BOOKS.
CA YLET'S EUROPEAN REVOLUTIONS OF 1 8 4 8.* TILE failure of Democracy on the Continent of Europe to esta- blish Republican or even Representative Government, and the apparent return to the old state of things, have subjected the revo- lutions of 1848 to a charge of impotence which they do not alto- gether deserve. We are yet too close even to guess what may eventually grow from them' but we can readily reckon up cer-
tain great changes which they have produced. Both branches of the Bourbons have been banished from France with slender
prospects of returning. The kingdom has been transformed into an empire, under circumstances without parallel except per- haps during the worser periods of the Byzantine rule and the member of a proscribed and apparently forgotten family has become chief ruler. In Italy, 1848 has been the means of procuring for Sardinia a more constitutional and popular go- vernment, and of altogether stripping the Pope of his pres- tige as a temporal sovereign. In Naples and the Austrian dominions, tyranny has unquestionably advanced ; Hungary has lost its representative institutions ; the whole of Aus- tria, perhaps of Prussia, has rather retrograded than other- 'wise: and it is in these cases more especially where we can- not see the end. In a still wider political sense the revolutions of 1848 have not been barren. It was the changes in Austria
and France—the obligations of the Emperor of Austria to the Czar—the unlikelihood that England would zealously unite with a Bonaparte in war—that induced the Emperor of Russia's ill- judged attack upon Turkey, and the results that the Turkish war has produced and may yet produce.
The closeness of our time to the revolutions of 1848 must ne- cessarily prevent anything like history in the sense of a philo- sophical examination of causes and consequences. There is no- thing to prevent a good account of events and an exposition of their immediate causes, by a writer possessing sufficient acumen to discover them. Mr. Cayley does not succeed very greatly in either branch of his subject. His cast of mind is by nature rhe- torical or hyperbolical ; and his style as is but natural, corre- sponds with his mind. Where a political principle is in question, he dresses out a truism in sounding phrases, with plenty of itera- tion or ringing the changes upon one idea, and illustrates it by a copious selection of common historical facts. His narrative seems formed upon the plan of taking those points which admit of rhe- torical display, and making the most of them ; so that he fails where a plodding industry and common skill might have succeeded. To point out the immediate cause which induced the success of the French and German revolutions in the spring of 1848, and the state of opinion—the feelings in men's minds which rendered suc- cess possible—would require a philosophical genius, a very ex- tensive survey of European history for a century or more, and possibly some secret knowledge of the state of parties in those countries if parties can be said to exist under despetiara and a system of espionage and police. The number of regular and volunteer newspaper corresrmbnis, the publications by men 1319re—er-4e7:0.,a--Engageo. in the events, have accumulated such an amount of information that materials enough exist for an account of the story, whether a comprehensive or a detailed narrative be desired. The comprehensive style is that aimed at by Mr. Cay- ley: he scarcely allows himself room for very full details, since he not only embraces in his two volumes, France, Italy, Germany, Austria, and Hungary, but also the revolution in the United Kingdom." The most overt acts of this last are such things as "Mr. O'Brien reviews his troops at Cork"—" Rebel Army in posi- tion "—" arrival of the Police—" they occupy Mrs. M'Cormack's house." There is also a chapter mainly devoted to financial and economical matters as causes, in the currency-doctor style, with rather more than the usual amount of bold and reckless assertion.
Besides the faults of exaggeration that belong to the rhetorical school, Mr. Cayley has strong party feeling, which he not only expresses in strong terms, but occasionally, in cant phrases quite unfitted for historical or even serious writing. His book, how- ever, is clear, clever, and fluent, though flippant. As regards France, he appears to have had access to men with what may be called floating knowledge if not secret information ; he also sees clearly enough that it was not the strength of the Republicans and conspirators which produced the revolution of February 1848, but the sullen dissatisfaction of society, especially of the National Guards and the indecision of the Bing. The work will not take high rank either as a philosophic survey or as a picturesque or even a clearly full narrative of facts ; but it is useful as a succinct
summary in the absence of a better. Although possessing strong party feelings, Mr. Cayley often
subdues them in the presence of great men or great actions. Such is this estimate of De Lamartine, his services and reward. Whatever may be thought of his politics as a leader or his pru- dence as an individual, there is small doubt but that De Lamar- tine's genius and his courage greatly contributed to preserve order at home and peace abroad during that terrible time when France seemed plunged in anarchy and on the verge of a second reign of terror, while Europe was half expecting an irruption of Jacobins. "In the morning of the next day, when the Republic was to be solemnly proclaimed at the Place de la Bastille, the Hotel de Ville was surrounded by a multitude of workmen, crying out for 'the rights of labour,' and the • The European Revolutions of 1848. By Edward Stillingfret Copley, of the Inner Temple. In two volumes. Published by Smith and Elder. organization of labour.' The Socialist ideas had made great progress in this class ; who looked on Louis Blanc as their leader and guide. Finding him a secretary to the Government, they came to require that he should be named Minister of Progress,' and that the rights of labour ' should be re- cognized. This class of.persons included the respectable part of the work- ing classes, who got their living by the sweat of their brow, and also some skilled artisans approaching to the rank of the bourgeoisie. 'These are in al 1 societies a class of the utmost importance to the welfare of a state ; they are a class highly orderly and respectable, not given to aping their superiors, as is the case with the bourgeois geutilhomme in all nations : their manners are simple and not offensive ; they are honest and industrious and deserve much more attention than they generally meet with from statesmen. True in the present instance, they had got hold of a foolish crotchet ; but in the long rim they were right enough. It has been and still is the policy of statesmen to protect the bourgeois or capitalist classes, and to oppress the labourers and workmen.
" All the members of the Provisional Government resisted their demands. They sent in deputation after deputation. It was in vain that the different members of Government reasoned with them; vain they pointed out that if their wishes were complied with, the capital which gave them employ- ment would disappear, and that wages would vanish after it : all objections to their wishes were drowned in shouts. The irritation went on increasing ; and, as these clients waited with four loaded cannons and lighted matches, they were not in a condition to be trifled with. At last, a deputation came in louder and more peremptory than the rest, who interlarded their discourse with thumps upon the table either with the fist or any arms they had hold of. Lamartine then rose and said—' Citizens, if you were to put me at the mouth of one of those pieces of cannon, I would not sign the two words organization" and " labour " put together. I think I have neither more nor less sense than my neighbours, and after twenty years' reflection on the subject, I don't understand them : they have no meaning. I don't sign what I don't understand. The next is, that if we promised you "organiza- tion of labour," we should promise what is impracticable. I do not sign engagements with people that I know I cannot keep.' And he continued to explain to them, that if what they wanted was' that the Government should attend to their interests, educate their children, and by a law such as the English Poor-law provide for those who were out of work—such it was the hope of the Government to accomplish; but that " organization of labour" implied the confiscation of capital and the ruin of everyone, themselves first of all. The name and eloquence of Lamartine had in those days effects than which eloquence has produced none greater, in guiding men and pacifying the multitudes. The workpeople applauded, and said that this was what they wished. He then tore up the proclamation which the members of the Government had been drawing up ; and he and his colleagues left the Hate de Ville for the Place de la Bastile, to attend the proclamation of the Re public and the review of the National Guard.
"For the purpose of overawing the terrorists this demonstration was eminently successful. It showed an immense mass ready to assist the Go- vernment in preserving order. Lamartine, on his way home' was waylaid by the people and cheered ; they insisted on accompanying him; but he escaped their vociferous attentions by going into a friend's house at the front door and out at the back. M. de Lamartine well deserved not only their gratitude but that of all Europe. For though it is possible that he might at an earlier period have succeeded in preventing the revolution, as he him- self appears to imagine, yet that is very doubtful; at any rate, he had no direct reason to interfere. But when affairs had gone so far that there was imminent danger of utter destruction to the bulwarks of civilization—when the conflict of passions had lashed to fury the souls of the combatants—when terror and bloodshed appeared, after half a century of intermission, about to reassume their sway in the capital of France—he then accomplished that which no other man in Europe could have effected. He restrained the in- furiated populace by the charm of his wondrous eloquence. He calmed the turbulent by flattermg their vanity, their ruling passion. He prevented massacre at home and aggression abroad.
"That the peace of Europe was not broken by France and that the world was not plunged into a war of a quarter of a centurfaduration, is to be greatly attributed to his prudence his humanity, his eloquence his courage, and his patriotism. Had it been otherwise—had France attacked Europe—had this country taken (as under the circumstances it would have done) the side against her—is it possible that there could have been now between the two countries the cordial understanding which has sent their troops and fleets together to fight for the maintenance of the peace of Eu- rope? Without ignoring the faults of M. de Lamartine, had his course been then less prudent, this is what neither the will nor the policy of Louis Napoleon could have subsequently accomplished : and Europe owes him a deep debt of gratitude ; which it will forget—nay, has probably already for- gotten."
Mr. Cayley's exposition of the causes which led to the success of the present Emperor as a candidate for the Presidency may be taken as an example of the author's exposition.
"The Legitimist and Orleanist parties refused to start a candidate for fear of weakening Bonaparte, and thus throwing the choice into the hands of the Assembly, who would choose General Cavaignac. Both these parties gave the former at least a negative support; and as M. Thiers declared that nine-tenths of the country were opposed to the Geperal as too revolutionary, it was clear that in the country itself reaction was going on faster than in the Assembly' in fact,. the revolution of February had settled nothing. Under the Republican regime, Paris had been for four months under mar- tial law, and direct taxes had been increased by forty-five per cent. La- martine's flash of popularity had gone out ; the great services he had ren- dered to his country and to Europe were already forgotten. Cavaignac was fast falling into oblivion. Napoleon was rising., his name represented order, glory, and security. The R' eyelets supported him, as a reprisal on the Republicans, who had overcome them : the shopkeepers supported him, because they wanted quiet to trade in, and because they disliked. taxes ; and the peasants remembered the legendary glories of the first Napoleon. Of the Prince himself they knew little or nothing : they were assured he was a fool; his attempts at Strasbourg and Boulogne were held up to ridicule : but they did not care ; their faith and that of the military in the name of Bonaparte could not be shaken. "Even the women had made a claim to the rights of suffrage : and why, under universal suffrage, they have not as good a right to it as men i8 hard to prove ; for universal suffrage repudiates the only maxim on which their exclusion can be reasonably maintained—viz, that people ought to mind their own business and leave government to those who understand it. Be this as it may, the idea appeared extravagant to all but the extreme Social- ists; and it was to the dread of such extravagancies that Louis Napoleon owed much of his support. At the same time, Cavaignac lost ground from the accusation, whieh was entirely untrue, that he had allowed the insur- rection of June time to gather strength in order to have the opportunity of inflicting a bloody revenge. He was supported by the sincere and moderate Republicans ; but the Reds and Socialists weakened the Republican forces by setting up candidates of their own, _without a chance of success. It was only at the last that Lamartine allowed himself to be named as a candidate. -Why he did so at all, unless to exhibit to the world the ingratitude of his country, it is hard to understand. ,4 The result depended, it was thought, a good deal on the weather. Louis No leon's chief support was from the inhabitants of the country districts, the peasantry ; and it was calculated that if the weather was fine it might make in his favour a difference of II million of votes. The day came at last. On the 10th of December, 5,534,520 votes were recorded for Louis Napoleon. General Cavaignac had 1,448,302. Then came Ledru Itollin ; then ltasgail. Lamartine got 17,914: 23,219 were, disallowed, as being given for some of the banished Royal Family. The total number of voters was 7,449,471. About a fourth of the whole population of France, and probably more than three-fourths of the adult male population, recorded their votes on the occa- sion. The peasantry being informed that their voting-papers would be changed and-Napoleon's name obliterated and Cavaignaet; inserted, came down from the country armed, and watched all night around the ballot- boxes. Those who could not read counted the twenty-two letters in the name of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte; they folded up their tickets in a three- cornered shape, to represent the cocked-hat of the old Emperor. He had a majority of nearly four to one over his next rival, and nearly two to one over the whole of his competitors together ; and in addition to this, it should be considered that both he and all the other candidates, except Raspail (a quack doctor) and Ledru Rollin, represented the principle of reaction and moderation. There were, after many months' anarchy:, in the whole of France but about 400,000 real genuine Republicans; a fact which demon- strates their numerical insignificance as a party, and with what safety they might be disregarded: it also shows how utterly Louis Philippe had mis- understood his position and their influence."
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