Vthatto and Vrarrthings iu Vartiantut.

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH.

THE Queen attended Parliament in person on Thursday, to deliver the sessional Speech from the Throne. As early as twelve o'clock .the doors of the House of Lords were thrown open ; and from that time until the guns announced the arrival of her Majesty, the Peers and Peeresses, -the Corps Diplomatique, and the Judges, continued to arrive. There were present, among other Peers, the Duke a Cambridge, the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Newcastle, the Duke of Northumberland, -the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Malmesbury, the Earl of De- von, the Bishops of London, Norwich, and Oxford, Lord Redesdele, the Earl of Harrowby, and the Marquis of Londonderry. Soon after two o'clock, the Queen, led by Prince Albert, entered the House and ascended the throne. Lord Derby occupied the old place of the Duke of Wellington as bearer of the sword of state ; the Marquis of Winchester carried the cap of maintenance, and Lord Lonsdale the crown. The Commons having been summoned, they arrived with some tumult, and the noise of banging doors was kept up even after the Queen had be- gun to read. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir John Pakington, and Mr. Walpole, closely followed the Speaker. ' The QUEEN read, with her usual distinctness and felicity of utterance, the following Speech.

" My Lords and Gentlemen—I cannot meet you for the first time after the dissolution of Parliament, without expressing my deep sorrow, in which I am sure you will participate, that your deliberations can no longer be aided by the counsels of that illustrious man whose great achievements have ex- alted the name of England, and in whose loyalty and patriotism the interests to my throne and of my people ever found an unfailing support. I rely with confidence on your desire to join with me in taking such steps as may mark your sense of the irreparable loss which the country has sustained by the death of Arthur Duke of Wellington.

" Lam happy to acknowledge the readiness with which my .subjects in general have come forward, in pursuance of the act of last session, to join the ranks of the Militia ; and I confidently trust that the force thus raised by voluntary inlistment will be calculated to give effective aid to tray regular army for the protection and security of the country.

"I continue to receive from all Foreign Powers assurances of their anxious desire to maintain the friendly relations now happily subsisting with my Government.

" Frequent and well-founded complaints on the part of my North Ameri- can Colonies, of infractions, by citizens of the United States, of the fishery convention of l818, induced me to despatch for the protection of their in- terests a class of vessels better adapted to the service than those which had been previously employed. This step has led to discussions with the Go- vernment of the United States and while the rights of my subjects have been firmly maintained, the friendly spirit in which the question has been treated induces me to hope that the ultimate result maymaybea mutually bene- ficial extension and improvement of our commercial intercourse with that great Republic.

"The special mission which, in concert with the Prince President of the French Republic, I deemed it right to send to the Argentine Confederation, has been received with the utmost cordiality ; and the wise and enlightened policy of the Provisional Director has already opened to the commerce of the world the great rivers hitherto closed, which afford an access to the in- terior of the vast continent of South America.

" I have the satisfaction of announcing to you, that the sincere and zealous efforts of the Government of Brazil for the suppression of the slave-trade, now nearly extinguished on that coast, have enabled me to suspend the stringent measures which I had been compelled reluctantly to adopt; a recurrence to which I anxiously hope may be proved to be unnecessary.

"The Government of her Most Faithful Majesty have fully recognized the justice of the claim which my Government have long urged for the abolition of the discriminating duties on the export of wine, and have passed a decree for" giving complete effect to the stipulations of the treaty on this subject. You will probably deem it advisable to resume the inquiries which were commenced by the late Parliament with a view to legialataon on the subject of the future government of my East Indian possessions.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons—The Estimates for the ensuing year will in due time be laid before you.

" The advancement of the fine arts and of practical science will be recog- nized by you as worthy of the attention of a great and enlightened nation. I have directed that a comprehensive scheme shall be laid before you, having in view the promotion of _these objects, towards which I invite your aid and cooperation. " My Lords and Gentlemen—It gives me pleasure to be enabled, by the blessing of Providence, to congratulate you on the generally improved con- dition of the country, and especially of the-industrious classes. If you should be of opinion that recent legislation, in contributing, with other causes, to this happy result, has at the same time indicted unavoidable injury on cer- tain important interests, I recommend you dispassionately to consider how far it may be practicable equitably to mitigate that injury, and to enable the industry of the country to meet successfully, that unrestricted competition to which Parliament, in its wisdom, has decided that it should be subjected.

"I trust that the general improvement, notwithstanding many obstacles, has extended to Ireland ; and while I rely with confidence on your aid, should it be required, to restrain that unhappy spirit of insubordination and turbulence which produces many and aggravates all of the evils which afflict that portion of my dominions, I recommend to you the Adoption of such a liberal and generous policy towards Ireland, as may encourage and assist her to rally from the depression in which she has been sunk by the sufferings of late years.

"Anxious to promote the efficiency of every branch of our National Church) I have thought fit to issue a Commission to inquire and report to me bow far, in their opinion, the Capitular institutions of the country are capable of being made more effective for the great objects of religious worship, religious edneetion, and ecclesiastical discipline. "Ilieve directed that the Reports of the Commissioners for inquiring into the system of Education pursued at Oxford and Cambridge should be commu- nicatett-to the governing) odies of those Universities for their consideration ; and I rely upon your readiness to remove any legal difficulties which may impede the desire of the Universities at large, or of the several Colleges, to introduce such amendments into their existing system as they may deem to be more in accordance with the requirements of the present time.

"The system of Secondary Punishments has usefully occupied the labours of successive Parliaments ; and I shall rejoice if you shall find it possible to advise means by which, without giving encouragement to crime, trans. portation to Van Diemen's Land may at no distant period be altogether dis- continued.

" The subject of Legal Reform continues to engage my anxious attention. The acts passed in the last session of Parliament have been followed up by the orders necessary for putting them in operation - inquiries are in pro- gress, by my direction, with a view of bringing into harmony the testament- ary jurisdiction of my several courts ; and bills will be submitted to you for effecting further improvements in the administration of the law. "To these and other measures affecting the social condition of the country, I am persuaded that you will give your earnest and zealous attention; and I pray thae.by the blessing of Almighty God, your deliberations maybe guided to the wellbeing and happiness of my people."

The Commons then returned as they came ; Abe gay and handsome vi- sitants departed ; and the Lords adjourned until five o'clock ; when they met again, and proceeded in earnest with the business of the session.

THE ADDRESS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR having read the Queen's Speech from the woolsack, the Earl of DONOUGHHORE moved that an humble address be presented-to her Majesty in reply to the Speech; and be proceeded to re- cite, with occasional commendation and comment, the various paragraphs of the Speech, of which the Address was an echo. In passing from the paragraph concerning our foreign relations, he regretted that a part of the press were pursuing a mischievous course with respect to foreign politics. Now since France had organized her system on a new basis, he hoped that abuse of the French nation and its government would cease.

The Marquis of BATH, who seconded the motion, varied his remarks from those of the mover by commenting on the success of the Militia Act; and by reminding the House, that though they might recognize the good effects of recent measures upon the manufacturing interests, yet they must not forget that the agricultural classes were "labouring under de- pression and suffering distress." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE wished chiefly to make reference to the leading topic of the Speech, which alone induced him to speak ; and he claimed to address the House on that topic, not as representing a party, but as one of the oldest members of the House, who had noted the whole of the Duke of Wellington's military and civil career. He stood further in this peculiar position, that it had fallen to him, many years ago, to call upon the House of Commons to do honour to the memory of the greatest Admiral who ever distinguished this country. They were little aware then, that at the very moment when we lost that great man' who raised the navy so high, there was rising in the East a soldier destined to perform the same great service for the army of his country. "I feel proud of having lived with such contem- poraries." In selecting these great men, he did not moan to overlook the fact, that genius of other kinds had risen; but in honouring the heads of the military profession, we honoured the defenders of our wealth and power. In the present state of the world, we must not look for glory and safety merely to industry, science, and art; "you must make up your minds to protect them efficiently, and to show yourselves not only one of the most prosperous, but one of the mast powerful nations of the world." He did not think it needful to dwell in detail on the actions of the illus- trious dead ; " they are prominent in all men's minds—they are familiar on all men's tongues, and stamped and engraved on all men's hearts." Upon the other topics of the Speech he was less inclined to dilate. He had nothing to complain of in the progress of the Speech as attempting to gain their support or approbation for a special policy. "I certainly could have wished that in the Speech we have just heard from the Throne there had been a less hesitating and a less faltering decla- ration of the views of her Majesty's Government as to those great questions of commercial policy which have been alluded to. I certainly think the time has come when, after months and years have elapsed—after all,the ex- perience which foots could suggest, and after all the arithmetic that has been brought to bear on this question of policy in every form and in every shape —not only the country, bet even her Majesty's Government, might be ena- bled to form a competent opinion upon it. My Lords, that opinion is not distinctly expressed. It may be natural for the officers of a sinking ship to evince a reluctance to desert the vessel, as it may involve their characters for humanity, and they may feel that when the ship is sinking they should be the last to be seen on deck. ("Rear, hear " and laughter.) No great effort certainly has been made by them to save the ship ; and, to do them justice, no desire has been shown hem oar elsewhere to encourage the men to uphold the good old cause, or that which we may now call the good lost cause, namely, protection, which, I believe, the great mass of the country have abandoned because they found that, if they did not abandon it, facts would be a cheat, experience a lie, and arithmetic would be good for no- thing." (Cheers.) There was no statement as to whether Ministers were about to adopt direct or indirect taxation ; but he hoped that it might be inferred from the silence of the Speech that it is their intention to pursue the happy legislation of late years in the same spirit and upon the same principles : then they would be entitled to the support of every advocate of Free- trade. Lord Lansdowne adverted approvingly to the statement respect- ing the slave-trade in Brazil, and`promised his best attention to the Mi- nisterial measures.

Lord Benuoirem confined himself to the eulogy of the Duke of Wel- lington—the topic upon which he felt it impossible not to speak. My Lords, it might be misconstrued if I were not to say a word upon that at once glorious and painful subject. It asked no gift of prophecy—there was no risk in seeing and foretelling that when this day should come—that when he who never yielded to man, enemy or rival, should, according to the common lot of humanity, yield to a sterner foe—every discord would cease, every detraction would be hushed, and and that there would be one uni- versal voice raised to acknowledge his transcendent merits. But, my Lords, the result has even surpassed my expectation. All classes of his fellow- citizens, all descriptions of persons, without distinction of rank, or sect, or

country, at home and abroad—the country he served, the allies he saved, the adversaries he encountered—partly from a just recollection of benefits re- ceived, partly, I hope, from a nobleness of feeling to a gallant foe—all have joined in this universal, unbroken, uninterrupted accord to celebrate his transcendent merit; not the merit of goodness merely, not that which distinguished him as a testimony of his almost marvellous fortune, but that which I place first and foremost in his great and shining character, that which will be ever held up for the imitation as well as the admiration of mankind,—his great public virtue.; his con- stant self-denial; his constant abnegation of self; never once during his whole career suffering any bias of passion, or personal or party feeling, for one instant to interfere with a steady, vigilant, and constant discharge of his duty, in what state soever he might be called upon to discharge it. (Much cheering.) Hence I am authorized to say, that his public virtue.is even more to be revered than his goodness and his fortune are to be admired. My Lords, we are grieving over his irreparable loss. Heavy as that grief must be—deeply as we feel his loss—yet, God forbid, my Lords, that we should ever see the day that his death should be even still more sensibly felt." [Lord Brougham here made a solemn pause for some moments, and when he resumed he was for a time inaudible. On his being again heard he was alluding to France ; observing that we have no possible right to com- plain of any institutions which the French people may have adopted, or to disparage any ruler whom they may have chosen to set up over them.] "But noble Lords will forgive me when I also add, that we lie under no ob- ligation whatever to regard the words rather than the acts of any Govern- ment, be it our own Government or the Government of any country what- soever; and, as I believe, either here or elsewhere, when a Government is desirous of peace that a mighty security is provided for that unspeakable blessing by free discussion being allowed among the people on all subjects, so I am bound to admit that that security is impaired by not allowing to the people any discussion upon whatever subjects or in whatever way they please. Those measures which had taken place in France may have been but im- perfect, and those subsequent measures which are now taking place may be absolutely necessary to avert other and more dangerous measures : with all that we can have no possible right to interfere ; it is no business of ours ; it is wholly and entirely a foreign matter. I do not, therefore, mean to object,

i but to lament, that anything should have occurred n the policy of any foreign state which in any way lessens our protection; and not ours merely, for it is the interest of all the world, of humanity itself, that lessens the pro-

tection of all those interests against the last of events—an interruption of the repose of the world. My Lords, I do not fear the arrival of such a ca-

lamitous event. I trust that such days are far distant. Nay, my Lords, I go further, and on the whole I will say I believe they are remote ; because it is our right undeniable, our bounden duty unquestionable, to take all such measures and all such precautions as shall fully and

effectually provide for a defence against them, should they unhappily occur. (Cheers.) And suffer me, my Lords, to say, that not only shall we discharge

our duty, but we shall tender a most appropriate tribute to that great man whose loss we now deplore—a tribute which he himself would most prize, if we strenuously and promptly set about following the advice which he de-

livered again and again, and which he so earnestly urged us to do, and which he always had near at heart—that of promptly and vigorously pro- viding for the defence of the country, in the meanwhile not neglecting, but cherishing, our ancient alliances ; alliances always most secure when found- ed in their origin on the mutual interests of both parties, and afterwards maintained by the interchange of good offices and the strict observance of good faith—good faith as between govermient and government, good offices as between people and people." (Cheers.)

The Earl of DERBY at once took up the same theme. It was impossible for their Lordships to assemble without remembering the great loss they had sustained. Pointing to the Duke's usual seat, which respect had left unoccupied, he said—" As I rise to address your Lordships my eyes naturally turn to the head of this table, and looking at the seat to which the noble Earl has so appropriately alluded, I miss there one whose venerable form occupied that place, and whose gray head, resting upon his hand, upraised to assist his imperfect hearing, was listening with conscien- tious and laborious attention to the arguments of even the humblest mem- ber that might be addressing your Lordships. Again, my Lords, I see him

rising from his seat, and amid the breathless silence of the House, in home- ly phrase, addressing to your Lordships the thoughts of a powerful mind, which seized intuitively the very pith and marrow of the matter. Slowly and deliberately he gave forth those pithy and sententious maxims which were the result of his intuitive sagacity, of his large and matured experience, of his deliberate wisdom." It is no light theme ; difficult indeed is the task to do justice to its greatness. "His unparalleled achievements in the field, and all his actions, marked him the great leader; his sagacity in counsel, his loyalty to his Sovereign, his deep devotion to the interests of his country, his noble self-reliance, his firmness and zeal, his abnegation of all self- ish views in consideration of the interest of his country,—my Lords, all these great and high qualities have already been written in the undying page of history ; all these are engraven on the hearts and minds of his countrymen ' • all these have been honoured by

his Sovereign ; all these have been liberally acknowledged and con- fessed by the world. My Lords, he is gone. He is gone where hu-

man honours are worthless. Yet, my Lords, history, while recording his many virtues, will not be unmindful of one great trait that shone through his entire character. In all the vicissitudes of his long career, in the battle- field at the head of his troops, in the councils of statesmen, in the cabinet of his colleagues, in the chamber of his Sovereign, in the assembled Parliament, unbiassed by the blandishments of ambition, and unblinded by the blaze of his own transcendent glories, superior to all bias of political party, in every stage of his career, his actions were marked by a simplicity and singleness of pur_pose, the never-failing characteristic of every great mind." (Cheers.)

Turning from " such a subject," Lord Derby proceeded, before taking up questions which might interest the public mind, to express his warm approval of the speeches delivered by the mover and seconder of the Address. It was a satisfaction to him that no discussion was likely to disturb the unanimity of their Lordships in voting the Address. He con- curred with Lord Brougham in the language which he held with respect to our foreign relations. It was their obvious duty to recognize the right of every state to regulate its own affairs ; but while doing so, they were bound to look to acts rather than professions. He had no apprehension of the interruption of the terms of amity existing between Great Britain and any foreign state whatsoever.

" I cordially concur with the noble Marquis and the noble and learned Lord, that it is not to the professions, it is not to the friendly acts of any foreign country, that a nation must trust which desires to be independent. When she is anxious to avoid all cause of offence and irritation, her real permanent security must rest on her own capacity for internal defence in the first instance, and next on her organization. It is subject for congra- tulation, that, notwithstanding the efforts made in various addresses by in- dividuals—of whom I may say that, whatever their motives, their policy is most mistaken—to ridicule the purely defensive force which was established by the act of last session of Parhament, and to which his sanction was given in the last speech delivered by the noble Duke,—notwithstanding the efforts made by various parties to prevent the formation and organization of that force, it is matter of congratulation that there still exists throughout the country that strong British feeling, that attachment to the institutions of the country, and that readiness to demonstrate such attachment not by words but by actions, which, in spite of many difficulties, has brought into the field and to a great extent advanced to a state of efficiency, as valiant and able a body of the young men of this country as ever volunteered their ser- vices in defence of a country at the hottest period of the severest war." (Cheers.)

Government is directing its attention to the subject of national defence ; and its hands would bo greatly strengthened by the tone and language of Lord Lansdowne.

Lord Derby then passed on to "a topic of paramount importance"— that topic where her Majesty congratulates the country on its generally " improved condition." He explained " improved condition" to mean, the gradual and satisfactory recurrence each year to improvement, until we have returned in every respect to the state of 1846, and in some re- spects have gone beyond it. To test the condition of the " industrious classes," he referred to the continuous and increasingly rapid consump- tion of tea, coffee, tobacco, and sugar, during the •last three years • to the fact that the total deposits and withdrawals from the savings-banks ba- lanced for the first time since 1847. He contrasted the favourable finan- cial condition of manufacturing districts during the period of distress, against that of the agricultural districts. From 1848 to 1851 inclusive, the balance withdrawn from savings-banks in the agricultural districts alone amounted to nearly 2,600,000/. As there had been a recurrence to the prosperity of 1846, he would not shrink from expressing an opinion with respect to the causes which have been at work.

"I don't hesitate from making the acknowledgment, that, in my view, a great portion of the prosperity of the agricultural and manufacturing la- bourers is to be attributed to that legislation, combined with other causes, which have given them the advantage of cheap and abundant food, and at the same time, which other circumstances prevented from being accompanied with those concomitant evils which we predicted. What are the circum- stances to whioh I refer as having neutralized the injurious effects of the system introduced, while they permitted it to come into full operation so that there should be a cheap and abundant supply of food ? I don't hesitate to say that I concur in a great measure with my noble friend the noble Earl behind me, [Lord Donoughmore,] in attributing the result to two causes,— the extensive discovery of gold; and the extensive emigration which has taken place, partly arising from that discovery, and partly influenced by other canoes, and which has been still increasing in extent within the last few years." He had apprehended that a fall in the price of provisions would bring about a corresponding fall in wages; but there his apprehension had not been verified by fact. Lord Derby criticized the passage on this point in the late speech of Mr. Macaulay at Edinburgh, where he said, " though bread was cheaper in the State of Ohio than in England, wages were higher in Ohio than in England." Lord Derby contended that it was not a fair comparison, as the condition of the two countries was so different. Ho further contended, that the easing of tho labour-market by the vast emigration of the last three years, which amounts to nearly 830,000, and the gold-discoveries which have rendered money easy, must have helped to keep up wages. He was bound, however, to look not to causes but to practical results and public feeling. Recapitulating the promises which he made last session on the issue of an appeal to the country, he said- " That appeal has been made ; and I have no hesitation in saying to your Lordships, that with respect to the imposition of any duty on corn and provisions, not only is there not that large majority without which I de- clared that I would not submit such a proposition to the consideration of Parliament, but the country, by a very large and very undoubted majority, including a very considerable proportion of representatives of the agri- cultural districts themselves, have declared that, whether it might be de- sirable or not as a matter of policy, yet, in the present state of the country, they determine not to go back from that system of legislation which has been established ; they will not consent to the imposition of any tax on the introduction of provisions. My Lords, I say that that question carries with it the whole financial policy of the country. It might have been possible to adopt a system of Free-trade, as it is commonly called, and to have made those particular articles exceptions from that general policy ; but it is not possible to lay down a system of policy by which you should have free trade in corn and provisions, and by which you should not follow up, as far as possible, the same principle with regard to other matters. If I understand that which is intended by the common expression free trade,' I take it to mean this — that you will not impose taxes for the purpose of protection of individual and local interests ; that you will im- pose taxes for the purpose of revenue, and of revenue only ; and that in the reposition of those taxes you will have especial reference to lightening the burdens which may be imposed upon those articles that mainly enter into the consumption of the great mass of the community. Now, in that system I see much of advantage ; I do not deny that I see much of difficulty and future embarrassment. I see great present advantage ; I am not sure—God forbid but I should be wrong—that that system may not lead to future embarrass- ment, byneceasary consequent changes in our financial system. But I do not hesitate to say, after the opinion which has been pronounced by the country, whatever may be the views of myself or of my friends as to what would have been the desirable polioy, that a recurrence to such a policy is in itself hal- praotioable, and that if it were practicable it would be most undesirable to raise such a question of controversy among large masses of the people. On the part, then, of myself and of my colleagues, I bow to the decision of the country ; and, having so bowed, I declare on their part and on mine, that while desirous to the utmost of our power to mitigate that unavoidable injury which the adoption of the policy to which I refer has inflicted, and must in - flict, upon important classes, I do not adopt it with any reserve whatever. I adopt it frankly, as the decision of the country ; and honestly and fairly I am prepared to carry it out as the decision of the country."

He hoped that, after this declaration, Lord Lansdowne would not think Ministers either required time to make up their minds or faltered in their intention.

It would be improper in him to enter on a full detail of the measures mitigatory of the injury inflicted by Free-trade ; but if they would wait "one short fortnight," the Chancellor of the Exchequer would "lay be- fore the other House of Parliament, in full detail, those financial mea- sures which, in the present state of affairs, her Majesty's Ministers are of opinion should be adopted." Their Lordships, or the other House, might dissent from those measures, and in that case prevent the adoption of a policy, which, with no difference of opinion among them, Ministers have adopted subsequently to the general election. They would endea- vour honestly to carry out the policy to which they had hitherto objected,

"as if we were ourselves the authors of that policy" ; but nevertheless, they would abstain from no effort which in the collective judgment may have the effect of mitigating the unavoidable effects of that policy which the nation has now finally adopted. After a few inaudible remarks from Lord Srerroan, the Address was agreed to, and ordered to be presented.

The House of Commons, which adjourned after the delivery of the Queen's Speech, met again at four o'clock. There was a great attendance on both aides. The position of Members has not much altered since last July. Sir James Graham sat on the front Opposition bench, next to Mr. Macaulay, and immediately in front of Mr. Cobden, with whom he chatted for some time. Lord John Russell sat between Sir James Graham and Sir Charles Wood. Mr. Labouchere, Sir Francis Baring, Mr. Vernon Smith, and Mr. Baines, sat on the same bench. Below the Opposition

rgvGly, Lord Palmerston took up his post, alone among the Peelites- adstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Mr. Goulburn; and behind these were grouped the Irish Members. On the Treasury benches were, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir John Pakington, Mr. Walpole, Mr. Henley, Lord Stanley, Lord John Manners ; and behind them the mover and seconder of the Address, and a compact array of Ministerialists. Sir Robert Inglis and Mr. Henry Drummond sat below the gangway. The SPEAKER having read the Queen's Speech to the House, Lord Loveriss moved the Address. In running over the topics suggested by the Speech, he dwelt mainly on the death of the Duke of Wellington, the Militia, and Free-trade. He believed that it would not only be im- politic but impossible to retrace the steps recently taken in our commer- cial policy; but he betrayed very strong leanings towards Protection. Mr. E. C. EGERTON, who seconded the Address, differed from Lord Lo- vaine in showing decided tendencies to Free-trade. He was cheered by the Opposition when he admitted that our prosperity was mainly due to recent legislation. The SPEAKER having put the question on the Address, Mr. Cmsaties Vri T.TPRS rose to make a few observations. He was certainly anxious to avoid discussion, and he agreed that responses to the Crown should be made with unanimity. But it was desirable to know the opinion of the Government ; and he complained that Parliament was not sufficiently in- formed " upon some matters of deep interest. To establish this complaint, he referred back to his conduct last session, and the promises of the Mi- nisters. There had been an appeal to the country, and now they were called together to see whether there was a coincidence of opinion between the Ministry and the House. In the Speech, there was not a distinct, clear, tangible avowal, that the Ministers were reconciled to the existing commercial policy : the House did not feel at ease as to the permanency of that policy; neither from the speeches of the mover and seconder of the Address nor from the Queen's Speech did they know whether Ministers had abandoned their opinions on the subject of Protection. There was an allusion to the prosperity of the industrious classes, but there was also a reference to injury inflicted on certain interests. Why, if the working classes were well off,what was the meaning of the statement, that something required to be done to relieve the injury inflicted upon some other class ? That was one of the great points in issue on this matter. The opinion advocated on this side of the House was, that Protection was an unqualified mischief; that it was not only an enormous mischief to the community at large, but that there was no exception to its being mischievous, and that it was an evil even to the interests supposed to be protected. It was a protection to the landed interest by means of a mo- nopoly of the food of the country ; and therefore, to talk of injury done to any class by destroying what was a monopoly of the food of the people, was a statement which he did not like to say what he thought of. It was almost an insult to the people of this country to talk of persons being injured by the removal of an injury that had been inflicted on the mass of the people for a period of thirty years. But the whole phraseology of this paragraph was indistinct, vague, and, somehow or other, intended to confuse. He thought it depended a little on the tone that was assumed by gentlemen on the one side of the House what interpretation might be put on it by the other. It was said there had been "recent legislation." That was a very curious expression. Why not speak plain English? Why not use language that would be intelligible ? If great advantage had been derived to the working classes from the repeal of the Corn-laws, why not state it? And if any injury had been done to anybody by repealing the Corn-laws, let that be made clear ; at any rate clear, distinct, without question, and unequivocal. The Opposition would have the decision of the House on that point. (Cheers.) As he and those who concurred with him were dissatisfied with the passage referred to in the Queen's Speech, he gave notice that, probably on the 22d of the present month, he would submit a motion putting the question on such clear and intelligible grounds that there should be no doubt with respect to the opinion of Parliament upon it.

Here a long pause ensued, and a little tittering when a wag shouted for " Mr. Booker !"

Out of patience, at length, Mr. Hulas rose, and said there seemed to be a want of spirit on the other side to take up the challenge of Mr. Villiers. We are prosperous : had not a single man opposite the courage to stand up and avow that prosperity arose from the repeal of the Corn-laws ? Ministers were unfortunate not yet to have made up their minds. If he had the writing of a Queen's Speech, he thought he could make it intelligible to all classes. Besides, there was an omission in the Speech : he did not understand why Government had not alluded to the subject of continu- ance of the Income-tax?

Mr. WALPOLE defended the Ministerial silence, on the ground that it was their duty to wait and see whether any amendment would be moved. He agreed with Mr. Villiers, that they were met at that unusual season finally to settle the commercial policy of the country. As to the para- graph which was objected to, it was neither evasive nor deceptive, but carefully worded in order to prevent a warm and heated discussion, fol- lowed by a hostile amendment "either from the Ministerial or the oppo- site side of the House." It was the custom to be unanimous ; but if Mr. Villiers desired to move an amendment, Ministers were prepared to take the discussion. Their measures were ready; and after the'funeral of the Duke of Wellington, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would lay a state- ment of them betide the House. Surely there was enough in the Speech to enable " everybody to draw his inference," that Ministers did not in- tend to reverse recent commercial legislation. Lord Joins RUSSELL thought a debate undesirable. Touching on the Address, he only alluded to the Duke of Wellington ; and, passing the Militia with congratulations, he came to the commercial topic of the Is'peeeh. In this he concurred with Mr. Villiers. The passage was not satisfactory. Lord Derby ought either to have maintained the opinion, which " from 1846 to the present time or at least until February 1852, when he took office, he constantly expressed,—and which he has expressed with such energy and earnestness, that he declared any departure from those principles of Protection to which he adhered would be a departure from consistency and a loss of personal respect,"—or he should have manfully declared that he was mistaken in those views, and that he was ready to adopt their opposites and to act on them in future. Then the House and the country would have been satisfied. Whereas we have a continuance of that ambiguity and doubt which have perplexed the country. The Secretary of State for the Home Department, speaking out boldly and distinctly, says we shall come to a settlement : then why not let us have a clear declaration from Parliament ? Lord John reviewed the doings of the last ten years—the whole modification of our commercial system during that time ; which he declared to have effected as great a change of policy adopted by a great country as is recorded in the history of the world,— a change than which nothing has been more important in its effects since the Revolution of 1688.

" If this system is one of such gravity,—if, on the one hand, some main- tain it is a system ruinous in its effects, while, on the other, some maintain that it is a system by which the industrious classes 'have received benefit,—I affirm that we ought not to evade the question in this way, however much we wish to avoid a division this night, and that the House of Commons ought to give its verdict upon that question. The right honourable gentle- man says there is no intention to revert to the policy that prevailed pre- viously to 1848. I am very glad to hear that declaration from him; but there are certain words in this _paragraph which look like giving artificial props, and therefore artificial prices, which is the old principle of Protection disguised in another way ; and therefore, for this reason alone, it is neces- sary we should have somethine° clear and distinct, and not allow ourselves to be enveloped in that mist by which the Chancellor of the Exchequer might wish, like some of the goddesses of old, to conceal himself." Referring to Ireland, Lord John was glad to see the promise of a wise and generous policy; but what meant the phrase "a spirit of insubordi- nation and turbulence ? " He denied that there was any such spirit at present existing in Ireland ; and asserted that there are hopeful symptoms visible in that country. He was glad ter-find that the 'University Com- missions, which Lord Derby condemned as illegal, were now acknowledged as productive of fruit. On the paragraph referring to secondary punish- ments Lord John made some remarks respecting the convict system. He was glad to find that measures will be adopted by which transportation to Van Diemen's Land may at no remote period be abolished.

"There are two circumstanes which give a new aspect to that subject. The one is, we have given popular institutions to our Australian Colonies; the other is, the recent discoveries in part of those colonies. It is obvious that those two circumstances make it necessary to revise the whole subject ; and I am very glad to find that the Secretary of State for the Colonies, to whom I took the liberty to speak upon this subject soon after he entered into office, has come to a conclusion which appears to me to be a wise one upon this subject. I hope, however, it is not intended to confine the cessation of transportation to Van Diemen's Land : I should hope the whole of the Aus- tralian Colonies will be relieved from the introduction of convicts from this country." Except this question of Free-trade or Protection, Lord John said there was nothing which called for anything more than the slight remarks he had made.

The Cirsiscm.mon of the EXCHEQUER fancied that if the paragraph dis- approved of by Lord John Russell were really evasive, an amendment would have been moved. It appeared to him that the two parties in the House were both indisposed to a collision. There could be no evasion in the description of the principle upon which the commercial policy of the country is recognized to be established by the Government ; for only one point was laid down, and that was " the principle of unrestricted compe- tition." Government are of opinion that recent legislation has caused injury to certain classes ; and, says Lord John Russell, that is Protec- tionism. Now, when Lord John reminded the shipowners, in his elec- tion-address, that they were subject to unjust burdens,—which could only be considered such in consequence of recent legislation,—he evi- dently thought that it was possible to preserve Free-trade and at the same time remove burdens. Was that a Protectionist declaration? "We shall endeavour," said Mr. Disraeli, " to mitigate the injuries caused by recent legislation, without disturbing the principle of unrestricted compe- tition on which the commercial fabric rests." Lord John had given an emblazoned catalogue of the great feats of the Liberal commercial party ; but if you look historically at the circumstances, you will find that the Prime Minister who was for free corn was opposed to free sugar, and two sessions passed before Lord John consented to repeal the Navigation-laws.

" Neither I, nor have my colleagues, any intention to propose any policy which will give artificial prices, or attempt to give what the honourable gentleman on the other side has mentioned as compensation for the losses which have been occasioned by the changes in the legislation which has regulated the commercial interests of this country. : but what we do say is,— and I will state it as distinctly as I can succeed in expressing myself, with none of those cloudy words for which the noble Lord has given me credit,— that we think those commercial changes have been effected without at the same time a change, a corresponding change, in our financial system ; and I say, notwithstanding. what the noble Lord has asserted, and the sympathetic cheers which he received from one of his late colleagues,. who was certainly acquainted with that branch of the subject, that it is our intention, believing that a proper revision of our taxation has not taken place, to put before this House a policy that will place our financial system more in harmony with our commercial system."

In reply to Mr. Hume's complaint that mention of the Income-tax was omitted, he said it was so omitted because on that subject Govern- ment had made up its mind. He hinted that it would be better if Mr. Villiers would postpone his motion until the Ministerial statement had been made. Afterwards, the honourable gentleman, "so perfect a master of debate," could easily bring forward the counter policy. He could not fix a day, but he thought probably Friday the 26th might be suitable for making the financial statement.

Mr. GIADSTONZ prefaced a telling speech by reading that portion of Lord John Russell's address at Stirling which related to the Duke of Wellington. Having performed this graceful task, he turned to the main topic of the Speech. But before he entered upon it, he remarked in reference to what Lord John Russell had said about the inquiries of the University Commission, that the statements and recommendations resulting from those inquiries must be considered on their merits, with- out respect to the nature of the tribunal before which the inquiries were Latituted. Returning to the main question, he thought that much had been gained by the observations of Mr. Villiers. The paragraph: in the Speech excited in his mind dissatisfaction and disapprobation. He thought, considering we are now upon the winding-up of a great controversy, that her Majesty's Ministers would have acted wisely—would have done no more than their duty—had they given a declaration of their commer- cial policy placing their intentions beyond dispute. "I am confirmed in this impression by this defence which has been set up by the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; for it appears to me that the Govern- ment, in defending that paragraph, defend it on two principles, which are not only not in unison, but which are flatly contradictory to one another. The Secretary of State for the Home Department says that this was a para- graph suitable for the occasion,--suitable for the occasion !—with the view— with the especial view—of obviating the necessity for an amendment, either on that side of the House—(Laughter)—or on this. Well then if this para- graph was devised to obviate the necessity for an amendment on either side of the House, by declaring nothing that could raise the question of Protec- tion, I want to know what becomes of the other defence of the paragraph which is in the mouth of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that it is not am- biguous; that we may easily draw an inference from it,—namely, that it is not the intention of the Government to revive the policy of Protection ? Nay, the Chancellor of the Exchequer goes much further, for he says there is but one theme which is categorically declared in the Speech, and this is, that unrestricted competition shall from this time forward be the rule of the com- mercial policy oft his country. But, if unrestricted competition is to be the rule, and that is categorically declared in the Speech—the only thing cate- gorically declared there—I want to know what becomes of all the tenderness suggested by the other right lionourablegentleman for the scruples of those who still adhere to Protection ? Supposing the Government prepared to ad- here to the proposition so categorically declared, that unrestricted competi- tion is to be the rule of our commercial policy, if these gentlemen do not stick at that, what in the world will they afterwards make a difficulty of ? "

The paragraph was ambiguous, and the defences of it set up were irre- concileable. Mr. Gladstone lightly satirized Mr. Disraeli's recommenda- tion to Mr. Villiers to meet the practical measure of the Government by an abstract proposition.

"If you ask me what the people want, it is the full, final, solemn sanction by Parliament of the system of free trade." They want that the party in power shall once for all declare its views. Considering the controversies of the past six years, it is not too much to ask Ministers to make up their minute on the issue defined by the First Minister of the Crown in 1851. "Not," continued Mr. Gladstone, "that I think there is any doubt about the permanency of any of the great measures which have been adopted by Parliament in the sense of the Free-trade system : my firm belief is, and has ever been, that since July 1846 a return to the Corn-laws has been, not difficult, but impossible ; and I have ever thought it a great misfortune for the country, that a great party in this House, containing many men of the

i highest honour and the highest intelligence—a party representing some of the most 'valuable and essential elements of which a constitutional system is rightly framed—should stand together on the basis of objects the attain- ment of which has become beyond the power of man. I feel that this is an evil which should be put an end to on the one hand, and that, on the other, the people should understand what is the measure of doctrine of Protection put forward at a time when it is just as impossible to restore Protection as to repeal the Bill of Rights or to reconstitute the Heptarchy." We do not want abstract resolutions, but a declaration that future measures shall be framed in consistency with recent legislation. "I do not call such a de- claration an abstract resolution ; I call it laying down a rule of conduct; and it is a rule of conduct which, in my opinion, the interests of this country require should at once be established beyond the reach of further doubt or caviL"

He justified distrust on the ground of the composition of the Govern- ment; citing Mr. Christopher as an illustration, and asking him what construction lie put upon Mr. Disraeli's interpretation of the disputed paragraph. He :asked no profession of internal conversion ; he only asked that those who govern the country should be persons who have unequivocally and finally abandoned the idea of proposing a return to a Protective policy. He hoped that in discussing secondary questions, they would not lose sight of the great end, but take care that the Ministerial mea- sures are a practical exposition of Opposition sentiments ; resting content with nothing that is open to construction and argument and inference, but obtaining an assurance that there is no party in the state prepared to defraud them of the inestimable boon conferred by recent legislation.

Mr. NEWDEGATE said a few words, Mr. CHarsTOPHER said he bowed to the decision of the country. Mr OSBORNE made a sarcastic speech. Mr. ADDERLEY defended Ministers : he thought there was another course besides the two pointed out by Lord John Russell,—namely, that as the Minister could not carry out his own views, he might simply remain at rest, Mr. Colin= was not satisfied with the paragraph, and he approved of the course taken by Mr. Villiers. He denied that the agricultural inter- est had been injured by Free-trade : they would have to prove their ease. He vehemently combated the notion of giving compensation. As to not asking -Ministers to state explicitly their views, why, if they were left in power, and they had the opportunity, they would be sure to carry out their secret convictions.

." Can it be supposed that right honourable gentlemen would take office, holding certain convictions on the greatest question of the day, and that, notwithstanding those convictions, if you will let them remain in office, they are perfectly willing to carry out the very opposite policy ? That would be a very compendious mode of dealing with party politics ; it would simplify proceedings very much. There would be none of those migrations from one side of the floor to the other which occasionally take place. Once in,' and whatever the demands of the country might be, the convictions of gentle- men in office would never be any obstacle to their acceding to such de- mands."

"I would not subject the gentlemen opposite to the ordeal to which they subjected the late Sir Robert Peel when he changed his opinions. The hon- ourable gentleman who last spoke has talked about the way in which gentle- men on this side of the House are constantly assailing those on the other side. I imagine he must have been mistaken, and have been thinking of what happened four or five years ago. The late Sir Robert Peel avowed a change of opinions ; yet he was not allowed to remain in peace with his new con- victions, though he abandoned office as the price of his conversion. I don't think the gentlemen opposite have any reason to complain of the retribution with which they have been visited. I have often felt, and I have often been on the point of saying, what I will not hesitate to say now—that the personal Mends and political colleagues of the late Sir Robert Peel have, in my opinion, shown more forbearance towards his assailants than ever I could have done with the Chriitian temper I aim at possessing." (Laughter and cheers.)

If they would declare that they had changed their views, Mr. Cobden would give his solemn pledge, that from that moment they would never hear one taunt from him. But if they did not change, speaking for him- self and as the representative of a population of a million and a half; they should not remain one day in office with his consent. (Loud cheers.) Mr. E. BALL startled the House by proclaiming his belief that Pro- tection was the best policy for this country and all others to adopt. Sir JOHN SHELLEY congratulated the county of Cambridge on having found one man bold enough tci say that he is a Protectionist. Lord Pauxraurrow spoke briefly. He was glad that one kind of "pro- tection" had been successful—the Militia Act. He expressed satisfac- tion at the mention made of Brazil. And taking upthread of the debate, he said that there should be some formal declaration of opinion, not simply by Ministers, but by the House itself; since the principle of Free-trade ought to be consecrated by a vote of that House as the founda- tion of all our future legislation.

The motion was agreed to, and a Committee was appointed to draw up the Address, and report on Friday.

Crisimitax OF LORDS' COMMITIEES.

On the motion of the Earl of DERBY, Lord Redesdale was reappointed, with the cordial assent of both sides of the House, Chairman of the Com- mittees of the session.