BOOKS.

LORD CLONCHREY'S PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS.* THE author of these Recollections of Irish politics and politicians was at his birth, in 1773, a younger son of the first Lord Cloncurry, though

ultimately succeeding to the title and estates. After an education at pri- vate schools and Trinity College, Dublin, the Honourable V. B. Lawless was entered a student of the Temple, with the view of being called to the bar. But, like so many young Irishmen of his day, he was bitten by the nationality mania. He belonged to the then celebrated and suspected Historical Society ; he was enrolled an United Irishman ; he supported

the Press (newspaper) ; he made speeches at debating societies; he pub- lished a pamphlet ; be was elected (though without " his desire or even knowledge") a " member of the Executive Directory of the United Irish Society." In short, by his conduct and his companions, he excited the displeasure of his father and the suspitions of Government. Having subscribed to defend the notorious Quigley or O'Coigly, he was stir- rounded at the Temple by exiles of Erin, who unscrupulously tugged at his purse ; and being (he says) falsely denounced by spies, he was ar- rested, in 1798. He was examined several times before the Privy Council, and refused on each occasion to answer interrogatives ; but was treated with some consideration—only confined in the house of a King's messenger, whence he was liberated after six weeks' detention, and then he offered to answer any questions proposed to him. For about a twelvemonth he was, in his own phrase, "disengaged", from politics, and during that time he engaged himself to be mar- ried. In May 1799, however, he was again arrested, and com- mitted to the Tower ; whence he was not liberated till the act for the suspension of the Habeas Corpus expired, in 1801. The conse quences of this imprisonment he describes as most disastrous to his inte- rests and his happiness. His grandfather, whose favourite he was, died

of grief; so did his betrothed ; his father, who also died in the interval, and feared forfeiture, left 50,0001. away from him ; and, together with losses caused by his being unable to attend personally to his affairs, he reckons the actual injury to his property at 100,0001. That he was treated with hardness approaching cruelty seems undeniable: it is diffi- cult to tell to what degree the English Ministry might feel justified in entertaining the notion that his detention was necessary to the public safety; or how far his own behaviour might produce some of the incon- veniences or privations of which he complains. The whole story, told at length in the book and illustrated by correspondence, has a very Mile- sian aspect. The presence of two officials in his room, day and night, was undoubtedly an annoyance, and it would seem a useless annoyance.

The refusal of permission to attend a father's deathbed, of which Lord Cloncurry speaks, does not appear to be striedy%-accurate. The first ap- plication, it seems, was written the day before his father's death ; and the request with the announcement of the death (made through a friend) most probably reached the Ministry at the same time. In other respects the story reminds one too much of the wordy varieties of O'Con- , nell's trial, and of that tendency to provoke by swaggering, with a view to complain of the consequences provoked, that distinguishes Lord Clon- curry's countrymen. The applications in his favour were so numerous, that if every one detained under the suspension of the Habeas Corpus had petitioned in the epistolary form to a like extent, an office must have been established to consider and answer applications. It seems wonderful that the Duke of Portland did not very soon say that the "public safety required the detention, and that what was not given to justice could not be granted to solicitation" ; bidding a secretary refer all further applications to that axiom. Lord Cloncurry represents himself

as denied pen and ink. As well as we can make out, be could have it by asking for it, but sometimes he would not ask. He contrived to

quarrel with the Governor of the Tower, though that gentleman at first showed him civility ; and it is probable that several petty annoyances arose from an Irish manner, the very reverse of conciliating to English- men of that or any age.

As soon after Lord Cloncarry's liberation as he could put his affairs in some soft of order, he made a Continental tour, (in 1802-1805); the

account of which is not the least interesting part of his volume. On his return he settled down into a resident Irish landlord, attending to the welfare of his tenants, improving his property, and taking part in public affairs

as much by suggestion and his pen as by the bustle of meetings and speechifying, or what is now called agitation. Irish nationality was still the fundamental article of his creed, and placed him in somewhat of a

dilemma. A singleminded man like himself might be willing enough to go with English Liberals for practical measures, but honest politicians could not very cordially act with a man whose principle of action was the severance of the empire. On the other hand, the tricks, the inconsistency, the mendacity, the self-seeking, and the foul-mouthed scurrility of the trading agitators, kept him greatly aloof from them, as he was frequently exposed to their abuse. This isolated position for useful purposes was suspended during the two viceroyalties of Lord Anglesey. Lord Clon- curry kept the repeal of the Union out of sight and out of mind, in con- sideration of the measures of real improvement Lord Anglesey proposed

for Ireland. Lord Anglesey freely and frankly consulted a man who had a considerable knowledge of Irish affairs, and whose opinions in favour of

large measures resembled his own. Many conferences took place, mach

correspondence passed between them. The latter is printed in the volume before us, and forms a curious chapter from the private journal of

the early Reform Ministry. At the same time, we must not bliok the fact, that this consultation with irresponsible persons is something like that "power behind the throne " of which we have heard a good deal Such is the skeleton outline or story of the volume before us. Its filling up consists of fall narratives, a large illustrative correspondence, a va-

• Personal Recollection/I of the Life and Times, with Extracts from the Corre- spondence, of Valentine Lord Cloncurry. Published by SPGlashan, Dublin.

riety of political reflections and disquisitions, with a good many anec- dotes and social sketches. In any very great affairs Lord Cloncurry was Dot concerned, nor does he appear to have bestowed much attention upon such ; but he has lived for upwards of half a century an active public life, has mixed a good deal in the world, has been in familiar or hostile com- munication with men of the highest station, and engaged in an exten- sive correspondence. The recollections of such a life could not fail ofcon- taining matter of interest, or of throwing some light on what is called poli- ties and statesmen. The volume, however, would have been improved by some pruning in the topics, and a more careful arrangement of some of the matter. A good deal of it is not so much the recollections of Lord Cloncurry on matters of fact that fell within his observation, as a kind of historical resume of certain public questions, or the expression of his opinions on political affairs. At times, too, the correspondence is put forth without sufficient attention to subject or chronology. Whatever the reader could remedy on such points, the author should prevent.

In spite of a little redundancy of disquisition or opinion, the Personal Recollections of Valentine Lord Cloncurry is a readable and useful volume. The correspondence is often attractive, not only for the names of the writers-but for its inherent character : this is especially the case in the letters from Lord Holland. Some let us into the private opinions of public men on public affairs, at a time when it was held treason against Liberalism to breathe a word against the "Reform Ministry." This is a picture by one of their supporters, at the epoch when the secession of Graham and Stanley, on the Appropriation-clause, gave the first great shock to the Grey Cabinet.

"ri. LA.M.BERT, ESQ., NIX., TO 1.011D CLONCUERY.

•• 8 St. James's Place, 3d June 1834.

" My dear Lord—I have received your letter, and I hope need not assure you bow willingly I would attend to any recommendation of your Lordship's, if I bad any power whatever of promoting the accomplishment of your wishes. " In common with many others, you seem to think, my dear Lord, that having stood in the front ranks in defence of his Majesty's Government, having dismissed every selfish apprehension of danger and consideration of prudence, when their battle was to be fought in the House or out of it, I might be supposed to possess sense influence with those distinguished persons. Quite the reverse. If you want to carry an point with Government, apply to Mr. O'Connell for his interest: it will not fail. It is actually rutting season with that great character and our il- lustrious rulers. A superb juste milieu' Cabinet, with subordinates of similar talents and propensities, is in progress of formation. I rather suspect it will not last long. I stated last night my belief that dissension did still exist among the remains of the Cabinet. This was angrily denied ; but we shall see, when the moment for any positive proposition or practical measure shall arrive. Ellice is the only man of energy among them; and I have reason to think that he joined the Cabinet merely to avoid its total break-up, which would have ensued had be declined. No other appointment has been made, except perhaps that of Lord Auckland to the. Admiralty, in the place of Sir J. G.! ! Many have been offered sad refused; some from the qeitainty of not being reelected; others, as in the case of M. O'F.--sfroin a diffiotoaty of comprehending the precise--politicsof-the new Cabinet. There are reporf17T- &isnot say if correct, that Lord Brougham has acted a very strange part in the late Cabinet dissensions. There can be no doubt gat intrigues of all sorts were at work, and I should think successfully, to ex- clude anything like talent or energy from the new Administration. So we are to jog on in the juste milieu until the next explosion. " I had a few lines from Blake lately ; but so extremely guarded and diploma- tically laconic, that 1 have not felt it necessary to write to him on these late events,

n ot knowing exactly the political shade of his opinions.

"I had a letter also from General Cockburn relative to the Tithe Bill. Will you pardon my requesting you, if you see the General, to thank him from me, and as- sure him I shall attend to his proposition.

" Believe me, my dear Lord, most faithfully yours, H. LAMBERT.

" P.S. Report says Lord G.[rey] is heartily sick of all this, and longs for re- tirement. The means employed to obtain the majority for the previous question' hat night were the threatened resignation of Lord Altborp, and the collision with your noble House. Some hints about Tories coming in made up the sum of the statesmanlike arguments advanced. The present Cabinet arrangements are said to be exclusively Lord Althorp's. Imagine that a dissolution of Parliament spas among the menaces of yesterday !"

Upon this and some letters of an analogous character [one of which was from Bishop Doyle] Lord Cloncurry remarks- " It would be impossible to find witnesses more competent than the writers of these letters to speak to the condition of Irish affairs in 1834; and few whose tes- timony, in the line in which it runs, it would be more difficult to discredit. There was I believe, no Irishman imbued with deeper feelings of nationality than Bishop Doyle, or who was more painfully sensible of the bitterness of being obliged by his own sense of truth and honour to admit the fact of the moral degradation of his fellow countrymen. On the other hand, there was no Irish Whig more jealous of the character of his party than Mr. Lambert, or who was more desirous to carry out its principles in the administration of Irish affairs in such a manner as should sink the individual nationality of Ireland, and make her a great limb of the Eng- lish Whig body. Surely, then, it is lamentable to find one of these men ' doubt- ing whether there was sufficient soundness in the community to render it capable of profiting by any liberal system'; and the other admitting with regret that the Whole statesmanship of the English party rulers of Ireland with whom he was associated was limited to a truckling subserviency to Mr. O'Connell. Still more lamentable is it to know, that after the lapse of fifteen years there is still in the community the same unsoundness, and in the ruling faction the same deficiency of manly conduct and far-seeing statesmanship. At this very moment, the in- telligence and virtue among the middle classes of our people' have succumbed ;tinder the tyranny of demagogues, who, with liberty upon their tongues, have suc- cessfully called upon a starving and oppressed nation to contribute money to aid In the replacement of the yoke of despotism upon the necks of the people of an- other land. While I write, the lineal successors of the juste milieu Whigs of 1834 know of nothing better that can be done for the relief of a prostrated coun- try, than to provide the means of buying more village agitators and Members of Parliament, by stopping a hole in a demoralizing and corrupting but place-making poor-law with al stimenurrabein-aid patch."

All very right and very true ; but we must repeat the remark we wade on the publication' of Lord Anglesey's letter to Lord Cloncurry, When we quoted it a week or two since. Why was not the substance of these opinions stated publicly at the time ? Dr. Doyle was a Bishop, bound to guide his flock, and to save the people of his own diocese at least from the arts of trading demagogues. Mr. Lambert wawa Member of Partin- dent, sent to utter his convictions in his place. .And.the subject• was

•

"tilt subordinate, bat' vital.! It yr/moot titjaestion of whether.the Minis- ters were going as far as he thought right, or doing as much as he con- ceived practicable; for in questions of degree any man may properly dis- trust his judgment, or rest satisfied with making an advance. It is quite evident from his description that nothing could be expected from the Ministry. They had neither plan nor principles of their own or of any. body else : the motives of the official Whigs and the " Irish patriots" who backed them were those of the lowest party kind, if not of the most sordid self-seeking. A pretty full publication of the private poli- tical correspondence of those times would exhibit some strange contradict. tions ; of the present, perhaps some still stranger.

Lord Clonctfrry's Continental tour was commenced during the Peace of Amiens, %viten he visited Paris, and, after its rupture, went to Rome (a neutral state) to avoid arrest as a British subject. The recollections of this part of his life are interesting for their pictures of a state of society neither old nor new, and for the anecdotes with which they abound. These are Lord Cloncurry's reminiscences of Bonaparte.

" There was, however, another sight to be seen at that time in Paris, more ex- traordinary than any public fete or spectacle could possibly be; and, being anxious to bave an opportunity of forming a judgment for myself' as to the appearance and manners of the greatest man then in the world, I asked the British Minister, Mr. Merry, to present me to the First Consul. As my residence in the Tower bad.prevented me from paying my respects at St. James's, Mr. Merry made some difficulty about standing sponsor for me at the court of Napoleon; at the same time assuring me, that his refusal was occasioned altogether by the necessity for complying with strict regulations upon the subject of presentations, laid down by the First Consul himself. The difficulty, however, proved to be a trifling one; as, when the subject was mentioned to Bonaparte, by Marshal Berthier, with whom I was made acquainted by General Lawless, he not only permitted me to be pre. sented to him, but accompanied the permission with an invitation to attend a grand review, and to dine with him on the day of presentation. The occasion, at which Lord Holland was also present, was a remarkable one. We were received in the magnificent rooms of the Tuileries, in great state; the stairs and anterooms being lined by men of the corps &elite, in their splendid uniforms and baldricks of buff leather edged with silver. Upon our introduction, refreshments were of- fered, and a circle was formed as at a private entrée. Napoleon entered freely into conversation with Lord Holland and myself; inquiring, among other matters, re. specting the meaning of an Irish peerage ; the peculiar character of which, and its and from an English peerage, I had some difficulty in making him com- prehend. While we were conversing, three knocks were heard at the door, and a deputation from the Conservative Senate presented itself, as if unexpectedly, and was admitted. The leader of the deputation addressed the First Consul in a set oration, tendering him the Consulate for life; to which he responded in an extem- pore speech,—which, nevertheless, he from a paper concealed in the crown of his hat.

" Bonaparte was at that time very slight and thin in person, and, as far as I could judge, not possessed cf much more information upon general subjects than of confidence in his own oratorical powers. Upon my expressing some surprise afterwards at the character of his remarks, I recollect General Lawless telling me that he and some other Irishmen (I believe Wolfe Tone was among them) had a short time before been engaged in a discussion with him respecting a project for the invasion. of Ireland; when, after making many inquiries, and hearing their an- swers, he remarked that it was a pity so-flue -a c.onntry should be so horribly infested with wolves: Lawless' and his coffipanions assured him that such was not the case; to which he deigned no reply but it contemptuous ' Bah "

We-could extend these extracts as regards Prance, but we go on to Italy. This is Lord Cloncurry's sketch of the last of the Stuarts.

"Among the prominent members-of Roman society in those days, was the last of the Stuarts, Cardinal York; with whom I became somewhat of a favourite, pro- bably by virtue of addressing him as Majesty,' and thus going a step farther than the Duke of Sussex, who was on familiar terms with bins, and always ap- plied to him the style of Royal Highness. "The Cardinal was in the receipt of an income of eight or nine thousand pounds a year• of which he received 4,000/. from his Royal rival, GeorgelII., and the remainder'from his ecclesiastical benefices. This revenue was then in Italy equivalent at least to 20,0001.; and it enabled his Eminence to assume somewhat of royal state. He was waited upon with all suitable ceremony, and his equi- pages were numerous and splendid, and freely placed at the disposal of his guests. He was in the habit of receiving visitors very hospitably at his villa at Frescati; where I was often a guest, and was frequently amused by a reproduction of the scenes between Sancho Panza and his physician, during the reign of the squire in the island of Barataria. His Eminence was an invalid, and under a strict regi- men; bat as be still retained his tastes for savoury meats, a contest usually took place between him and his servants for the possession of rich diet, which they formally set before him, and then endeavoured to snatch away, while he, with greater eagerness, strove to seize it in its transit. Among the Cardinal's most fa- vourite attendants was a miserable cur dog, which, probably having been cast off b' its master as being neither useful nor ornamental, one day attached itself to his Eminence at the gate of St. Peter's • an occurrence to‘which he constantly re- ferred as a proof of his true royal blood,—tbe cur being, as he supposed, a Xing Charles spaniel, and therefore endowed with an instinctive hereditary acquaint- ance with the house of Stuart. Upon the occasion of my visit to Frescati, I pre- sented the Cardinal with a telescope, which he seemed to fancy, and received from him in return the large medal struck in honour of his accession to his unsubstan- tial throne. Upon one side of this medal was the royal bust, with the Cardinal's hat, and the words Henricus nonus, Dei gratia and upon the other, the arms of England, with the motto on the exerque--' Haud desideriis hominum, sed voluntate Dei.' "

This idea of the Russian constitution is not new, but it seems the original story.

" There were among the Russian residents two remarkable characters; one was Orloff, the favourite of the Empress Catherine, whom I frequently met at Naples, and the other the Prince Potemkin, son of the more celebrated owner of that name. The introduction of the Muscovite element made a strange mixture in our society; where, as sometimes happened, discussions arose that brought the habitual steady English love of freedom in conflict of argument with the fierce barbarian vigour if the Russians ; and that too, in presence of the polished feebleness of some noble subject of the Church. I shall never forget one of these occasions, when, the comparative merits of democracy and despotism being under debate, the risk of mischief at the hands of a senseless ill-conditioned tyrant was urged as more than a counterpoise for thegood that could be done by a benevolent and wise autocrat. ' Against that risk; exclaimed Count Pablen, who was present, ' we have-a safeguard. Here is the constitution of Russia'; and, starting OP, he closed the argument by drawing a dagger from his pocket, and flinging it (1101 the table with an earnestness and energy that left no doubt of his personal wil- lingness to put that sharp constitutional remedy in operation, should a wrong re' (miring it arise within his cognizance." Besides Irish politics and politicians, there are a variety of incidental anecdotes and sketches, that indicate the social state of Ireland, or the rich peMillarities of, the genuine Alilesian, some half century Ago.. rate are a couple of family anecdotes. ',Among the middle-fenants whose holdings I resumed and relet to the occu- Div% yeas a widow lady., who, thought the near relative of a noble lord, made- what is called in Ireland' a very 1 poor mouth" when tHe'expirittlotisef her feta- deprived her of the profit-rent which her husband had "Emig Iterh,the under,' tenants, by breaking his covenant against sub-letting. S=gave thess, occupying under-tenants leases of their own holdinga; and, ru. aoti4idgrati9II Of the cireprni, stances cf the distressed lady-middleman, 1 agreed to make her an allowance of 501. a year, until her noble relative should come of age and be able to assist her. When, however, I stopped my bounty, on that contingency taking place, her son, eh Indian officer who had just returned home, sent me a hostile message for haling so wounded his feelings! "I had three sisters. Tbe-eldest had then recently. .become_the widow of Tho- mas Whalley,knowm in beim:id as Jerusalem Whalley,' , from the cirreu mitance of his having won a bet by performing a journey, to Jerusalem on foot except so far as it was necessary to cross the sea, and finishing the etploit by playing ball against the' walls of that celebrated city. He was a perfect specimen of the -Irish gentleman of the olden time Gallant; reckless, and profuse,.he made no account of money, limb, or life, when a bet was to be won or a daring deed to be attempted. He spent a fine forum in pursuits not more profitable than his expedition to play hall at Jerusalem ; and rendered himself a Cripple for life by jumping from the drawingroom window of Daly's club-house in College Green, on to the 'roof of a hackney-coach which was passing." We close with a bonne bouche c it Occurs in a letter from O'Connell to T. O'Mara, under the date of January 1831. Allowance must be made for the character of the writer in reckless assertion, and for the chance of misunderstanding in transmission ; but, taken as it stands, the al- leged conduct of the Whig Ministry would at one time have been reck- oned something like tampering with treason. "I have had a communication with a person in the confidence of the Ministry in England, but whose name I cannot disclose, who states distinctly, that all the Ministry desire is to postpone the Union question, until those of reform, abolition of corporate monopoly, and reformation of Church abuses, are disposed of—thus leaving 'the Union '_for the last."