Nutt.

MONDAY, DECENBEIL 8TH.

THE Master of the Rolls gave judgment in the case of "Marsh v. the Secretary of State in Council for India," which was tried last month. The plaintiff was the personal representative of the late Lord Clive, and claimed five Isms of rupees, being the amount Lord Clive made over to the late Company as a trust-fund, the interest of which was

to be applied to the relief of disabled officers and privates in the Company's service. The contract between Lord Clive and the Com- pany was made in 1770, and contained a provision that " in case at any time after the year 1784 the Company should cease to employ a military force in their actual pay and service in the East Indies, and also ships for carrying on their trade and commerce, then in such case the Company would pay to Lord Clive, his executors, adminis- trators, and assigns, for his and their own use, the sum of five lacs of rupees, but subject, nevertheless, to the payment of all such pen- sions and annuities as should at such time be chargeable upon the said trust funds." The Company ceased to employ ships for carrying on their trade and commerce in 1838; in 1858 all their property, rights, powers, and authority were transferred to the Crown. The plaintiff, therefore, contended that the Company having ceased to employ a military force, he, as representative of Lord Clive, was entitled to the five law of rupees. The Master of the Rolls decided that the five lacs were trust money iu the hands of the Company, and passed, with all other trust funds, to her Majesty, under the Act of 1858. The effect of this decision, lie was glad to say, would simply be that the fund would be applicable to the purpose for which it was originally intended, the only difference being that it would be ad- ministered by the hands of the Crown instead of by the Company. The bill was, therefore, dismissed.

— Mr. Danby Seymour, M.P., for Poole, presided at the Annual Meeting of the Sherborne Agricultural Society, and in returning thanks for his health, spoke on the American difficulty. With regard to the cotton question, he considered that good had sprung from evil. The soil of India was now as free to the settler as the soil of Eng- land, and nothing but the failure of the cotton supply could have extorted this from its rulers. The affair of the Trent was doubtless an outrage on the English fag, but if the same respect for law was felt on the other side of the Atlantic as there was on this, he had great hopes of a pacific solution of the question. " Oar despatch had gone forth, stating that we considered ourselves wronged according to international law, and that we demanded reparation; but when an answer came to that despatch then a difficult question might be brought before the nation. If the law officers of America state that they are of the same opinion as ours—that what baa been done is contrary to the law of nations—then, of course, they must give reparation, and the affair would be settled. But supposing they gave a contrary opinion, there would then be a most important question for consideration. Two courses would then be open to us. One was instantly to send an army to demand satisfaction. The other was to take the opinion of some dispassionate party, to state between us what the law of the case is. He would not prescribe the course, but he hoped uo means would be spared to keep peace. We were principals in this affair, and they were principals. We did not wish to shed blood—we did eat with to commit carnage, as it would be upon blood relations, or to cause those rankling feelings which must survive the hot hour of battle for many generations. We wished to avoid that, if possible, and if the position arose to which he had alluded, knowing that we possessed a vast power, we should, at the same time, show forbearance equal to that power ; we should take the opinion of some dispassionate jurist, or some neutral State, before proceeding to the ultimate and last resource. Living in this 19th century, and in these civilized times, he said it was our duty, as tares we possibly could, to avoid entering into a quarrel, although we knew how well we should behave when once in it. While it was most improbable the opinion of any dispassionate person would be against ns—while it was almost certain we had suffered wrong at the hands of America, and if full and instant reparation be not given for the injuries we have received, still we should be adding to our strength, and adding to our reputation for forbearance, if we took the opinion of some independent third party. Then our position would be stronger; and if America refused to give reparation after that, we should instantly resort to force, and never lay down our arms as long as we had power to wield them in a just cause. And he was certain they would be considered as out of the pale of civilization, elides a lawless mob instead of a nation, in declining to listen to a dispassionate arbiter. (Applause.)"

— Mr. Paget, M.P. for Nottingham, at a Liberal banquet held in that town on Thursday, referred thus to the American outrage :

"An act has been perpetrated by an officer of en armed ship of the Federal Republic which is an outrage against the law of nations and an insult to the British flag. (Cheers.) That insult must either be repaired or it must be resented. (Laud cheers.) 1 hope that the representations that are being. made by Her Majesty's Government, under the sense of attill and deep responsibility, will have a proper effect, for upon the result of their negotiations depends the lives of thousands of our fellow-creatures. I do hope that the result of their remonstrances and representations will be met on the part of the Government of North America with such apologies as will enable us to continue with them on those friendly relations which we have hitherto done. But if those represen- tations should fail—if reparation is refused—then we must incur and inflict all the horrors of war, which, terrible as they may be, are a thousand times better for us and the whole civilized race than to submit to the flag of England being insulted ) shul6t,dunrepaired (loud cheers), or to be trampled down by violence unredressed.

( "

— Mr. Smith O'Brien has addressed a letter to Mr. Seward on the prospect of a war between America and England. He strongly urges the liberation of the Southern Commissioners as a first step towards a reconciliation between South and North. The permanent subjugation of the former by force of arms being, in his opinion, im- possbile. When the two are once again united, , Mr. O'Brien predicts England would soon find some excuse for pocketing the alleged insult :

"England would not hesitate to assailyou, as she assailed the Chinese, if you were unable to defend yourselves ; but when she shall find that the shores of America are to be protected by a million of armed men who have profited by the experience of at least one campaign—when she shall find that every harbour and every river from the frontier of Maine to the extremity of Texas is about to send out privateers which will intercept, even in Australia, the gold-laden vessels of England—when she recollects that if she places a regiment on the borders of Canada a large portion of that regiment will desert to the United States—when she reflects that if she go to war with united America she will be met by 200,000 Irish soldiers, who pant for an opportunity of avenging the wrongs of their race —when she is conscious that 6,000,000 of Irishmen inhabiting an island which lies by her side will sympathize with America rather than with England in such a struggle—when she forebodes, with gloomy forecast, that the glory of England will for ever pass away, and become matter of history if ever France and America shall unite in hostility to her—when she knows that the ruler of France is watch- ing like an eagle for an opportunity to pounce upon his prey, and that France will be supported by the sympathy of Spain, and the gratitude of Italy, she will be slow to encounter those hazards, even in defence of the flag that ' has braved a thousand years the battle and the breeze.'

" For myaelf, circumstances have rendered me for the present a mere spec- tator of political events, and I avow that the restoration of the legislative inde- pendence of my country is the great of to which the aspirations of my heart are directed. It is part of the creed of my countrymen that England's diffi- culty is Ireland's opportunity,' and therefore I ought perhaps to rejoice in the prospect of a war between England and the Northern States of America, in the hope that it may bring England into difficulty; but much as I desire the resto- ration of the legislative independence of Ireland, I would not purchase it by encouraging one section of the people of America to destroy the other. "Earnestly, then, do I pray for a cessation of the fratricidal war which now rages in America—and I trust that the same kind Providence which shall con- cede to you such a spirit of reconciliation will hereafter yield to us also the blessings of self-government, and render us worthy to enjoy those blessings."

— An influential meeting in favour of the repeal of the hop duty was held at Worcester, on Saturday. Sir T. E. Winnington, presided, and there were also present Mr. F. W. Knight, Mr. King King, M.P., and a deputation from the Central Hop Duty Repeal Association, consisting of Lord Holmesdale, M.P., Mr. J. S. Dodson, M.P., Mr. Beresford Hope, &c., also attended. Several resolutions, in favour.of a total repeal of the duty, were passed, the principal arguments advanced being based upon the fallacious character of the revenue derived from the duty, and the unfair advantage given to the foreign planter, in the shape of bonding privileges, which enabled him to keep his hops in bond until the Market suited him, while the English grower had to pay his duty at once. — " A mass meeting" of Irish Nationalists was held in the Rotunda (Dublin) on Thursday, for the purpose of taking into consideration the imminent war with America. The O'Donoghue, M.P., took the chair, but was not supported by a single brother member, magistrate, priest, or member of the corporation; the room, however, being densely crowded with labourers, mechanics, &c. The chairman, in his speech, impressed upon his hearers the responsibility thrown upon them in the present critical junction.

It is, then, our duty at such a crisis, since England is resolved to go to war with the Northern States of America—if she can—it is clearly our duty to de- cide what course we shall take. (Cheers.) This is our duty, provided we do not feel bound to do as England pleases (Shouts of Never!') irrespective of our own interests, sympathies, and national prejudices. lf, however, we do not feel entitled to take an independent course—it we are bound to do as England pleases (Cries of No, Ito 1)—well, I say, if we do—suppose we do feel bound, in that case we have no business here; for the intentions M England are as plain as the eon at noonday. England is aware of the unfortunate state of things in Ame- rica, and imagines that she would have no great difficulty in crushing the Northern States. This may not be so easily done. (Shouts of ' Bravo l' waving of hats, and tremendous cheering.) Nevertheless, England is impressed with the notion of her superior strength. Now, I am perfectly certain that the people, if, as it is sometimes said, Ireland is really nothing more than a part of England (A o, no)—if as it is sometimes said, that Irishmen are in fact Englishmen in every respect (Cries of Never') except the accident of birth, then I suppose we will in that case follow the example of London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Birming- ham, and cry ' War, war! Down with the stripes and stars!' (Shouts of 'Never!' and loud cheers for the Yankees.) Then I suppose I am right in sup- posing that this is not an indignation meeting (cheers); that we are not met here like abject sycophants to echo the sounds of Euglish wrath, and that we are met here as Irishmen to consult for the safety of Ireland. (Yells and groans.) Now, I am perfectly certain that the great majority of Irishmen will object to contribute either men or money for the purpose of enabling England to make war with the Northern States. (Enthusiastic cheering.) At the same time I am perfectly confident that the very contrary will be said in addresses emanating from corporations (hisses), poor-law guardians, town commissioners, and other sources, which almost invariably misrepresent our opinions."

Mr. P. J. Smyth, a member of the M`Manus deputation from Ame- rica, spoke as follows :

" England looks forward, perhaps, to an easy victory over America ; rather let her take to heart these words of The Times, and be prepared to encounter upon that continent the Nemesis of three centuries of misrule. (Prolonged cheers.) There is no Irishman in America who will consent to be the ally of England. (` Hear , hear,' and • Bravo!') She looks to Canada, perhaps. Maybe there, too, she reckons without her host. There are Irishmen rn Canada, and French- men, which is quite as bad. (Laughter.) She looks to Ireland, it may be; let her contemplate that ordered mass of men, full 20,000 strong, who followed to the grave the other day the remains of a man who lived and died a rebel. (Wear, hear,' tremendous cheering and waving of hats.)"

Several other speeches of a similar character were delivered, but the meeting broke up without any more definite resolution having been passed than one recommending the appointment of a committee, " to take into consideration the advisability of an organization on the pre- sent state of affairs at home and abroad."

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 10TH.

— The nomination for Birkenhead took place on Monday; Mr. Laird and Mr. Thomas Brassey,jun., both of whom have been before the constituency since its creation by the Act of last Session, being the only two candidates. An enormous crowd of partisans of each candidate had assembled for the purpose of exerting their lungs to the utmost in alternate cheering and groaning. Brasseyites and

Lairdites being pretty evenly divided, the general result was equally discordant whichever side the speaker belonged to. Rather more than the usual amount of election not was also displayed on the occasion. The big loaf and the little loaf were revived for the occa- sion with great effect, the contrast between Liberal plenty and Tory famine being still further heightened by a roast joint of beef, carried on the pole together with the big loaf. The Lairdites responded with a mask, with a herring in its mouth ; the point of the joke, however, appeared merely to consist in subsequently throwing the herring in Mr. Brassey's -face. A plucked and emaciated goose, inscribed "Young Brassey," was also waved in front of the hustings. Mr. Hind proposed, and Colonel King seconded, Mr. Laird; and Mr. ftavenscroft and Mr. Segar performed the same office for Mr. Brassey. Mr. Laird then addressed the crowd, and expressed himself as a Liberal Conservative. With regard to the question of the day, he was prepared to support Lord Palmerston in any vigorous measures to maintain the honour of the British flag unsullied. Mr. Brassey then briefly explained his political opinions, which, he said, were thoroughly Liberal. He was in favour of an extension of the fran- chise with protection to the voter in exercising it, and the abolition of church rates. A show of hands resulted in a considerable pre- ponderance for Mr. Brassey, and the poll, which was demanded- on behalf of Mr. Laird, was fixed for the following day (Tuesday). — Mr. W. Williams, M.P. for Lambeth, addressed a large meet- ing of his constituents at the Horns Tavern, Kennington, on Mon- day night. Last Session, he said, was a very laborious one. Most important measures had been passed through their various stages between midnight and two in the morning. Many useful and im- portant bills had become law. The establishment of Post Office Savings Banks, the Bankruptcy Reform, the Commercial Treaty with France, the consolidation of the criminal law, and the repeal of the paper duty, were all measures of the utmost importance and value. Several things, however, he regretted to say, were left undone i the monstrous injustices of the income tax were still unremedied, and the restricted franchise had not yet been extended by a Reform Bill. The ballot had notyet been obtained, and there appeared to be a

i retrograde feeling in the House of Commons on the subject of church rates. The Government proposition to create another metro- politan borough had been rejected,

" Not because the metropolis had a representation commensurate with its wealth and population, but because the metropolitap members were always in their places attending to their business. (" Shame!") There were in the House of Commons no less than 76 members returned by constituencies which in the aggregate num- bered less than that of the Borough of Lambeth, which returned only two represen- tatives. Now, if the members for Lambeth were in their places when those 76 gentlemen were absent, the former would have a very great advantage over the latter; but if the 76 were present, the members for Lambeth would cut but a sorry figure. (Laughter.) He must say that the Government deserved the defeat they experienced in one of the counties to which an additional member had been given, because the Appropriation of Seats Bill was brought in against the interests of the Reform party.'

After some remarks on the present extravagant national expenditure, Mr. Williams referred to our national defences and the American difficulty :

" We had 102.000 militiamen and 170,000 volunteers ; and the existence of the latter force ought to enable the Government to do with a less army than they had. (Cries of ' America,' and cheers.) The volunteers were now toasted at all aristocratic dinners. Their patriotism was so much appreciated by their countrymen, that aristocrats found it necessary to couple them with the army and navy ; but when there was a demand for the reduction of the army, the reply was that the volunteers could not be depended on for soldiers' duty. (Cries of ' Come to America!') He approved the principle of neutrality on which the present Government had acted in their foreign policy. He had a horror of bloodshed ; but he was the last man in England that would see our country insulted or trodden upon, whatever the cost of defending her might be. (Great cheering.) We had now on our hands a most unfortunate affair with regard to America. (Hear, hear.) He had watched the whole business with great interest, and he thought that our Government had acted with the most perfect neutrality towards the two parties, although the Northern States had—as he believed, most unjustly —charged us with offences of all sorts. (Cheers.) The capture of those four gentlemen on board an English packet was a matter that must be settled by either of two means—either by peaceable negotiation or by the reverse. (Hear, hear.) He hoped that the Americans would have sense enough to meet the question with justice, and, if they did so, peace would be the result. He was quite sure that the British Government would be most ready to meet them on the principle of going no further than was necessary for the protection of the honour and character of this country, which were what every Englishman, no matter what might be his party, was decidedly determined to uphold. (Loulcheering.)"

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 11TH.

— Mr. Horsman, M.P. for Stroud, addressed his constituents on Tuesday. The three great questions of the late session had been, he said, finance, foreign policy, and Parliamentary Reform. On the finance question, he would only remark that the repeal of the paper duty, to which he had felt it his duty to repeat the objections he had advanced in the previous years, had been carried. The question of Parliamentary Reform, killed in 1860, had been buried, in the silence of the Queen's Speech, in 1861, the nation indulging in a general fit of merriment on finding that the national, overpowering, and irre- sistible demand, of which so much had been heard, was admitted, by its own apostles, to be such a gigantic sham that only 46 out of 650 Members of the House of Commons could be found to enter a formal and unmeaning protest against the abandonment of Reform. Now that Lord John Russell, who had stormed office upon a pledge of Reform, had been convinced of his error in attempting to force ill-digested measures of Reform upon the country, he was no longer disliked and distrusted, but the nation could now appreciate his really valuable services in a field far more suited to his genius and promising for his renown. He was now, instead of , weakness, the ornament and mainstay of the Cabinet to which he b longed. The

interest attaching to foreign affairs during the past y had been

\T.

chiefly engaged by three contests in Italy, Audtria, and America. With regard to Italy, it fault of England if Italian inde-

pendence was not recognized all over the world, but of France, who keeps an army at Rome, which has the effect of protecting the brigands of the Pope, of fermenting insurrection at Naples, of per. petrating intrigues at Turin, and keeping up that uncertainty which clouds the future of Italy. The Austrian empire was now in a very critical situation, and whatever might be the importance of Austria as a great European Power, it entirely depended upon the manner in which she closed the Hungarian contest whether it was either prac- tieable or desirable to maintain her in that position. The question, however, which was now occupying all England, was the probability of a war.with America. After briefly reviewing the origin and his- tory of the civil war—the true'description of which had been forcibly expressed by Earl Russell—" the North were fighting for empire, and the South for independence," he proceeded. For years past the Northern mind has undoubtedly been filled with the ambitious scheme of uniting the whole American continent in one republic of surpassing grandeur, which should give the law to all the other nations of the world. The Southerners, on the other hand, preferred immediate inde- pendence to a share in the prospective grandeur. They therefore se- ceded, and he (Mr. Horsman) would not attempt to justify such a step. When the secession was actually accomplished, and war declared, the English Governnient, however, foresaw the contest was likely to be serious—protracted—and wisely determined to acknowledge the South as a belligerent power. The North had appealed to the anti-slavery feeling of this country for sympathy ; but they had not only declared that, if successful, they would not abolish slavery, but offered every security for its perpetuation, and it was 'notorious that the hatred of the North for the slave was even deeper and more unrelenting than that of the South. The war, however, was still goinnta on, and at pre- sent the only result was the utter and disastrous breakdown of the civil power of the North; no effectual progress whatever having been made in the subjugation of the South. With regard to the affair of the Trent, Mr. Horsman expressed his cordial approval of the calm but decided attitude taken by the Government on the question. He believed that while the demand for reparation had been made with great firmness, it had been couched in language so conciliatory as to leave the American'Government no possible opening.° to recede from the false position with honour. In conclusion, Mr. Horsman said : " Whether there is 'peace or war in America, I hold the disruption of the Union to be an accomplished fact. Only two questions then remained to be asked. First, what should be the effect of the division of the Union on slavery ? My belief is that it must be the death-blow of slavery, because I hold it to be impossible that the Slave and the Free States can co-exist side by side unless the legislation of the one assists the institutions of the other. You have a fugitive slave law, and all the power of the North is given to the institution of slavery. But the moment the Union ends the whole policy. of the North is changed, and evdry law that fosters the continuance of slavery is swept away., the whole ener- gies of the North are turned in assisting England and France in putting an end to the slave trade, and when a slave in the Southern States has to cross an imaginary boundary-line and become free, the South will find it impossible to retain slaves, and will be obliged to emancipate them. But what will be the effect on the North itself ? It is said the North will be weakened by losing one- half the Union. At the end of the last century it was said that if we allowed the American colonies to depart, the glory of England was gone. But the colonies broke away, and what was considered t great calamity to England, has turned out its greatest blessing. So it will be with the North. The North will be emancipated from the stain of slavery, but while they are connected with it they cannot be safe and prosperous. The separation will give strength to the Northern States. They will start up a new empire. The disasters of the pre- sent day having opened their eyes to the unsafe parts of their constitution, they will form a stronger Government when the law will not be the American law, but the old English law—when the few will govern and the many obey, instead of every man governing and no map. obeying. (Bear, hear.) When they have reverted to principles of government more sound and rational you will then see a new empire start forth with a new future before it—with a higher intelligence, with a sounder morality, with a purer patriotism—and then if old England is fallen or decayed, she may still live again in the blood and the sinews of a young Anglo-Saxon giant, who inherits her energies, and perpetuates her language, her civilization, and religion to nations and ages yet unborn. (Cheers.)"

— Mr. Whalley, attended a grand Orange demonstration at Dublin, held on Monday night, in the Rotunda, Sir E. Grogan, M.P. for the city, in the chair. Maynooth, of course, formed the principal subject of Mr. Whalley's fervid eloquence. He boldly asserted, amid ecstatic applause, that the American sympathies of the recent "mass meeting' are equally the result of Maynooth teaching with the Irish brigands who had disgraced their country by going out to assist the Pope, and concluded with the following somewhat cold assertion respecting Orangeism

" I hope the proposed petition will mention those things, and bring before the Queen herself our complaints, and remind her Majesty sitting on the throne that, as has been observed here, the Constitution of 1688 does still exist (tremendous cheers, and Kentish fire), that Orangeism is, in fact, an institution co ordinate with the Crown itself. (Immense cheering, rounds of Kentish fire, which was kept up for several minutes.)"

— The Peace Society, through their president, Mr. Pease, have presented a memorial to Lord Palmerston, urging that the question now pending between England and America should be referred to the decision of some impartial arbitrator. In support of such a course, the memorial adduces the following resolution unanimously agreed upon by the Paris Conference of 1854, which was prepared by Lord Clarendon, and has since received the cordial approval of eminent statesmen of all parties :

"The Plenipotentiaries do not hesitate to express, in the name of their Governments, the wish that States between which any serious misunderstanding may arise. should, before appealing to arms, have recourse, so far as circum- stances might allow, to the good offices of a friendly Power."

A clause in the Navigation Treaty contracted between England and America ill 1854, which provides for arbitration in cases of dispute, is also referred to in support of the proposal.

— A deputation of several hundred managers, directors, and

teachers of schools receiving the Government grant waited upon Earl Granville and Mr. Lowe, M.P., on Wednesday, for the purpose of presenting a memorial praying for the withdrawal of the Revised Code. The usual clerical objections were urged at great length in the memorial; and Earl Granville, in reply, said that Government would make their full explanation to Parliament, and to Parliament alone. Until then he should decline to enter into a discussion on the subject.

THURSDAY, DECEMBER 12TR.

The Twenty-fourth Annual Cattle Show of the Smithfield Club was opened on Tuesday, at the Baker-greet Bazaar, being the last occasion on which it will be held there, as the new Agricultural Hall, at Islington, will, it is expected, be completed by the next meeting. The numbers admitted on the opening day were as large as at any of the, previous twenty-three shows, and the dinner on Wednesday evening was also well attended. Lord Demers, the President of the Society, took the chair, and was supported by the President elect, Lord Feversham, the Earl of Powis, Lord Tredegar, &c.

— Messrs. Briscoe and Cubitt, the members for West Surrey, and Messrs. Onslow and Bovill, the members for Guildford, were present at the ninth annual dinner of the Guildford Agricultural Society, which took place on Tuesday. Of course, our relations with America formed the principal subject of all the speakers. Mr. Briscoe, M.P., said he trusted the American Government would disavow the act of Captain Wilkes, but . if they would not, lie should support any measure taken to maintain the dignity of the British flag. Mr. G. Cubitt, M.P., said that though an opponent of Government in such matters as church rates and reform, when it came to a question of peace or war, all parties merged in one, and acceded to Government whatever support was necessary in maintaining our nation's honour. Mr. Bovill, M.P., said that, in his opinion, the seizure of the Trent was an outrage and an insult to the British flag, and he commended Government for the vigorous steps they had taken in the matter. In conclusion, he expressed his thankfulness that the patriotic support which had been accorded to the volunteer movement would enable us to exert our full strength in the protection of our Canadian province, without leaving our own country undefended. Mr. Onslow, M.P., expressed a wish that the difficulty could be decided by arbitration. There was no man, he thought, more able to sustain the dignity of his country than Lord Palmerston.

— Mr. Seymour Fitzgerald, M.P., presided at the Annual Cattle Show at Horsham, and there were also present Sir C. M. 'Burrell, M.P., Mr. J. Cave, M.P., Colonel Barttelot, M.P., and the Honour- able H. Wyndham, M.P. The chairman, in proposing the "Army, Navy, and Volunteers," said that much as beloved peace, he loved our national honour more, and he was convinced that peace was not best secured by concessions which were not due concessions, and were inconsistent with the dignity of the country : "And I am sure of this, that—even in the interests of peace—peace is not best secured by concessions that are not due concessions, and which are incon- sistent with the honour and dignity of the country. (Hear, hear.) In private

life it is not the bully i

. who goes through life with respect, neither is it the ninn who print by concession and by yielding to everybody, and by being put down by everody, to pass what he calls a quiet life. (Hear, hear.) It is, on the con- trary, the man who, determined to take no liberties with others, is equally determined that no liberties shell be taken with him. (Loud cheers.) And what is true in private life is true in politics. Of this I feel assured—that there is that spirit throughout the land, that if, unhappily, we are driven to war there will be but one unanimous feeling in every class, and in every rank of life. We may hope—and I, for one, do hope—that by sensible concessions on the one side, and by a generous forbearance upon the other, it is possible that peace may be main- tained; but if that hope should be falsified, then I feel there is that spirit in England that will insure the full and ample vindication of our rights and honour. (Bear, hear.) Whatever may be our regret at the result of what has now been going on for some time, of this I am sure, and have the most unhesitating confiA dence in, that the honour of the country will be supported by Lord Palmerston. who has never been wanting in the vindication of the national rights. (Loud cheers.) And side by side with that unhesitating belief I have the certain k ow- ledge and confidence that in such a course, however much we may differ upon other subjects, Lord Palmerston will receive the unhesitating and unflinching support of those who, upon other subjects, may be opposed to him. (Cheers.) Under these circumstances, gentlemen, 1 have no anxiety.as to the result." Colonel Barttelot said the recent insult was more than we possibly could submit to tamely, much as we had previously borne from Ame- rica. Unless an ample apology was at once made by the Federal Government, we must exact reparation. Mr. Cave, M.P., said he thought the disruption of the United States was not only a good thing for themselves, but also for the rest of the world. With regard to our present difficulty with the North, he hoped for peace, but any- thing was better than a peace founded upon disgrace.

— Mr. Milne, M.P. for Leith, in addressing his constituents on American affairs, on Tuesday, said that, without any feeling of enmity towards the North, he wished success to the South :

" L believe reunion to be altogether hopeless and impracticable from the hard- ships to which the Southerners have been so long subjected by the blind and reactionary commercial policy of the North, and from the heterogeneous ele- ments of which the Union was composed, I run also of opinion that disruption will best tend to secure to this country in particular immunity from that feeling of distrust which has so often been created by their getting up an insane war- cry on the occurrence of the slightest misunderstanding about a boundary line, or on our remonstrating against the non-fulfilment of their treaty obligations for the suppression of the abominable traffic in negroes. (Cheers.) It has, be- sides, long been acknowledged in the States that a cry of war with England was the surest means of gaining political capital and paving the way to the l'residential chair for men who, regardless of sincerity, would thus pander to the passions of an ignorant democracy. And this cry of war with England at last became so common that we actually began to think little of it, and treated it as a mere vulgar frivolity on the part of the mob, trusting, as we were always assured we

might do, to the destinies of the Republic being in safer hands in case of need. But that retiring and influential class of which we have heard so much as existing in

the States appears to have been altogether mythical, or at least utterly powerless to stop that retrograde legislation and practical injustice on the part of majorities which, at least, have helped to bring about the ruin of their country." — Archbishop M'Hale has published a long and insolent letter to Lord Palmerston on the alleged Irish famine. He speaks of the neglect of agriculture, "brought about by the infatuated Govern- ment and systematically perpetuated for the benefit of class interests and the periodical slaughter of the people," and fills nearly a column of the Times with assertions and accusations, of which the above may serve as a specimen.

FRIDAY, DECEMBER. 13TH.

— The Times, of Friday, gives a full account of the military and naval preparations now being made in anticipation of war with Ame- rica, eontrasting the wonderful promptitude with which a perfect little army of 12,000 strong will be transported to Canada, with the collapse of all the departments at the announcement of the Crimean war; eight battalions of foot (including two of Guards), five batteries of field artillery, two battalions of Military Train, several companies of Engineers, and the new Commissariat and Hospital Corps, are now under orders ; some have already sailed ; and the remainder are only awaiting means of transport, and all will, it is hoped, be landed in Canada within a month, ready to take the field at a day's notice. The Persia, and two other vessels of the Canard line have been chartered, and will sail in the course of the week, conveying, besides the troops, immense quantities of materiel. With regard to their pre- cise destination, everything depends upon the state of the ice in the St. Lawrence. If possible, the troops will be all disembarked at Rivibre du Loup, the nearest terminus of the Gra.' nd Trunk Railway, about 100 miles below Quebec. If not, they will be landed at Bic, forty-five miles lower, and conveyed to the railway terminus in snow sledges, which the Governor-General of Canada has already been in- structed to provide in sufficient numbers. If, however, not even Bic is accessible, the commanders of the transports have instructions to return and land the troops and stores at Halifax, and St. John's, where, if the winter should be unusually severe, they must remain until the spring. Our regular forces now quartered in Canada are very small, but the Canadian Volunteer system has made almost as rapid advances as our own, and a number of our best drill-sergeants are already on their way to complete their instruction.

— The nomination for Finsbury takes place on Saturday, and as yet no Conservative has appeared, Messrs. Mills and Cox being the only candidates. At Nottingham, a severe contest seems probable. At a meeting of the leading Liberals of the borough, the names of Lord Lincoln and Mr. Marshman were mentioned, and the meeting eventually fixed upon Lord Lincoln as their candidate, by a majority of 56 to 48. The extreme Radicals, however are still exerting all their efforts to procure the return of Sir R. Jokes Clifton. The nomination is fixed for Thursday, the 26th. The name of Mr. Tidmas, a leading manufacturer in the borough, has been mentioned as a probable candidate in the Conservative interest, but at present no address has appeared from that gentleman. -- Sir F. Baring, M.P., expressed his opinion on the American crisis at the anniversary dinner of the Portsmouth Hebrew Benevolent Association, which was held on Thursday night. Sir F. Baring said':

"It was perfectly right—nay, it was their duty—that they should consider the two parties in the state of affairs as belligerents. This act of Captain Wilkes could not have justified any search except that given as a belligerent. (Cheers.) The act naturally roused a strong feeling, as it touched upon two points which were probably more sacred with Englishmen than any other—Le referred to the honour of the British flag, and to the right of protection to strangers. (Loud cheers.) No doubt they, living in the first naval port in the kingdom, felt very warmly on the subject, but they must not think they were more earnest for the honour of the British flag than those residing in the most remote inland district. The same feeling reigned all throughout England. (Cheers.) With regard to the second question, there was no matter of which we were more proud—and irhich we had the right to be—than our determination to protect the stranger. rBear.) The Protestant refugee under Louis XIV. found a home here, the Catholie priest in the French Revolution was received and protected- (cheers)—the Spanish patriot, the Italian exile, the Hungarian, the French of all classes and opinions,—all were received ; and, without wishing to know so much as their opinions, they at least found a resting-place. (Loud cheers.) Mad indeed must be the man who would arouse the country on such points. (Hear.) It was no wonder that the feelings of the people should have been aroused, but it was not by their feelings they must be actuated. (Hear, hear.) They must deal with the question in a strictly legal manner—not what they would wish, but what they bad the right to enforce. (Hear, hear.) In that view, the question required all the calmness which it was possible to com- mand. He was no lawyer (a laugh), yet he believed that which had been de- manded by our Government was right and proper. (Cheers.) It is not a ques- tion whether they were contraband or not. The law of nations gives the right of search for contraband of war, but not to take possession of it—not to set up an officer's opinion as conclusive of the law of nations ; but to convey the vessel into a neighbouring port, and to take the opinion of a competent tribunal. (Cheers.) Until that was done the action was illegitimate. (Hear, hoar.) He world not go into the question of what was contraband—that was quite aside. If that ship had contained arms and ammunition for the Southern States, Captain Wilkes would have had no right to have touched a single gun or a particle of the powder unlit he had obtained the sanction of a competent court. (Loud cheers.)"

— The Right Honourable F. Peel, M.P., addressed his' constitu- ents on Wednesday evening. On the American outrage he spoke as follows:

To come to the last transaction, the taking of two gentlemen from an Eng- lish mail packet, we believed that act to have been illegal. It had to be con- sidered, first, whether they were liable to seizure. They were not liable to he seized as rebels, because a country which was carrying on a war against its own subjects as rebels had no rights of war whatever over a neutral country. They might be treated as rebels by the Northern States, but in their negotiations with this country they must argue as if they were belligerents, or they had no right whatever to do what they had done. (Hear, hear.) The Southern Commis- sioners were not liable to seizure as contraband of war, because, elastic as that term was, he never yet beard it extended to things and persons which were coming from the seat of war and proceeding to a neutral country. They were not liable to seizure as enemy's goods, although they might have been if they were of African descent. (Laughter.) But they were free men. They were envoys, or, at least, they were coming to this country to clothe themselves with that character. It had been laid down that ambassadors might be seized by their enemies while on

their passage; but the question he had to consider was whether they might be seized upon the deck of a neutral vessel. Was there any difference between territory afloat on the high seas, which the deck of a vessel was, and territory on land? President Davis thought there was no difference, for be said the American Go-. verriment had as much right to seize the two gentlemen in the streets of London ss upon the deck of the vessel. He (Mr. Peel) confessed he was not clear on that point, and he would rather reserve his opinion until he had heard the question more fully discussed. (Hear, hear.) As to the other ground on which. we impeached the legality of the act, there could be no question whatever. The men might have been liable to seizure, but they were not legal prizes until they were condemned by a decree of a competent court of justice. (Hear, hear,) They were under the protection of England, of which they could not he divested except by judicial sentence. It would be idle to speculate upon the answer of the American Government. In the interim, our course should be to hope for the best., and prepare for the worst. The act was not yet the act of the American Government. She might disavow, she might adopt as her own, and assert the perfect legality of, the act of Captain Wilkes. If she did the latter, let us hear her reasons. But if she could not deny the wrong, and yet would deny us redress, then it would be for us to consider whether we should surrender, or whether we should maintain our right, which was the common right of all civilipd nations."