranchise large towns in the country, which have a great population, and are the seats of trade and manufactures. Of Course the House, if it thinks fit, can, on disfranchising a borough as in the case of Sudbury, give the members to any large county instead of giving them to a town ; but I think that in those cases towns should have the pre- ference. With regard to the two seats which are at the disposal of the House by the disfranchisement of Sudbury, we propose to give a member to Birken- head and a member to Burnley. If Parliament shall agree to the disfran- chisement of St. Alban's, we will propose in like manner that two other large towns should each return a member of Parliament. I am now merely !peaking of the disposal of the two seats that have become vacant by the disfranchisement of Sudbury, and reminding you that if St. Alban's shall be disfranchised, we will have two seats more to dispose of." Such were the principles which would regulate the extent of disfran- chisement. He passed on to the question of extending the franchise. There are two grounds for an increase of the city and borough franchise,— that the occupancy qualification of the Reform Bill was fixed rather too high even for that time ; and that the people are now fitted by their increased in- telligence for larger rights. "At the time of the Reform Bill, there was, toge- ther with a great wish for reform, a great desire that it should be safe, and an unwillingness to place the suffrage in hands that might be unworthy of it. I own that in fixing the suffrage in ten-pound householders at that time, we obtained a safety, as shown by the workuig of our institutions since the pass- ing of that act, which was described by some as menacing all our insti- tutions with destruction." We may now place the franchise lower, on that ground alone. But then, he could prove, by the sale of newspapers and books, and the increase of schools, that a great increase has taken place in intelligence among the people. The House would not think the proof necessary. He therefore passed immediately to state, that it is proposed, instead of householders occupying houses or shops of ten pounds value, to take householders of five pounds rated value. (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) "Looking to the general returns which we have received, I should say that in point of numbers the householders of from five pounds to ten pounds, as compared with those of ten pounds and upwards, are in the pro- portion of about six to ten." With regard to counties, it is not proposed to abandon the original principle of basing their franchise on tenure as dis- tinguished from occupancy. Lord John thought at the time the present Duke of Buckingham's fifty-pound occupancy was adopted, that it was too high : he now argued, in defence of his proposal, to adopt the jury qualifi- cation of a twenty-pound occupancy, that a person qualified to serve on a county jury cannot be an unfit person to be intrusted with the county fran- chise. The numerical extent of this new class Lord John was unable to state. It is proposed to lower the ten-pound long-lease qualification to one of five pounds. A new right of voting is to be given, indiscriminately to residents in coun- ties and boroughs who pay direct taxes, in the shape of Assessed Taxes or Income-tax, to the amount of forty shillings a year. (Cheers from the Mi- nisterial side of the House.) This franchise will remove the objection con- stantly made, and not without reason, that while persons having freehold property, and others occupying household property, are allowed the fran- chise, there is a large class of well-educated men, and men likewise of pro- perty, who have not the qualification derived from possessing or occupying a particular species of property. The next feature of the bill was an augmentation of the topographical ex- tent of certain "small boroughs." Recurring to and repeating his opinion that in principle the small boroughs ought to be retained, and to his his- torical explanations which showed that 31r. Pitt and Mr. Fox, and the other proposers of reform, had never proposed the total destruction of the small boroughs, he expressed his belief that the present outcry against them is founded on the mistaken notion that all the smaller boroughs of the country are infected with bribery and corruption—" an entire mistake." "My be- lief is, that while in many of the small boroughs bribery and corruption do exist, the same thing, and to as great an extent, may be said of many of the larger boroughs. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) I do not believe that corruption is at all peculiar to small boroughs. I believe, on the other hand, that there are many of these boroughs in which bribery has been almost unknown, and where elections have been conducted with a total ab- sence of corruption. But it is said, and said certainly with truth, that with regard to many of these small boroughs, not only does the influence of pro- perty prevail at elections, but that the property of individuals is in some cases so overwhelming that these boroughs approach the character of those in which direct nomination formerly prevailed. Now, Sir, I think it is desirable to take away that reproach ; because, though we might at the present time leave these boroughs totally undisturbed, yet I cannot but feel that the continuance of that reproach, and the odium into winch such boroughs must fall, would render it doubtful at some future time whether they can be permanently retained. We propose, therefore, with regard to a certain number of those boroughs, to diffuse the influence, as it were and to give the inhabitants of neighbouring towns the right of voting at the elec- tions for such boroughs. Tho line that we take is not founded upon those tests which, as I have stated, were adopted at the time of the Reform Bill— the population, the number of houses, or the Assessed Taxes—because we have now another test, which I think it is better and more convenient to take. When the Reform Bill was discussed in this House, I stated that, in my opinion, nearly all the boroughs should have not less than 900 voters each. While this is the case generally, there are fourteen smaller boroughs which have less than that number of voters ; there are upwards of thirty more that have less than 400 electors ; and there are several more that have less than 600 voters. When I speak now of electors, I allude to permanent electors, namely, those who are ten-pound householders, and those who are freemen, holding the perpetual right which was maintained by the Reform Bill. We propose, then, to add places to all the boroughs which have lees than 500 of such electors, consisting of ten-pound householders and freemen. The number of boroughs to which this principle will be applied is sixty- seven. (Cries of "Hear, hear ! " and some sensation on the Opposition benches. A Member asked—" In .England and Wales ?") I am now speak- ing (Lord John continued) only of England and Wales. I do not wish at present to enter into any details upon this subject, because I think those de- tails will be far betterjudged of when the bill is before the House. One observation, however, I may make, and it is certainly an observation founded upon truth, although it may have a different effect upon gentlemen who hold different views. It is, that these small boroughs are, generally speaking—with the exception of those in Yorkshire—in the South and West of the kingdom ; and they are therefore situated rather in the agricultural than in the manufacturing and commercial districts. It follows, then, that the places which we join to these small boroughs, being places in the neigh- bourhood, are towns of somewhat the same character, and have little to do with manufactures or commerce. The effect certainly will be, then—whe- ther right or wrong, whether politic or impolitic—to preserve the same gene- ral balance of interest which was established at the time of the Reform Bill. It is obvious that if we had disfranchised these boroughs, and had given the right of voting to manufacturing towns in the North of England, there would have been a total change of that balance—that the landed interest would have been depressed and the manufacturing and commercial interests raised in the scale. Now, that might be a right thing to do ; it might be what many gentlemen would wish ; but it is not what we propose to do on the present occasion. We propose, while we extend the franchise and make large additions to these boroughs, to leave the general interests I have men- tioned as we find them, and not to disturb their balance ; fearful that if we did so we should only invoke a fierce struggle, which would rage in this House, and which would render our measures liable to very strong opposi- tion in the other House of Parliament."

Such was the general purport of the measure in reference to the fran- chise. Other provisions would relate to the property qualification of Members, and the oaths imposed on them on their taking the scats to which they have been elected ; to the non-vacating of seats by mere change of official employment under the Crown ; and to the franchises of Scotland and Ireland.

On the first of these points, Lord John proposed to carry out the opinion expressed by him last session, that the property qualifications of Members is so easily evaded that it is nugatory, and ought to be abandoned : clauses are offered which repeal all acts, beginning with that of Queen Anne, which re- quire the various property qualifications. Then the state of the oaths re- quired of Members is not such as can be consistently maintained. " In the first place, we make it necessary to abjure James the Third—the Pretender; and the oaths enter into various particulars relating to the family of the Stuarts, with regard to whom it is certainly unnecessary now to make those provisions which were absolutely requisite in the reign of the first prince of

the house of Hanover. (A laugh.) In the next place ,.I think an invidious distinction is made by the oaths between the Protestant and the Roman Catholic faith. (Cheers.) It appears to me that there ought to be an oath which Protestants and Roman Catholics can alike take. I cannot see what is the advantage of making the Protestant abjure the ecclesiastical or spiritual supremacy of the Pope, if you think it quite sufficient that the Roman Catholic, of whom alone you can be afraid in this respect, abjures only the Pope's tem- poral and civil authority. Nor do I think there is any advantage in those provisions with respect to the Roman Catholic which oblige him to declare that he will not attempt to subvert the Protestant religion, or interfere with the settlement of the Church as established in this country. It appears to me that an oath for that purpose is totally useless. If the Member admitted has no wish to disturb the Protestant religion, or to interfere with the Established Church, then the oath is unnecessary ; but if he comes into this House with a determined repugnance to the Established Church, and a desire to do all he can to injure it, why then, I say, the oath 'will not prevent his doing so. This oath merely affords an opportunity, on certain occasions, of taunting the Roman Catholics with its viola- tion ; and I think these provisions had far better be abandoned. It will not surprise the House to learn, that in the new form of oath I have provided— which is, generally speaking, the Roman Catholic oath with certain omis- sions—I have not retained the words ion the true faith of a Christian.' (Loud cheers from the Ministerial side.) It is abundantly clear that those words were not originally introduced in order to confine the right of sitting in this House to Christians, but they were inserted for another purpose ; and it is, I believe, well known that even now the Judges of the land are not quite ready to decide unanimously as to the bearing of those words, or how far penalties may be recovered for their omission. It appears to me to be far better that we should adopt one simple oath, which all Members of this House could take, obliging to allegiance to the Throne and to fidelity to the Succes- sion, and which should not contain the objectionable requirements I have mentioned."

With regard to reelection of Members who take office under the Crown, the present law gives—whether the provision was originally wise or not Lord John would not say—to the electoral body an opportunity of saying whether they choose to have a representative who is in office, and who will therefore be expected to give his votes with the Government of the day, or whether they require that he shall be an independent Member, unshackled by any kind of tie. But in doing this it goes to an unnecessary extent. It says that when a Member changes his office—as, for instance, if from Solicitor- General he becomes Attorney-General—he must vacate his seat, and go to an election. But the electors having once decided that they do not object to their Member's being in office, it is unnecessary that he should be required to return again to his constituents ; and it is proposed to alter the law to that extent.

The changes of the electoral law which relate to Scotland and Ireland will be made by two separate bills, to accompany the principal measure. In Scotland, it is proposed to extend the enactments for preventing fictitious votes, by requiring that the title be perfected by infeftment ; to introduce the twenty-pound county franchise, and the five-pound occupancy franchise in boroughs. In Ireland it is purposed to lower the occupancy franchise in boroughs to one of five pounds.

In conclusion, Lord John trusted, " that when this enlarged franchise is given, we shall next see the Government of this country, in whosever hands it be, consider most seriously and earnestly the great question of the educa- tion of the people. (Cheers.) This question of the franchise is not alien from that other one of providing that the instruction, the education of the people, should be in a better state than it now is. I am convinced, that if after a measure of this kind, in another session of Parliament, this House shall consider the means of establishing a really national system of educa- tion, they will confer one of the greatest blessings which can be conferred upon this country ; a measure for which, I believe, the people are now al- most prepared, and which, after further discussion, I do trust might be car- ried with very nearly a general assent. ("Bear hear !" and cheers.) I do not propose now, however, to enter further into this subject. I have stated the general provisions of the bill that I propose to introduce ; and I rejoice that in this time of quiet and tranquillity we can fairly consider that we are not acting under compulsion of any sort,—that we are not obliged by any clamour to introduce this measure, but that we do it in the humble and earnest hope that we may contribute something to the power and the glory of our country." (Cheers.)

Mr. Hrsix approved of much that had fallen from Lord John Russell, and chiefly regretted the omissions he noticed—of the ballot, and of triennial Parliaments. Ho would accept what is now offered, and would, as the bill proceeds, try to persuade the House to add greatly to the improvements it proposes.

Sir Jolts WALK' contrasted the indifference in the country, and the cold reception of the present announcement, with the excitement that at- tended Lord John Russell's Reform speech in 1831. He expatiated on the ill effects of the Reform Act of 1832, and predicted that the present measure would only aggravate those evils, and make the House more and more subject to the influence of organized associations out of doors.

Mr. HENRY BERKELEY disclaimed the opinion caricatured in a well- known publication, that the dose of reform now offered is infinitesimal : the people will consider it an important improvement. But the omission of the ballot is a great disappointment, and he will endeavour to remedy it in the future stages of the discussion. Mr. Ptuur Hovimin declared that the measure will be received with earnest approbation—preferable to a clamorous applause.

Sir ROBERT Norm further illustrated the difference between 1831 and 1852, which Sir John Walsh had alluded to.

The House of Commons of February 1852 was certainly very different from the House of Commons of 1831, when the subject of Parliamentary Reform was brought forward. At that time, certainly, not only every in- dividual in the House itself, but in every room and place around the House, would have been found listening with the most intense anxiety to the great question then under discussion. But what was the ease tonight ? Looking at the benches around him, it was true, when the noble Lord began to intro- duce the question, those benches were filled with attentive listeners ; but as soon as the subject had been introduced the House relaxed its attention, and the number of Members was proportionately reduced. Sir Robert dwelt on the revolutionary character of the Reform Bill, and such measures as this ; but he admitted that he himself does not believe that universal suffrage is an object to be dreaded by the possessors of property and

power in this country. The largest and most effective experiment, we have seen tried almost under our own eyes, has been the most efficient instrument for granting an amount of power greater than modern Europe has even seen concentrated in the bands of one man.

The particular point in the present measure which attracted most of Sir Robert's attention, and which made him feel the most shame, related to a subject hitherto thought fit for separate and substantive legislation-the ad- mission to Parliament of a class of persons deemed by Sir Robert to be aliens, intentionally excluded from the Christian Legislature of this country. Of course he could be no party to such legislation.

Mr. BRIGHT made the speech of most considerable length and scope de- livered at this stage of the question : deeming it right' that some re- marks from his side of the House should go forth as widely as those from Sir John Walsh and Sir Robert Inglis.

While noting omissions, he admitted that there are propositions which will give some degree of satisfaction to those outside the House. He marked the five-pound franchise as " the great and democratic portion of the bill." The omission of the ballot is its most serious defect. In reference to the omission of the ballot, as a large employer of labour himself, he besought the Legislature not to leave him in that position of so strong temptation to exercise an influence degrading to the nature of the elector. The man who is forced to vote is as much degraded as the man who is bribed to vote : he loses his self-respect, and by being tempted to defend the vote which he has been compelled to give, there is a growing depravity brought about of his moral feeling. The lowering of the fifty-pound county franchise to twenty pounds, is wholly indefensible in the face of the concession made last year to Ireland of a twelve-pound franchise. The distinction is very unjust to the counties. A retired tradesman can live in a most comfortable house in the country for 18/. or 191. a year; and why is he to be less considered than the manufac- turing artisan in the towns whose house is but SI. ? The forty-shilling taxation franchise is unobjectionable, but it will have no perceptible effect in increasing the number of votes.

Touching on the balance of interests which Lord John Russell had de- scribed as the object of a just representative system, Mr. Bright argued, that the present state of things is a manifest infringement of that principle : it is because the various interests of the community and the opinions of the people are not represented injust proportions by the House of Commons, that the small constituencies, which lord John Russell would preserve, should be abolished. " If Lord John accepts the principle of representations at all, he should not seek to have Sir John Walsh at one extreme, and him (Mr. Bright) as it might be considered perhaps nt the other, but that the pro- portion of opinion in the House should assimilate to the proportion of opin- ion in the country ; and not that, as when the question of free trade was settled long ago—(Ironical cheers and laughter)—and when, he would not say nine out of ten, but certainly three out of four of the people of this country, have long disposed of the question, gentlenien opposite should mus- ter votes that nearly equal the votes on the Free-trade side of the House. ("Hear!" and laughter.) Why had he mentioned this, but to prove that free trade had no adequate representation in the House, and that the oppo- site opinions had a far larger representation than they would have been en- titled to had the representation been fairly apportioned over the country ? The Minister would probably maintain what he called the balance of inter- ests; but he would find it was not the balance of interests, but the dead lock, under which his Government would be unable to march. He might find country towns or villages to give them larger constituencies : but was it consistent with the opinions he had expressed that night and during his whole political life, to enlarge Harwich and Thetford, and to allow them two members, while each of the Metropolitan boroughs and the constituency of 25,000 that he represented had but each two members also ? Was it possible an arrangement like that could be permanent? No, of course not ; and next session the question to transfer one of the members from some of these boroughs would be moved, with a force of argument which he defied any Minister to meet with anything like satisfaction to his own mind and reason; and in the same way he would be met with the question of the twenty-pound franchise and the vote by ballot."

Lord John Russell had not told the House what he meant to do with these small boroughs : Mr. Bright submitted, it was his bounden duty to withdraw from all these boroughs, which required an addition to make up the con- stituency, one member, and to give that member in each case to large con- stituencies, or to large towns not now represented. In reference to the oaths, Mr. Bright offered his advice in a conciliatory manner, "with a dispassionateness that probably no other member could claim, as he was not asked to take an oath, but make a simple declaration" : if they should still adhere to the oath, they should not let it exceed that i which is necessary to bind (if indeed oaths do bind) to fidelity to the con- stitution and the sovereign. On the general subject, he expressed his regret that the measure leaves open questions, which will be brought forward next session or the session after, and again and again, and which might just as well be settled now. Still, thanks are due for a measure of improvement volunteered at a time of no great political excitement.

Mr. BAILLLE declared his opinion that the measure is neither necessary nor required at the present moment : but then, taking for granted that Reform is as necessary as Lord John professes, he proceeded to criticize the measure as one not calculated to satisfy the expectations raised ; and his criticisms occasionally bore theaspect of Radical rather than Conserva- tive objection.

The non-extinction of the small noinination boroughs was one of the fail- ures of the Reform Bill ; and he now declared his belief that the addition of small towns to existing small boroughs will only have the effect ofputting the nomination power over the boroughs alternately in the hands of two or more families, instead of in the sole hands of the family which in each in- stance now enjoys it. He strongly advocated the claims of Scotland to a readjustment of the proportion of Members given to each portion of the United Kingdoms ; and, recalling the memory of instances of successful unity among the Scotch Members, he prayed them to unite compactly on this question, and ask the Irish Members, who are under a common injustice in this regard, for their aid.

Mr. Roca; as an Irish Member, expressed his delight at the liberal speech just heard from what used to be called the "Tory camp," which would give great pleasure to Ireland. It is plain that Reform will be had, as all parties now agree to give it.

He went into details on the bearing of the proposition to enlarge the small boroughs of Ireland. It was proposed, wherever the number of electors for a borough in England or Scotland fell short of 500, to group other towns with them and to extend the constituency. Would Lord Jobn apply that principle to Ireland ? If a borough in Ireland has lees than 500 elector., will he join that to other towns ? [Several Members—" Yes, yes ; he said he would."] There are twenty-four boroughs in Ireland with less than 500 electors ; and, omitting Belfast, there is only one borough out of the re- maining twenty-three, which has a constituency exceeding 600. There are sixteen or seventeen boroughs where the constituencies number less than 200. In many other boroughs where the constituencies are returned as over 200, the actual number of the constituency does not exceed 200. He was informed by Mr. Anstey that the constituency of Youghal, which was re- turned as 261, does not actually exceed 200. When the Repeal agitation was rife, and a great desire existed in Ireland for a legislative separation between the two countries, the Irish Members were asked why they did not attend the House of Commons and state their grievances there ? But when they did, they found themselves unjustly outnumbered. The present House of Commons was packed against them by the Reform Bill, and it was useless for them to attend at that time. The same evil still exists. He wished Lord Sohn would take into consideration the propriety of throwing some of the Irish boroughs into the counties. The representation might be taken from some of the boroughs and given to the counties, without altering the balance of conflicting interests in that country.

Mr. NEWDEGATE expressed his regret that Lord John Russell seemed determined not to add the sanction of Christianity to his measure. Mr. TRELAWNY, with a warmth of expression which he afterwards modified, defended his borough of Tavistock from the imputation which Mr. Baillie had thrown on it, when quoting borough " influences " from Mr. Dod's Parliamentary Companion, that it is a "nomination borough," under the influence of the Duke of Bedford.

Lord HARRY VANE thought the measure extremely satisfactory. Mr. Calm:max ANSTEY suggested defects in the Irish clauses. The proposed conglomeration of small boroughs is wise ; but it may pos- sibly affect the counties objectionably. At present those counties possess no more than a fair number of voters ; but when the small towns should be withdrawn from the counties and aggregated to the boroughs, the consti- tuencies in many counties would be reduced one-half, and thrown more than ever into the bands of proprietors, in whose families the representation was vested and transmitted as a heritage from father to eon. Mr. Anstey ac- cepted the bill as "an instalment" ; observing that Lord John Russell him- self has pointed to a time when it may be in the power of the Minister to propose, and the Parliament to grant, a further measure of reform.

Sir Jour Timms. thought the title of the measure should be "a bill for the continuation of her Majesty's present Ministers in office."

Sir JOSHUA WALMSLEY declared the bill to be totally unworthy of the House, totally unworthy of being called a Reform Bill, and totally un- worthy of the noble Lord and his colleagues. Mr. NEWDEGATE having asked when the second reading would be taken, Lord JOHN RUSSELL answered, on Monday the 23d. Mr. HERMES asked when the bill would be printed and in the hands of members ?

Lord Joni,' Russxnn—" On Wednesday or Thursday." Lord Jonsr MANNERS thought that a fortnight was not long enough for the consideration of a bill affecting. such vast interests. The House were called upon to sanction the whole principle and details of the bill, and the noble Lord ought to give them a longer period than a fortnight. Lord JOHN RUSSELL--" I do not attach great importance to Monday sen- night, and have no objection to name Friday in that week, the 27th instant." Mr. HUMS—" The sooner the better."

Mr. DISRAELI addressed himself particularly to this point of the time which should be given for fully considering so important a bill. Support- ing himself by reference to the cases of the Reform Bill and the Corn- law Bill, he said it was very unusual for a Minister to come forward and make a statement introductory to a bill without being able to produce the bill itself.

"I would object to this course of proceeding, even if I assumed that the bill was delayed by some mere technicality, and that, after the seventeen or twenty-seven Cabinet Councils which have been held, Ministers have really made up their minds on the question. But when we know that Ministers continue to meet daily, the ease assumes alvery different aspect. The bill, when produced, may be invested with a great many details which the noble Lord has it not in his power to communicate to us. If when the bill is laid upon the table we find in it anything which may not agree with or be ad- ditional to the statement we have been favoured with tonight, that would be a reason for a longer interval between the first and second reading than the noble Lord proposes. Considering the importance of the question—con- sidering that the Minister himself has not made up his mind, apparently, to the details of his own measure, I do not, I think, ask too much in demand- ing a longer time for consideration. I think it is much better that we should have a month, and that is not a great deal more than three Parliamentary weeks, to enable the country to make itself acquainted with the measure." For himself he was disinclined to discussion on the present occasion. He therefore contented himself with a sarcasm at the Reformers for the pleasing contentment which they had manifested at the short commons of reform which are now ,vouchaafed to their keen a tite ; an argument or two against Mr. Bright's principle of giving to nchester a great number of members because such places as Retford have two ; and the expression of a hope that the proposal to enlarge small boroughs will not be tainted by a repetition of the not very creditable mamouvres which distinguished the set- tlement of the Reform Bill boundaries of agricultural boroughs. However, i his opinion of the bill as he collected its purport from Lord John Russell's statement, was that it would not call for opposition as being opposed to the constitutional arrangement of interests now existing : his doubt was, whether the measure is sufficiently comprehensive for the ques- tion and interests it undertakes to deal with.

He hoped that the time of Parliament will not be occupied with this mea- sure to the exclusion of other important topics. The whole system of our Colonial government, and the principle on which the taxation of the country is to be based, are subjects on which the people of this country feel much anxiety. And there is likewise a great desire to see the legal reform that is promised carried out These measures require considerable time and mature consideration, and these are strong reasons for not occupying the time of the House exclusively upon this measure of Parliamentary Reform.

Sir Garosoz Gnary could scarcely tell whether the speech of Mr. Dis- raeli was addressed to the supporters or the opponents of the measure. He did not dissent from the principle, yet he asked for a month's delay, to commence the amalgamation of boroughs' —a question of detail fit for consideration on the second reading. Sir George hoped that the House would not consent to such a proposal, or permit the bill to be thrown back to a late period of the session. Sir BENJAMIN HALL wished that the measure had been more full and comprehensive ; but he could show that the excitement of 1832 was not fairly to be contrasted with the calmness of the country now.

In 1832, every stage of the bill was contested. He recollected dividing upon it at seven in the morning. There were sixteen or seventeen divisions on the introduction of the bill. Now, however, they had no division, and gentlemen opposite dare not vote against it. When Reformers were taunted with voting for so small a measure, he could only say that they were ready to take all they could get. They would vote for and propose amendments, and try to get more. He agreed that it was wrong to continue the small boroughs, and they would take the sense of the House upon that point. He looked upon this as an important portion of the bill, and thought it should be regarded narrowly; for, in his opinion, the scheme of congregating the towns together would make the county constituencies more corrupt, and place them more in the hands of the landlords.

Lord DUDLEY &TART took the same line of moderate approbation of the measure, and the same line of explanatory apology for the political calm now pervading the country. He remonstrated, however, against the tone of political condescension towards the people adopted by Lord John Russell, whose notion of conferring the franchise on the people as a reward is exactly that of a potentate in re- ference to a charter oetroyee.

Leave was given to bring in his bill.

Lord Jonsr Russzu.presented his Parliamentary Representation Bill on Thursday ; and stated, in reply to Mr. Dimon' that the schedule of sixty-seven boroughs which are to be enlarged would be handed in next morning. On the suggestion of Mr. BRIGHT, he said ho would see whether a map of the boroughs, showing the relation of each to its new districts, could be added.

NATIONAL EDUCATION.

The promoters of the Manchester and Salford Education Bill, which would tax and educate a population of a quarter of a million, were wil- ling to pass their measure through its chief stage in a morning sitting of the House of Commons on Wednesday. Mr. BROTHERTON and Mr. W. BROWN moved the second reading of the bill, as a private bill. Mr. Mit.- NEB Gintrox and Mr. Burma made fight against such progress, on the ground that the Corporation of Manchester has not pronounced, and may possibly yet oppose the bill, if they have another fortnight's delay. It was uncertain whether the promoters or opponents of the bill would carry their point, when Mr. GLAnwrosrs rose and argued with great weight against proceeding with such a bill in the absence of the First Minister and the Home Minister. Though technically a private bill, it is essen- tially one of the highest and largest public interest ; one the judgment of the House on which cannot but prejudge, and to a large extent fetter, the mind of Parliament when it shall come to consider that great question of national education, which the Premier has lately declared to be worthy of the national verdict next after the settlement of the pending question of Parliamentary Reform. Mr. Hustu stated, that he had in conversation on the previous night impressed this view on Lord John Russell, and ex- pressed a hope that Lord John would not be absent next day. Sir FRANCIS BARING rose, and agreed that the second reading should be put off till next Wednesday, in order that Lord John Russell or Sir George Grey might be present at the debate.

Commorr LAw PROCF.DURE.

In moving the second reading of the Common Law Procedure Amend- ment Bill, the Lord CHANCELLOR stated, that it has emanated from the Commission which was appointed to inquire into the state of the Common Law.

Giving an explanation of all the proceedings in a complex action at law, and as he passed over each step showing the historical development-of each encumbrance of technicality, he stated the effect of the bill in retrenching all formalities which now no longer serve any purpose but to increase delay and expense. The bill travels through every stage of an action : it requires 'it plain statasrent on the back of the writ of what is demanded for debt or damages, and what for costs ; and then, if the defendant does not enter an appearance, judgment can be got by the plaintiff on the writ within eight days, without the present interlocutory proceedings, at one-fourth of the present coat. If the defendant appears, then the action will go on without the possibility of fatal defects from formal technicalities • and if any merely formal objection which might have been urged at any stage is not urged at the moment, neither party shall be able to use it, as at present, in upsetting the proceedings on a writ of error. Some idea of the operation of the bill may be formed when it is stated that 146,000 writs were issued in 1846, and that of these claims more than half were settled before an appearance was issued by the defendants: on all these, the costs under this bill would be only one-fourth of those at present incurred. Lord LYNDHURST put a suggestive question to the Lord Chancellor—

The County Courts have now been established for some years. Their ju- risdiction has been recently increased to claims not exceeding 501. ; and he was informed that in the hat five months 5000 causes have been tried by them, which is at the rate of 12,000 a year, and that their decisions have been in all cases satisfactory. Now he did not understand why, if the pro- ceedings and machinery of these County Courts are so satisfactory, the Supe- rior Courts of Westminster Hall should not adopt the same proceedings and the same machinery in all eases not exceeding 2001. or 3001. If the ma- chinery is well fitted for the recovery of 501., why should it not be adopted for the recovery of still larger sums?? It seemed to him that such a system would be in some respects even better than the present bill.

Lord BROUGHAM thought that the suggestion would be of benefit both to the suitors and to the Courts of Common Law.

Observing that this is a time when large and liberal amendments in the law are expected by the country, and ought to be granted, he read an ex- tract from a letter which he had received from Lord Denman. "The pre- sent crisis cannot fail to excite considerations of the highest importance. There is every appearance of an attempt to establish order on the basis of absolute power, and to teach mankind the lesson that the will of one man may be safely intrusted with the interests of all. But, if there be any truth in moral reasoning or long experience, it is clear that, without the basis of law, no solid fabric of order can be reared, nor can any security be given for the rights which even the best men and the best-designed decrees may in- tend to confer. It appears to be the peculiar vocation of England to exhibit to the nations of the world a steady government, and a peaceful because con- tented people ; and that content must not be looked for (since it cannot and ought not to exist) where a press is free and the people highly, enlightened, while a single grievance is wilfully maintained after exposure. The Lord CHANCELLOR replied to the question of Lord Lyndhurst, that he is not acquainted with the course of proceeding in the County Courts after declaration : if Lord 'Lyndhurst is so, and approves of it, that will have great weight with him, but he must have his positive assurance to that effect.

The bill was read a second time.

COURSE OF LEGISLATION.

Lord LYNDHURST reviewed conversationally, on Monday, the evils which arise out of the practice of submitting so few measures originally to the House of Lords : he particularly marked the Patent Law Bill, and the Charitable Trusts Bill, of last session—which were lost only at the last moment because there was not time to get quite through them—as bills that might well be introduced in the Upper House. The Earl of ELLENBORoUGu quoted an opinion addressed to himself by the late Mar- quis of Londonderry, a man singularly observant of Parliamentary prac- tice, against the plan of beginning bills in the House of Peers : the Com- mons were so jealous of such bills that they were always lost, or were got through with extreme slowness and difficulty. Earl GREY regretted that a bill had not become law which was introduced SOW years ago, for either House to take up measures in the next session which had been passed by the other House in the preceding session. On this hint, Lord LYNDHURST drew up a bill, which he next day presented to the House • with-the re- mark that it would be some advance to put the principle in a tangible shape, even if his details should prove defective.

On Thursday, Lord LYNDHURST suggested that the Common-Law Procedure Bill should be submitted to a Select Committee : and the Lord CHANG-Exxon consented.

At the same time, Lord Lviennuasr put a close question to the Lord Chancellor, as to a rumour in Westminster Hall, that he is adverse to the recommendation of the Chancery Commission that the office of Master in Chancery be abolished. The Lord Citerrszmon manifested soreness at the question, and with much periphrasis said he had not made up his mind. Lord LYNDHURST repeated his question, with expanded comments of regret on the negative character of the ambiguous reply. Lord Brsononem joined in the conversation, with more emphatic regrets. The Lord CHANCELLOR rose in a state of fretful anger at the "attacks made on him"repeated, that whatever time they might find, he had not found time to him"; up his mind ; and told them that if they persisted in their attacks, he could only give them "no answer." So, with a few soothing words, they left him alone.

DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND.

The subject of the outrages in the North of Ireland was brought under the attention of the House of Lords on Tuesday, by the Earl of RODEN —within a mile of whose residence some of the recent agrarian crimes have taken place. Lord Roden stated, that such was the insecurity of life felt by his own class, that at a hunting meeting lately, out of nine gentlemen standing together near the cover seven had pistols in their pockets. He asked whether Ministers were prepared to pro- pose any measures to Parliament to enable them to do what a late Spe- cial Commission had failed to do—restore peace and right? The Mar- quis of LANSDOWNE replied at some length—that the Government does not consider the Commission to have been a complete failure, and intends be- fore asking for any extraordinary measures to exhaust all the measures at its disposal under the existing law ; but that if those efforts fail, the Government will consider the necessity of obtaining further powers from Parliament, whether constitutional or otherwise. In the course of the session, there will be opportunity of considering whether the law for repressing crime and outrage can be reenacted with more adequate provi- sions. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY, the Marquis of WESTMEATH, and the Earl of DESART, addressed the House.

RELATIONS OF LANDLORD AND TENANT IN IRELAND.

In moving for leave to bring in a bill for defining and extending to the rest of Ireland the Ulster tenant-right, Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFOB.D stated;

that tho measure he now proposes is substantially that which lie brought in last year. It is avowedly for the protection of tenants, but it includes justice to landlords : it extends to Ireland the English principle that the consent of the landlord to improvements is not to be a condition prece-

dent to the tenant's right for compensation. Sir GEORGE GREY consented to the introduction of the bill—in deference to its author's motives, and

long consideration of the subject; but he hinted that it would be stopped at the second reading. Sir George ascribed the unfortunate condition of Irelandnot to a desire of compensation for improvements, but to a combina- tion, by force, intimidation, and terror, to reduce rents. Government will ask no new powers, but put forth the strong arm of the existing law, with strictness and severity.

Mr. &mum and Mr. E. B. Rocnie having gravely asked of the Govern- ment to step forward and redeem the Royal pledges to legislate on the rinsatisfatory state of the relations between landlord and tenant, Lord

JOHN RUSSELL rose and made a defensive statement. The Government had introduced a bill—a bill which was settled by a Committee on which were Sir William Somerville, Mr. Sadleir, and other gentlemen of ex-

perience but Lord John found, on a conference with the opponents of the bill, ihat if it were passed into law, the first thing they would do would _be to get up meetings and raise a flame against it in Ireland : there- fore, considering how Government propositions were opposed, and con- sidering what extravagant propositions were advanced by the opponents of the Government proposals, Lord John decided to relinquish his bill.

The notions of the opponents of the Government bill are inconsistent with the rights of private property ; and the subject is so beset with a thousand difficulties, in a country where, as in Ireland, litigation is a sort of pastime, that ho has resolved to bring in no further measure on the subject

Mr. KEOGH severely criticized this extraordinary statement by Lord John Russell of his motives for disappointing the just expectations which his own public declarations and acts have encouraged in Ireland. Mr. BRIGHT suggested, that the source of difficulty in the way of Govern- ment legislation is the fears of the large Irish proprietors in the Cabinet " Can the cats wisely and judiciously legislate for the mice "

Leave given to bring lulls bill.

PRESERVED MEATS SUPPLIED TO THE NAVY.

A Select Committee to inquire into the contracts of the Government with Mr. Goldner, for the supply to the Navy of the preserved meats whose scandalous unfitness for human food has lately been discovered and exposed, was demanded by Sir WILLIAM JOLIFFE, on Thursday. This was assented to by Sir FRANCIS BARING, on the part of the Government, "with the sincerest pleasure." The Admiralty defence already published Was repeated, with additional exculpations ; and some modifications in the motion were asked, tending to remove a certain party com- plexion which Sir Francis Baring hinted at. The substance of the defence was, that the meats were introduced to the Navy very slowly and guardedly ; that the contracts with Mr. Goldner were well fulfilled for the first years; that his contracts are not the only ones under which defective meats have been received ; and that in fact the state of science is not such that any preserved meats can be unreservedly relied on. But the preserved stores supplied to the Aiello expedition were made of picked meats supplied by the Admiralty itself, under the late Administration, and were made during the period when the best re- sults were obtained : it is confidently trusted that those have remained good. The extension of the motion proposed by Sir Francis Baring was, that the perie4 of inquiry should reach back to 1840, so as to include the

ease of the Arctic meats, and should include English meats as well as the foreign meats, to which Sir William Joliffe, with Protectionist sympa. thies [as hinted] had confined it. With these extensions, the motion for a Select Committee was agreed to nem. con.

MLLITA.RY OUTRAGE ON Ma. MATHER AT FLORENCE.

The military outrage on young Mr. Mather at Florence, by an Aus- trian officer, was made the subject of questions in the House of Lords, on Thursday, by Earl FITZWILLIAJM. Earl GRalevu.ns, the new Foreign Secretary, replied, that he has demanded ample reparation from the Tus- can Government, and has good hopes that it will be granted. On the very day he entered office, he wrote to the 'United States a full apology for what he considered an unjustifiable act of a British officer towards a ship of the United States—the case of the ship Express and the steamer Prometheus. Lord Granville hoped that a similar spirit of frank alacrity to repair wrong will be shown towards us by Foreign Govern- ments. The explanations were received with general applause.

VENTILATION AND LIGHTDTO OF THE HoUSB OF COMMONS.

The ventilation and lighting of the House of Commons was again brought under notice by Mr. OSBORNE, on Wednesday morning, in his entertaining but forcible way. What the late Sydney Smith said of the railways will be true of that House : until some great dignitary should be roasted in a railway-train no attention would be given to the railways ; until some robust member of the Treasury be ventilated entirely away, into another place, or some member of the untry party stifled, no proper attention will be given to the House. Any foreigner on first viewing the outside of it will be struck that the first object of the builder was to avoid the Window-tax ; but the deficiency of light in the interior is amply compensated by a most abundant number of gas-lights, an astonishing number of them, on the outside. Dr. Reid had proposed to light the House entirely from the outside : but to do that, it would be necessary to remove those painted windows,—which Mr. Os- borne would take the liberty of saying, upon competent authority, were bad in heraldry, and mere daubs as paintings. Having consulted men of eminence in regard to optical subjects, he learned that the light was excessively bad for the eyes of Members. It was an atmo- sphere of rainbows, in the first place ; and what was the consequence ? They were obliged to have the gas lighted in the morning sitting. He felt his eyesight seriously affected by the light, and his health by the tremen- dous draughts. Last night an experiment. was tried with regard to the lights. The thermometer in the gallery, with the light shining on it, was a little over 70 degrees ; a hat was then placed over the thermometer to prevent the re- flection of the light, and in less than a quarter of an hour the temperature fell considerably more than two degrees. That would give the House an idea of the effect of the light upon honourable Members sitting in the gal- lery. A portion of the House had been appropriated to the accommodation of the public; but the strangers gallery was one of the most abominable places of punishment 'that could be constructed. If a stranger were sitting at the back of the gallery it would be totally impossible for him to see any- body in. the House except the Speaker and four Members on each side of the table. But there was a greater evil still : from the circumstance of their being on a level with the lights, the pupil of the eye was contracted to such a degree by the light being thrown on it, that it was totally impossible for them to distinguish anybody. He could not recognize the Deputy-Sergeant, Mr. Clementson, and he hail the greatest difficulty in distinguishing even the well-known features of Mr. Speaker. Therefore on the part of the public he called on the House to support'him on this occasion. But there was ano- ther party to whom he must refer. When he turned to those gentlemen of the press—those valuable members, as he might call them, who reported their debates—he was satisfied that their health and eyesight would be destroyed if the present system of ventilation were continued. He would go still higher, and refer to the ladies, whom they had condemned to that miserable place yonder,—a place something between a bird-cage and a tea-caddy; its ex- ternal decorations entirely resembled the former. And, to his astonishment, on going up to the place, he found that they had actually run a partition across the room, making the dimensions of the gallery so small that the ladies could hardly breathe. The only reason that he could conceive for such an alteration was, that Mr. Barry, in his great love for the Gothic age, had imbibed Gothic ideas, and that he had some intention of bricking up those unfortunate women. Nobody could have any idea of the misery which the occupants of that, bird-cage must undergo. Mr. Osborne was convinced that they would never have a proper state of atmosphere in that House until the whole direction of ventilating, warming, and lighting the House, was placed under one responsible head. Let some one man who was competent do it. He. believed Dr. Reid to be a very able man, and one who perfectly understands the science of ventilation. He moved resolutions- 4. 1. That Dr. Reid be authorized to complete such temporary arrangements as are imperatively necessary at present for the maintenance of a better atmosphere during the sittings of the House.

" 2. That the warming, lighting, and ventilation of the House of Commons and its libraries, shall be placed under one responsible authority.

3. That Dr. Reid be called upon to submit forthwitIla full report of all the mea- sures he considers essential for the health and comfort of the House, together with an estimate of the probable expense, and the time which he would require for the execution of the works; also to state specially what plan he would propose for the lighting of the House." Sir Ionia- Pexneorrow seconded the motion.. He had the highest re- spect for Mr. Barry's abilities, but Dr. Reid is entitled to great confidence for what he accomplished in the old.House. Lord SEYMOUR went into a general criticism of what had been said and. done on the question; his point of view.seeming to be, that Dr. Reid has not hitherto been highly successful.

He asked, has any requisition been made by Dr. Reid on paper which Mr. Barry has not carried into effect ? Dr. Reid has the ventilation of the House of Commons, and his expenses have been about 57,0001.; Mr. Barry has the rest of the ventilation, and his expenses, which may include more sources of outlay, have been about 150,0004 : between them they have spent about 200,0001. on their ventilation of the Houses of Parliament.

Captain Frrsaor moved an amendment, that the whole matter of ven- tilating, lighting, and warming, be referred to the head of the Board of Works, Lord Seymour ; so as to place all the responsibility on him. Sir ROBERT Nous seconded this amendment ; and Mr. GREENE supported it.

On a division, the original motion of Mr. Osborne was carried, by 96 to 68.

COMMITTEES : BUSINESS FOR NEXT WEEK.

Three of the Select Committees of last Session have been reappointed, with the consent of the Government, —Mr. Humes on the Income-tax; Mr. MrrmieLr's on the Board of Customs ; and Mr. HEADLAM'S on the Laws of Mortmain.

Lord Jens RUSSELL is to bring forward the Militia Bill on Monday. Mr. Fox MAULS is to move for a Committee, with a view to the renewal of the East India Company's Charter, on Thursday.