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The nomination of candidates for the representation of Southwark took place on Wednesday, at hustings erected in front of the Town-hall. The crowd began to collect as early as eight o'clock in the morning; when a body of coalheavers, presumed to be employed by some of Mr. Pitcher's Committee, occupied the ground right in front of the station, and played a conspicuous part in contributing to the noise that prevailed throughout the day, and rendered the speakers nearly inaudible. The High Bailiff took the chair at ten o'clock; and the candidates appeared on the hustings with their friends.

Mr. William Hawes proposed Sir William Molesworth; whose claims he rested on his past Parliamentary career; further observing that he repre- sented the commercial interests of the borough, as he was largely connected with it by property.

"I believe also that Sir William Molesworth represents the civil and religious feelings of this great borough. He advocates that rational liberty of conscience which enables every man to declare his opinions frankly and maintain them freely; and, as he never has, so lie never will, stigmatize any one by unmanly placards become he may'old different opinions from those he himself entertains. * * * If the gentlemen who are now on the hustings feel that I am attacking themun- justly, -let them withdraw those placards I now see before me, accusing Sir Wil- li

am mMolesworth of infidelity. Let them withdraw those placards accusing him of a desire to destroy that Church of which he is well known to be a zealous and enlightened member, at the same time that his liberal principles lead him to give encouragement to almost every class of religionists that exist in this country." The nomination was seconded by Mr. Martin.

Mr. E. Palmer, seconded by Mr. Dare, proposed Mr. Pitcher; resting his claims on residence, and knowledge of local interests.

Mr. Apsley Follett nominated Mr. Miall; whose cause he advocated, while attacking his opponents-

" He draws his sentiments and principles from the fountain of truth—the Scriptures themselves. Mr. Miall knows no intermediate power; no paid state clergy. He is not of the pay-all school, but of the pay-none school. He is for those high and expanded principles which do honour to our common humanity; hocanse his head and his heart respond to each other, and are employed in doing good to the lower -classes of the community, who have been too long looked upon with contempt. He is desirous of raising them to that position in society which he has himself attained. It is true, Mr. 'Mali is for universal suffrage; and so was Sir William Molesworth seven or eight years ago; but Sir William has de- serted his principles. He was first a Universalist; but he is so no longer. He has changed ohlsciprinciples to suit a particular class of electors of the borough, who are o to universal suffrage. And now for the ecclesiastical story. Our friend Mr. Miall advocates on the purest principles, and in doing so he repre- sents a very large class of British Christians, who entirely sympathize with him on all points connected with the Voluntary system. Mr. Hawes has cried eat 4 Shame on the placardists '; but I say No shame.' We have been taunted with being unable to bring proof of the infidelity of Hobbes we have been dared to do it; and we have done it nobly. We have quoted the highest authorities and writers during the last century down to the time of Sir James Mackintosh, who have all, more or less, proved that Hobbes was sot only a tyrant ands eentraliter in politics, but an infidel in religion."

Mr. J. M. Webb seconded the nomination of Mr. Midi.

Sir William Molesworth addressed the electors. He began by referrieg to his conduct during the nine years that he sat in Parliament—his uni- form exertions for free trade, his adherence to the principles of religicrus liberty and equality, his support of justice to Ireland. In justice to Ire- land, he avowed, he should have supported the Maynooth College Bill; and he pointed out how the Catholic majority of the Irish people had been despoiled of the property belonging to their Church, not for State uses, lint to support a Church in which seven-eighths of that people disbelieved. To refuse the grant would have been tantamount to a declaration of hostility towards Ireland. Being opposed to Repeal of the Union, he was the more bound to render justice to Ireland. " These are briefly my opinions as a Radice/ ; upon them rests my only claim for your support. If you approve of them—if you are in favour of free trade.— if you desire a repeal of the tairn-laws--if you are friends to religious liberty and equality—if you are for the progressive reform of the institutions of your country —amp lastly, if you would do justice to Ireland—then give me your votes. But if, on the contrary, you are opposed to free trade—if you love the Corn-law—if you would resist extension of suffrage, triennial Parliament; and vote by ballot— if you are in words only, but not in deeds, the friends of religious liberty and equality—.and, lastly, if you would offer a deadly insult to Ireland by proposing the rescinding of the grant for htaanooth—then I am not the man frtto represent yen; I recommend yen to select one or other of my antagonists."

A few words with regard to those antagonists; and first of Mr. Pilcher-

" Mr. Filcher is a Tory. I say it with respect, for he has as much right to his oonseientiotts opinions as I have to mine. Our opinions are diametrically *v- iewed. There is a fair upstanding fight between us, which the poll of tomorrow w,ll decide in my favour. But it is not merely on political grounds that Mr. Pit- cher claims your support. He lays claim to it on account of the local good that he will do to the borough. In this respect Mr. Pitcher far outbids me. I can only promise to attend to your Parliamentary business. Indeed, it would be con- trary to my principles—it would seem to me a species o£earruptaon—to attempt to bias your votes by any promises of pecuniary benefits to yourselves either indivi- dually or collectively. Magnificent are the promises which Mr. Filcher is led to have made. He is reported to have said that he would maintain all the 1- tale, support all the dispensaries, and contribute to all the charities with winch this borough abounds; that he would cleanse your borough of everything Etthy, that he woad build docks for all the steam-vessels; that he would accomplish wonders with regard to the river Themes. Thus Mr. Filcher -would boy pea; take care, (to use a popular expression,) that you are not sold." Adverting to Mr. Miall, Sir William sentineled the electors how he hind promised to test the properticarate atrength of that gentleman and himo6f, and to retire from the field if he proved to be the weaker. He had been disappointed in the hope that the election would be a calm contest of rea- son without personality-

" Not one word of disrespect, not one single syllable of reproach, did I utter against your candidate till I was assailed"— A voice from the hustings exclaimed—" You began." Sir William Molesworth—" What? How ?"

The same voice—" You called Mr. Miall reverend.'"

Sir William Molesworth (laughing)—" And is that a term of reproach? (Laughter.) I repeat, not one word of reproach did I utter till I was assailed. When struck, however, I am ever ready to strike in return. Who struck the first

blow? Yon, Mr. Miall! You quitted the high ground of argument. You de- scended into the arena of abuse. You accused me of dishonesty on account of my opinions with regard to Maynooth; you taxed me with insincerity because I

• property in the Church of England; you called upon the Dissenters of thwark to shrink with horror from my opinions; you attempted to excite religious rancour and animosity. against me; like an inquisitor of old, you pre-

sume to question me on my religions belief, and to summon me before the tribunal of your private judgment. I am glad to meet you here today face to face, to answer you, to scoff at your pretensions, and to bid you defiance. I tell you, in the name of religious liberty and equality, that no man has a right io inter- fere with the religious opinions of another man; that no man has a right to question or blame the belief of his neighbour. I tell you that in your conduct and language towards me you have been untrue to the great principle of religious liberty, you have been without that charity which is the essence of religious liberty. You have denounced me as the editor of the works of Hobbes of Malmes- bury. Electors, I am proud of the fact; I will rest upon it a claim to your support,

in opposition to the claims of Mr. Miall. He is the editor of the Nonconformist; I am the editor of Hobbes. To compare the two works together, would be like com-

paring the vastest mountain on the earth's surface with the smallest mole-hill. The

works of Hobbes will last more centuries than the Nonconformist will days. The writings of Hobbes will live as long as the Anglo-Saxon race and language. * *

Like that Mahometan warrior and bigot who destroyed the wisdom of ages, you [Mr. Miall] would burn every work and consume all literature in the slighest degree at variance with your limited notions—with your own Koran. You have denounced me as the editor of an infidel work; I have challenged you, and again challenge you to make good your assertions. I have called upon you to point out one infidel passage, one single sentence derogatory to Christianity in the works of Thomas Hobbes of Malmesbnry. Have you or have you not read those works? If you have not read them, what right have you to say that they are infidel pro- ductions ? [Mr. Miall, who was standing so close to Sir William as even to touch his arm by reason of the pressure of the crowd, here made a remark, to which Sir William Molesworth immediately replied]—If you have read them, then, point out one infidel passage in them, one single sentence hostile to Christianity. I defy you to it.You have shrunk from the attempt. You have indirectly acknow- ledged that no such passage can be found in those works. Would it not have been manly and courageous to have acknowledged your error—to have said that you had never read those works, and that you had been misled with regard to them? Instead of doing this, you have had recourse to subterfuge. First, you have talked about Gibbon. Now tell me, acute logician, able reasoner, what has Gibbon to do with Hobbes, or Hobbes with Gibbon? Two minds more dissimilar can hardly be found than the philosopher of Mahnesbury and the historian of the Roman Empire. Would you, the lover of knowledge, not only destroy the works of our greatest dialectician, but the writings likewise of our greatest historian?

Would von consign to the same flames the Leviathan and the Decline and Fall of the koman Empire ? You have insinuated that some of Hobbes's opinions

lead to infidelity. Prove it, I say. Now I ask, is there a single work renowned

in science, in literature, or in art, against which a similar charge has not been brought by some narrow-minded bigot? It is a well-known historical fact, that

every great discovery in astronomy, in natural history, in chemistry, or in any of the physical sciences—that everything which has made us better acquainted with the heavens, with the earth, and with human nature—that every acquisition of know-

ledge which has tended to elevate humanity, every attempt at free inquiry—every effort to shake off the trammels of authority—has been successively attacked by

the ignorant and narrow-minded as leading to infidelity. Under this malignant and accursed plea some of the greatest spirits of the human race have been perse- cuted and slain. Socrates was put to death as an infidel. He who first said there were antipodes was burnt. The followers of Copernicus were persecuted as disbelievers; and the great Galileo, on bonded knees, was compelled to assert that the earth was immoveable. Bacon and Descartes were taxed with irreligion; the doctrines of Locke were said to lead to materialism. Newton was accused of de- throning the Deity for the discovery of the law of gravitation; a similar charge was made against Franklin for explaining the nature of the thunderbolt. Priest- ley's library was burnt and his person endangered on account of his religious opi- mon; and, in our own days, Backland, Sedgwick, and the other geologists, are accused of overturning revelation by 'their discoveries with regard to the past existence of the earth. In short, in all ages and among all nations, infidelity has ever been the war-cry which the base, the ignorant, the intolerant, and the cant- ing tribe, have raised against the great, the noble, and the generous spirits of the human race. That cry you, Mr. Miall, have attempted to raise against the works which I have edited. I now again solemnly call upon you, before these the elec- tors of Southwark, whom you wish to represent in Parliament—I challenge you to make good your assertions. If you shrink from the attempt, or fail, as tail you will, then I accuse you before your fellow-citizens of having brought this charge against me for base electioneering purposes. I brand you as a calumniator, and appeal to the poll of tomorrow."

Mr. Holier, calling upon the electors to make their choice between the three candidates, proceeded to set forth his own pretensions—

"I know the wants of the borough of Southwark, I have no hesitation in say- ing, better than either of the other candidates. I have long lived among you; I have given my assistance in the various offices which it has fallen to my lot to be elected to. I have served in various capacities, not only in this borough, but in the city of London and the county of Middlesex. The grand object which I i feel, and which I think every man ought to feel, when he is placed like me, in- dependent of labour, and blessed with health and strength—in such a case, I - think he is bound to come forward, when called upon, for the good of his country. On all occasions I have been a firm supporter of the various charities of the borough. I have supported your dispensaries, your hospitals, and your other in- stitutions, and I shall always be glad to attend to the wants of my fellow-towns- men. Some persons have called me a Tory, and some have called me a Whig; but I will tell you what I am. I am a liberal and hearty reformer of every abuse

existing in the country, and for the maintenance of your independence. I would use every effort in my power to correct every wrong and oppression done to the

poor man. I would also endeavour to alleviate every want and necessity by ex-

tending trade to the utmost. I am for having the poor taken care of in the time of sickness and old age. I would exert myself as far as possible to do away with

the Corn-laws, and to extend the trade of the country, by which we would give employment to the poor and increase the business of the river. I would also exert myself—and I hope to live to see the day when we shall see extensive docks in the borough of Southwark. I am for the maintenance of Protestantism in all its in- tegrity; and I look with jealousy on any interference with that system of Pro- testantism which our fathers have handed down to us from the earliest ages. I

3M a warm supporter of education, and am for having it carried out to its greatest limit possible; and I hope to live to see the strong desire of George the Third

fulfilled, when every child before he is seven years old should be able to read titO Bible. I am against the Maynooth grants; and if a motion were made for the repeal of that grant, I would support that repeal, because I consider it as a grant for the education of Jesuits, and not for education in general to the poor. I ant in favour of the imposition of a property-tax, which would be better than an in- come-tax. I am also opposed to the assessed taxes, which bear unequally upon the poor, and I would substitute for them the probate and legacy duty upon real property. I am likewise in favour of converting the Crown-lands. According to the calculations of— [the name of the calculator was not heard] there were 6,000,000 of acres of these lands, which might be sold for 11. per acre; and this sum would relieve the country from all the taxes I have mentioned." Mr. Fil- cher concluded by stating his confidence of success, as he was supported not only by the men but also by the ladies of the borough.

Mr. Miall began by a sarcastic allusion to the courtesy with which Sir William Molesworth had treated him- " I have at no time put my literary reputation beside that of Hobbes or any other man. I have exerted myself, according to the ability which God has given me, to do good to my fellow-men—to advocate the interests of our common he manity; and it is no matter of concern to me whether my name goes down to oblivion or is handed up to the admiration of posterity. I stand on that ground; and none of the taunts of the honourable Baronet shall make me ashamed of my position, or of the steps I have taken hitherto to make it good. With regard to the infidelity of Hobbes, I have been challenged to produce a single paragraph which can afford evidence of his sentiments on that point. Why, the whole of his works are against Christianity—against the civil liberties of the people, against the rights of individual conscience, and against that true and spiritual religion which we profess to reverence and hold dear. If I have erred on this point, I have erred in common with great names—with Cudworth, and Hallam, and Dagald Stewart, and Sir James Mackintosh; and if I have been foolish or dishonest in mis- representing the sentiments of the philosopher of Malmesbury, then the whole literary, philosophical, and ecclesiastical world have been equally dishonest and equally foolish for two centuries past. I find not fault with the honourable Baronet for his private convictions. I would rather respect him for the zeal and energy with which he makes them known. He accuses me of bigotry and intolerance, taking his stand upon some misunderstood or misreported passage in a former speech. I tell him that he does not know my spirit or my sentiments; for if there is one individual in the world who would leave the human mind unfettered in science, in philosophy, in religion, that man am I; and I tell the honourable Baronet, that it was not until he, in miserable taste, taunted me with the title of reverend,' that I referred to him as the editor of Hobbes. The honourable Baronet pro- fesses to be the exclusive friend of Ireland; and he asks what would be the effect upon the people of withdrawing the Maynooth grant. I tell the honourable Ba- ronet, that the great cause of the inflammatory state of temper and mind in Ire- land is the Church Establishment of the land. If the two political factions were willing to calm Ireland, they should remove the Church. But the Maynooth Bill, to which the honourable Baronet declared his adhesion, was brought forward to save that monstrous institution." After some more in condemnation of the May nooth Bill, Mr. Miall broke off, observing that it was useless to attempt to make himself heard.

The show of hands was declared to be in favour of Sir William Moles- worth, for whom a large majority held up their hands; the number for Mr. Miall was much smaller; and very few declared for Mr. Filcher. A poll was demanded, and fixed for the following day.

The polling on Thursday was marked by the usual incidents of bustle and exaggerated talk. Molesworth's superiority was clear from the be- ginning. The accounts of the voting were published hourly ; and Mr.

Pilcher's Committee issued very hyperbolical figures, giving an excess over the fact, with unwonted liberality, to all the candidates; until, early in the

afternoon, they tired of this, and ceased to issue any comparative state- ments till the close: their account then stood thus—Molesworth, 2,072; Filcher, 1,310; Miall, 368. The true numbers, however, from which the account of Sir William Molesworth's Committee did not greatly differ, were —for Molesworth, 1,943; Filcher, 1,182; Miall, 352.

The parish of St. Pancras has been in a state of excitement on " porochial business"—what has been called, in an eloquent placard, the " Surrender of St. Pancras to the Poor-law Commissioners." The Directors and Guardians had nega tively signified their acquiescence in the formation of the West London Asylum District, while asking for the parish to be represented by five instead of three Managers at the Board of Management. A special Vestry-meeting was held on Monday to consider the subject. A letter was read from the Poor-law Commis- sioners, stating that they had the request of the Directors still under consideration. After some sharp discussion, a motion was made, that proceedings in the election of Managers be suspended until the decision of the Commissioners be known. This was negatived by a large majority; and three gentlemen were elected.

The Social [Owenite] Institution in John Street, Tottenham Court Road, is defunct, like its late prototype in the Blackfriars Road. The building changed hands last week. Its members and finances have been slowly dwindling down till they are considerably in debt. The building, which is very commodious, is now turned into a mechanics institution. It may also be mentioned that the Socialists, about six years since, expended about 30,0001. in buying land and building a hall in Hampshire. Harmony Hall the place was called; and the Owenite principles were there carried out to the fullest extent. This has failed likewise; and in a few weeks' time all will come under the hammer to pay the loans granted at the commencement of the undertaking.—Standard.

Experimental trips have been made on the Croydon Atmospheric Railway, which, with allowance for the fact that everything is not yet in complete working order, have been very satisfactory. The line is five miles long, extending from the Dartmouth Arms to Croydon. On Friday week several trains were run; and on Tuesday a number of the proprietors were conveyed upon the line. The average spee, only one engine being employed for the five miles, was thirty miles an hoar; the greatest velocity forty-five. A greater speed was attained on the Friday. The train passed up the viaduct across the Brighton line, which has an incline of 1 in 50, at the same rate as the other parts. In a report to the Directors, Mr. Samuda, the engineer, remarks—" A speed of seventy miles per hour has been attained with a train of six carriages, and a speed of thirty miles per hour with a train of sixteen carriages, using only one steam-engine over two sections of main. In a length of five miles we have found it practicable to obtain a vacuum of twenty-seven inches in the whole length, and have run trains at up- wards of sixty miles an hour over the five miles, with the aid of one engine only."

An inquest was held at Croydon, on Monday, on the body of Murphy, the man who was killed by a train on the Atmospheric Railway, which passed over-him. A signal-man deposed that the deceased got on to the line about three o'clock on Friday afternoon, when a train was expected from Croydon; and with some diffi- culty he was induced by the witness to leave his dangerous position. Shortly after four, the same person saw him again on the line, stooping over the atmospheric pipe with his elbows on his knees; a train was expected; and the signal-man called to Murphy, also blowing a whistle; but he did not move. In a few mo- ments a train came along, and the man was dashed to pieces. The witness could not say whether Murphy meditated suicide, or was suddenly taken ill. Mr. Atkinson, an engineer, said that at the spot where the disaster occurred, the inrli- nation was 1 in 50, and therefore the train could not probably be stopped under about half-a-mile. On a level it might be brought up at half that distance. He had not, however, made experiments to ascertain within bow short a distance it might be done. The men were .apprized of the near approach of a train by the rushing of the air through the pipe, independently of the usual whistle; and had plenty of time to get out of the way. A verdict of "Accidental Death" was returned.

At the Middlesex Sessions, on Tuesday, the Grand Jury passed the following resolution, and handed it to the Court on Wednesday—" 'llie Grand Jury are of opinion that they are quite unnecessary in the examination of the cases that are teed before this Court."

George Richard Tilt, an attorney, was tried at the Surrey Sessions, on Wed- nesday, for fraudulently. obtaining 2/. 12s. 6d. from a man whose son had been tried at the Surrey Assizes for felony. Tilt exacted the money on the plea that it was necessary to employ a second counsel for the son's defence; no second counsel was employed; and the bill against the man was ignored. The attorney bad also told the present prosecutor that he could obtain 101. for him from a so- ciety which assisted poor people in such cases. Tilt was found guilty, and sen- tenced to twelve months' imprisonment with hard labour.

A witness to the good character of a thief has got into a hobble at the Surrey Sessions, by speaking too positively as to dates. The witness, one Jones, de- clared that the accused was a very honest and respectable man: he had known him for a twelvemonth, and had frequently met him in last September and Oc- tober. The Governor of the House of Correction proved that at that time the accused was a prisoner in the gaol. Mr. Jones was immediately taken into custody.

Yeakill and Lander, the men charged with fraudulently obtaining allotments of shares from the South Midland Railway Company, have been committed for trial from Clerkenwell Police-office.

Hill, the soldier who accused himself, at Dublin, of being the murderer of Eliza Grimwood, was brought up for examination at Southwark Police-office on Satur- day. When asked if he adhered to his former statement, he said it was all false: " that confession was made when 1 was under the influence of liquor, being heartily sick and tired of the army, thinking it was the only and best mode to obtain my dismissal. I did not look to the future consequences of such a step, and must therefore pay the penalty of it." He hated a military life, and had committed a crime to get transported that he might leave the army. Inspector Field said, it was true that the prisoner had stolen a watch, for which he had been imprisoned. Though a young man of superior attainments, he bore a very indifferent character generally. Eventually, Hill was remanded for a week.

A butcher of Clapton has been killed by a calf which he was carrying to be slaughtered ! The man had the animal on his shoulders, when the calf suddenly caught hold of his throat with his teeth, and strangled him; the butcher having fallen to the ground on the sudden attack.

A lad who was playing at cricket in the Regent's Park with a number of boys, on Wednesday, sustained a severe injury: his right eye was smashed by the ball, so that its sight is completely destroyed.

Many fires have occurred during the week. The most extensive one happened on Wednesday morning, at a skin-dyer's in Clerkenwell. The whole of the ex- tensive workshops were destroyed, and all the contiguous buildings were more or lees injured.