NEWS OF THE WEEK.
THE first subject that occupied the attention of both Houses of Parliament,. and the event from which the character of the week takes its colour, is the postponement, indefinitely, of the festive visit of the King and Queen to the City of London. The follow- inv, letters appeared in the journals of Monday morning—to the astonishment of the town.
"Guildhall, London, Nov. 7, 1830. "The Committee appointed.to conduct the entertainment proposed to be given on Lord Mayor's Day next, on the occasion of their Majesties honOuring the city of London with their presence, deem it their duty to give publicity to a letter received at nine o'clock this evening by the Lord Mayor, from the Right Honourable Sir Robert Peel, Baronet, his Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home. Department,, of which the following is a copy. "Whitehall, Nov. 7, 1830. . "My Lord—I am commanded by the King to inform your Lordship, that his Majesty's confidential servants hare felt it to be their duty to
advise the King to postpone thel:visit.which„their Majesties intended to pay to the city of London on Tuesday vett. '
"From informaticua which has been recently received, there is reason to apprehend. that, notwithstanding the devoted loyalty and affection borne to his Majesty by the :citizens of London, advantage would be taken of an occasion which must necessarily assemble a vast number of per- sons by night, to create tumult and confusion, and thereby to endanger the properties and the lives of his Majesty's subjects.
"It would be a source of deep and lasting concern to their Majesties, were any calamity to occur on the occasion of their -visit to the city of London ; and their Majesties have therefore resolved, though not with-. out the greatest reluctance and regret, to forego, for the present, the satisfaction which that visit would have afforded to their Majesties.
"I have the honour to be, my Lord, "Your obedient servant, "ROBERT PEEL."
"The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor."
The postponement of the Royal visit was placarded in the City at an early hour on Monday ; and in the afternoon other placards were posted up, announcing the determination of the Lord Mayor to dispense with the ordinary civic procession on Tuesday, and also with the ordinary banquet in the evening. At an early hour, the avenues to the two Houses of Parliament were beset by a crowd of individuals, eager to learn the causes• which had led the Government to advise the postponement. In the House of Commons, so great was: the impatience of members, that, a. considerable time before four o'clock, Mr. BROUGHAM took advantage of the presenting of a petition on slavery, to com- plain of the absence of the. whole of the Cabinet Ministers, at a moment when questions of so much importance presented them- selves. In the midst of the conversation to which Mr. Blum Glum' s complaint gave rise, Sir ROBERT PEEL entered the House ; when Lord ALTHORPE rose, and said— He took advantage of the first moment of the Secretary of the Home Department's appearance in the House, to ask him for an explanation of the circumstances which had induced him to write—if indeed he had written—one of the most extraordinary letters he had ever read. "I wish," continued his Lordship, "to know what could induce the Minis- ters of the Crown to' expose his Majesty to the great unpopularity of dis- appointing the good citizens of London, and the people in general, by advising him to decline the visit which he had promised to the City ? I conclude that there must be some important and authentic information in possession of Government; for if there be not, I can conceive no- thing for which they can deserve the censure of the country more than for the step they have taken. (Hear, hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL- " The letter to which the noble lord has alluded, and which appears in the morning papers, is a genuine and authentic letter. The signature is znY signature. That letter conveys the deliberate and unanimous opinion Of the members of his Majesty's Government, that it was right and pru- dent and expedient to advise their Majesties not to fulfil their intention of ,Visiting the City on Tuesday next. That opinion was founded on the belief that a collision might take place between the authorities and the people, in an attempt on the part of the authorities to maintain inviolate the public peace—a collision which it is at all times advisable, if possible, to avoid, but more particularly in times of excitement and agitation like the present. (Hear.) If ever precautions were necessary to avoid a collision of a general kind between the authorities and the people, they were necessary upon the present occasion, when an immense concourse of innocent people would be brought together by night, in consequence of an act emanating from the authorities themselves—an act which may be avoided, because there is no necessity for holding such a festival, as that which their Majesties promised to attend, on any particular day. If there be any chance that such a festivity may be converted into a scene of confusion and tumult, and possibly of bloodshed, it is, in my opinion, the bounden duty of the members of the King's Government to give such advice to the Sovereign as will prevent that chance from being converted into certainty. While I do entire justice to the loyalty of the citizens of London,—whilst I admit that every effort would be made by them to main- tain peace, and to restore it, if broken,—whilst I believe that the utmost reliance may be placed on the peaceable, affectionate, and loyal feelings of all classes of this great metropolis, my belief still is, •:,-tat if their Ma- jesties were to visit the city of London, a tumult mUit arise, involving . consequences of the most lamentable character."
Sir ROBERT went on to state the danger that might result, when the streets were crowded, with men, women, and children, were any attempt made to involve the City in darkness, to fitvour such a collision as was anticipated. The direct information on which Ministers proceeded, was a communication from the Lord Mayor Elect—Alderman KEY—received on Saturday morn- ing by the Duke of Wellington: The .Alderitan's letter was in these terms- " My Lord Duke—From the situation of Lord Mayor, to which I have been elected, numberless communications are made to me, both person- ally and by letter, in reference to the 9th ; and it is on that account I take the liberty of addressing your Grace.
"Although the feelings of all the respectable citizens of London are de- cidedly loyal-, yet it cannot but he known there are, both in London as well as the eauntry, a set of desperate and abandoned characters, who are anxious to avail themselves of any circumsiance to create tumult and confusion. While all of any respectability in the City are vying with each other to testify their loyalty on the occasion, from what I learn, it is the in: antiOn of some of the desperate characters above alluded to, to take the opportunity of making an attack on your Grace's person."
T11:e ;v.:Ittsioil of this paragraph— to the House, se:- :lied very hi&nt in importanc- from dome to the inis- ter—excited, marked " hears " from the Opposition benches, ;lei with hind laughter. The "heat" of Colonel,Davies was very loud. Sir ROBERT PEEL exclaimed- " Good God, Sir ! tsarcastic cheer! and made too in the House of Commons, on hearing that the Lord Mayor of London has communicated to the Mike of Wellington that he had reason to believe that an attack would be made on his Grace's life as he accompanied his Majesty to the civic festival ! And front an officer in the army, too !" (Hear, hear.) The letter went on- " Every exertion on my part shall be used to make the best possible arrangements in the City ; but, should any sudden and violent attack be made in One quarter, any civil force alone Might not be sufficiently effectual ; and I should not be doing my duty, after what I have heard, did I not take the liberty of suggesting to your Grace the propriety of your coming strongly and sufficiently guarded. I probably may ,be con- sidered giring you needless trouble, but the respect which I, as well as every person who really wishes the welfare of the coontry, rnust have for four Grace, and the gratitude we owe you, have induced me to adopt this course."
Sir Robert stated, that in addition to Lord Mayor Key's letter, he had received information that an attack would be made on Apsley House, on the pretence of calling for an illumination, at the moment when the whole of the civil force was at a distance attending to the procession. The Police must have been assembled at nine o'clock in the morning to line the streets from St. James's to Temple Bar; and if they remained on duty all night, the remain- der of the town must of necessity be exposed to great hazard. Nu- merous handbills had also been distributed on Sunlay, for the purpose of exciting the people against the New Police. Of these Sir Robert read two. The first ran— "TO ARMS, TO ARMS !—LIBE RTY OR DEATH "London meets on' Tuesday next, an opportunity not to be lost for revenging thn'wrongs we have suffered so long; come ARMED, be firm, and victory must IA ours I !! AN ENGLISH MAN." Another of them was couched in the following terms . "LIBERTY OR DEATH.
"Englishmen ! 'Britons ! I and Honest Men !! ! The time has arrived—all London London meets on Tuesday—come armed—we as frail ocular demonstration, that'6,000 cutlasses have been rem the Tower, for the immediate use of Peel's Bloody Gang—reme cursed speech from the Throne ! !—These damned Police are n armed. Englishmen, will you put up with this ?"
Sir Robert ;justified the Ministerial fears by the expei Tuesday sennight, when the Police having attempted to app pickpocket, a person in whose house they sought shelter f'r mob had his windows broken ; and the next morning— "k There came before the magistrates of the different Police the metropolis; not less than sixty-six cases of assault committed in - -
course of that night on the police constables. Of those sixty-six, there were ordered to find bail VI-appear at the sessions, forty-two there were fined, or in default of payment imprisoned,. nineteen ; there was re- inanded, one ; there were discharged on their own recognizances, two ; and there were also two absolutely discharged. Still there weresi,rty.six cases of assault committed on Me Police constables on the night of the 2nd of No. vember.
"These, Sir, are the grounds on which the members of his Majesty's Government came to the unanimous resolution of advising his Majesty that this occasion should not be given for assembling on a November night an immense concourse of people of all descriptions. I sincerely believe, that if they were assembled, the public peace would be disturbed. (Bear.) I sincerely believe that recourse to military authority might be ' necessary for its preservation ; and that, in the struggle to secure it, numbers of unsuspecting and unoffending persons must unavoidably be sacrificed. (Hear, hear.) If such results were probable, I ask again, whether it was not our duty, as the responsible Ministers of the Crown, to advise his Majesty to forego the satisfaction of visiting the City of London, in order to spare him and his consort the permanent pain of having been unconsciously the cause of bloodshed and suffering to their unoffending subjects? (Cheers ) I know not whether the House will approve of the course which we have adopted upon this occasion. (Cheers.) I know that it will be said that the Government is unpopular, whilst his Majesty is most enthusiastically beloved by his people. (Hear, hear.) It is my duty to bear that taunt, rather than forbear from giving that advice, of which the adoption is calculated to secure the tranquillity of the metropolis—to prevent the loss of life, and to prevent, above all, any addition to that eacitement of feeling which is at present so much to be deplored." (Hear, hear.)
. Mr, BROUGHAM, after remarking on the extensive injury to in- dividuals which the sudden and unexpected resolution of his Ma- jesty might cause, from the decline of the public Funds which it had praduced, went on to say, that the whole defence of that reso- lution made by Sir Robert Peel amounted merely to this— That it was a bad thina° to have a large assembly of the people on the 9th of November ; and for this reason, that though nine hundred and ninety. nine men out of one thousand then assembled e be peaceably and loyally disposed, yet the odd units—the few who were riotously in- clined—might put out the lights in the street, might involve the town in darkness, and might afterwards commence a scene of riot and confusion which could not end without bloodshed I Now if this were any objection to his Majesty's attendance at the civic festival, it was not an objection to which the course of events had suddenly given birth within the two or three last days. Every one acquainted with the state of society in this country must be aware, that such an event as his Majesty's visit to the City must, from its very rarity, collect thousands, if not myriads, to wit- ness it ; so that any accident to which the metropolis was exposed at present from the collection of a large mass of people together must have been as palpable a month tom as it is now.
"1 cannot," Mr. Broughain continued, "help thinking that it is a little hard on his Maje.aty, that in consequence of nothing—not even a syllable —baying been said in the proclamation of this morning as to whose un- popularity it is that causes the postponement of the civic festivities, it should be made to appear as if it were the unpopularity of the King, and not that of his Ministers. (Hear, hear.) Whereas it now appears, on the showing of one of the Ministers themselves, that if his Majesty would go to Guildhall, and if the Duke of Wellington would, stay at eine, the
till.
King, being unattended by his unpopular companion, would ceived with the most sincereattut heartfelt exultation by a loyal, an aff 'mate;
and a grateful people; whilst the noble Duke, being left at home to de- fend his own house, would, from his well-known gallantry, find- noaper: son hardy enough to attack it. (Hear, and a laugh.) I regret. much the appearance of the letter of this morning. I regret it on account of the
mischief which it is certain to cause in the mercantile world. I regret it also on account of its apparent connexion with that Speech from the Throne, followed up as that fatal speech has been by the still more fatal declaration of the Duke of Wellington against every species of reform,— a de.daration to which in my conscience I believe he owes nine-tenths of his present unpopularity."
' Colonel DA.VIES, in allusion to the cheer of which Sir Robert Peel had taken so marked notice, said, that
What caused his astonishment was, that after such an alarming letter as that which appeared in the newspapers—a letter containing a decla- ration which he conceived could only be justified by the discovery of some wide-spread conspiracy against the Throne—it should turn out, that the only reason why the City was disappointed of a visit from its Sovereign, was the unpopularity of the Prime Minister. (Hear.) Was it the intention of the Duke of Wellington, now that he found he could not . raise his own popularity to the same level with that of his Majesty, to bring down his Majesty's popularity to thesamelevel with his own ? (Hear.)
Sir ROBERT PEEL was anxious not to be outdone in extoll- ing the popularity of the King and Queen. He was fully con- vinced that they might have proceeded to the Guildhall without any inconvenience but what arose from the exuberant loyalty of their assembled subjects.
"Still let the House reflect on the condition in which the metropolis would have been placed. All the firemen would have been engaged_ as guardiansAf the public peace. To maintain order in the line of proces- sion, all the ordinary police of London must have been on duty by as early an hour is nine o'clock in the morning. With all the facts which came to the knowledge of the Government, I did- not think it safe to leave all the suburbs of London exposed to plunder for the whole of to- morrow." (Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN asked—
what was the plain truth of the matter ? Why it must be, either that bis Majesty did not possess the affection of the people, or that his Ma- jesty had an obnoxious Ministry ; and there could' be no doubt which of .these two was the fact, for every body knew that no British Monarch was
ever-more beloved by his people than William the Fourth. (Loud cheering) The Ministers seem to have doubted whether the letter of the Lord Mayor was a forgery or not ; for, at nine o'clock on Sunday night, the Under Secretary of State came into the.city to inquire whether it Was a genuine letter of the Lord Mayor Elect ;And the Under Secretarv of State 'brought with hima letter which he was to deliver to the Lord Mayor, if it turned out that the other letter was genuine, but which.he was to take back again if it turned out to be aforgery. (Hear, heat.) Nothing could - exceed.the consternation, the universal consternation, which this absurd . -proceeding had excited in the City. It had atrecteatthe Funds, as they **4 all heard ; it had-affected the trading interests of every description ; " 'Una the alarm would quickly spread throughoutthe country. And all this :inischief was to he effected without any ground or reason-1 (Bear, hear.) Mr. HOBHOOSE said he had made inquiries, neither few Bo; limited, respeeting the 'alleged disaffection of the country ; and the result was, that there MS great disaffection against the Minis- ters, but against:The Government none.
Mr. Raow:stow observed, that Ministers had put into the King's mouth a speech of most heartless indifference towards the people. For their conduct in that respect, they dreaded to en- counter the people ; and lest the Cabinet should be subjected to mortification, they advised the Sovereign also to avoid encounter- ing them.
Mr. Alderman THOMPSON declared, in corroboration of Alder man Waithman's statement, that the civic authorities had not the slightest apprehension of any disturbance which they were not fully prepared to meet. He added, that the letter of Lord Mayor Key and the representation 'of Sir Claudius Hunter were wholly unauthorized by the ,r.st of the Court. In proof of this, he read, as follows, the resolution of the Court of Aldermen held that day :- " This Court doth hereby take the earliest opportunity of informing their fellow-citizens, that they most unequivocally and decidedly disavow knowledge of any communication made to the Government of the inabi- lity of theMae°istracy to preserve the peace of the metropolis on the Lord Mayor's day (which they are hound And ready with their lives to maintain on all. occasions), because they are quite satisfied of the com- plete efficiency of the police, and that the steps taken by the Magistracy to increase the civil force were commensurate to the highly important oc- casion of Iris Majesty's.visit to this great city ; and they cannot but lament that 'any representation should have been made which has had the effect of influencing the postponement of his Majesty's visit to this loyal city of London."
Sir ROBERT PEEL hoped, when the City next sent two persons to communicate with Government, they would select proper per- sons for that purpose.
Mr. Alderman TnomesoN denied that they were deputed by the City.
Sir ROBERT PEEL—" They certainly represented themselves as authorized to make the statement they did." Mr. HUGHES HUGHES enforced the statements of Ministers, by reading a letter which he said had been received by a respectable tradesman-
" Sir, if you let or illuminate any part of your house on the 0th, your life i will be n peril. There is at present .too many Englishmen starving to let money be spent so." Signed, "Swing." (Cries of " Oh! oh 1" and much laughter.)
Mr. HUME was astonished that the House did not proceed at once to address the King to remove from office a set of Ministers that had rendered themSelves so deservedly obnoxious. Mr. GOULBURN said, if the members of the Ireuse came to such a resolution, he would bow to its decision with deference and satis- faction. (A laugh.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM attributed the whole of the unpopularity of Ministers to the declaration of the,Premier against reform, backed by the declaration of the HomeSeeratiry on the same subject.
His Majesty's Ministers and the public had come to an issue upon that great question, whether it was expedient that the state of the representa- tion should be considered with a view to its alteration. The declaration which had been made by the Duke of Wellington against reform, and the sentiments which had been expressed by Sir Robert Peel, had, in an in- credibly short period of time, effected the greatest possible change in the sentiments ot the public with regard to the Ministry. (Hear, hear.) In the letter published that morning, it had been stated that it would be dan- gerous for his Majesty to go in a procession in the City "by night." (Hear, hear.) Why, within one short week from that day, his Majesty had gone in a procession "by night ;" he had gone to the theatre ; and he had encountered no danger whatever, but was, on the contrary, re• warded by the most loyal and enthusiastic demonstrations of affection on the part of an attached and devoted people. (Hear, hear.) What had since intervened? There had intervened that declaration of his Majesty's Prime Minister, wherein he had stated that nothing would induce him to discuss this question of reform ; and that if it should be brought forward by others, it should be opposed by him.
Sir CHARLES FORBES asked, if the present Ministry resigned, who should succeed them ? He .believed that out of the House
the feeling was decidedly in favour of Ministers.
Mr. DENMAN strongly deprecated the attacks that had been
made on the Duke of Wellington, and also on the Police.
Having witnessed the conduct of-those men, he must say, that it ap- peared to him that they-were, generally speaking, an active, steady, well- conducted, and respectable set of public servants. (General cheers.) It was true that some of them had been brought into disgrace, but these were but few, and they were punished by persona of the same class. He spoke of the Inspectors of Police, a very respectable class of officers, who, from what he had seen of them upon jury trials, were very excellent/mem- bers of a very useful body of men, who deserved the thanks of the com- munity, instead of the outrages by which they had been attacked. (Hear,. hear.) He concluded by hoping, that as the disappointment had not originated-with his Majesty, he would name another day to go and meet the citizens of London ; when, he had no doubt, his Ma- jesty would receive the assembled thanks of the whole multitude
on the occasion. • Hem the discu.ssion dropped in the Commons.
In the Lords it was introduced at a later, and it terminated at an earlier hour. It 'arose incidentally out of a notice, on 'the part of the Marquis of Lir/summit, for a copy of the protoco, referred to in the treaty with the Government of the Netherlands, signed by the Earl of Clancarty ; -which was promised to be laid on the table. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY took occasion of the motion, to pronounce a bittertirade on the French.Revolution; Which, he -said, would. Yet inundate the -Continent with blood. The noble Marquis said; the time was come when every man of Pro- perty should rally round the Throne and the Governm!nt-; adding ba an expression ore:renter evening, made by f he railer WinchUsea—that the Paeniier's declaration against Reform would not win over the Tories—declared, on the contrary, Ins conviction that the principles in the King's Speech were the princii les of the real Tories ; and that, ifthey were acted on, the real Tea ies would support the Mini:dors. The Duke of RICHMOND said— Those who had property to line would ever rally round the Throne and the Constitution; but this he would say, that the best way to indbce men to rally round the Throne—the best way to make thane rally round the Constitution—was to have a government which posseseed the confidence of the people. (Hear, keerr.) It was not by writ in; a letter to the Lord Mayor, and preventing hie Majesty from going to cl:ne vfth his loyal citi- zens—it was not by exhinitiog such symptoms of alarm, and spreading consternation throuelumt the metropolis and the whele country, that Government could obtain the support of the people. There WaS a genered call for the Duke of WE L.1.1:'W TON when the Duke of Richmond sat down ; on which the Prt-mier rose. He read the letter of Lord Mayor Key, and made precisely the same sort of statement as had been made by Sir P.ohert Peel. " Before I begin, I wish to state that I concur in the opinion, that hia Majesty is the most popular Sovereign that ever reiened in this country ; and still more, that he is a Sovereign whose public and private conduct most deeerves the popularity which he has obtained." * * " Although I felt myself personally to be ieaced under the same protection of the laws as any other subject in the kitnelom, 1 did not think I was jnstitied in making confusion and tumult in the procession which was to attend his Majesty, by seeking protection from the civil and military power in such a way ae would be likely to produce that very dieturbence e hich all men were so anxious to avoid. Under these circitinstanees, when I received the letter I have referred to, I felt it my duty to refrain from attendineat the City feast. I cemmenicated this determination to my colleagues and we found on that occaslon, from the letter, from other letters which I had received, and from letters received by the Secretary of State, on the same subject, that it a very possible that a tumult would occur in the- City on the occasion of his Majesty's visit ; and we thought it our duty to recommend his Majesty to postpone his visit. And we were in- duced to come to this determination in consequence of all the information we received of various descriptions. We have no doubt whatever, from the information conveyed to us from a variety of quarters—information on which we could rely—that an attack would he made on the Police— that there was a plan laid to extinguish the lights, and a variety of at- tempts to be made to excite riot and disorder. My Lords, we • had no doubt that we should know how to suppress those tumults ; but I must say that I considered it far preferable not to hazard the risk of riot and confusion occurring in the presence of the Sovereign ; and we therefore recommended the Sovereign not to put himself in a situation to he the witness of such tumults. f say, my Lords, that there was a great chance —and a very great chance—that there would he serious consequences to his Majesty's subjects, and therefore we recommended his Majesty not to go." The Duke admitted that there was no apprehension of riot in any other place but London ; and that, with the exception of the . incendiary proceedings in Kent and Sussex, and some stoppage of works in Lancashire, the country was profoundly tranquil. In reference to the protocol moved for by the Marquis of Lansdowne, his Grace concluded by.stating that - There was no intention on the part of this Government, and he be- lieved there was none on the part of any- Government, to interfere be- tween the two parties in the Netherlands, except for the purpose of esta- blishing peace. (Hear.) The karl of SHREWSBURY said—
That the best hope for the salvation of the country depended on a cor- dial union in support of the great cause of reform. Unless Ministers should retrench every iota of that species of expenditure which was ad- vantageous only to themselves, but of no service to the country,—unless, .above all, they should restore to the people their just share in the ma- nagement of their own concerns, of which the revolution of time had robbed them—they would never succeed in gaining the confidence of the country.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said— The postponement of the King's visit was really a disgrace to the Ministry; and-would lower the Administration still more in the eyes of the country, by proving that it was as incapable in small matters as they were in great. Earl GREY asked— At what time did the Government hope, that in this great town, con- taining among its virtuous inhabitants many evil-disposed spirits, a large assembly of the people mieht be collected in the open air, in the dark hours of night, and no illegal act be committed? If the nobleDuke waited till the hour when such danger would no longer exist, not only to-morrow, but .every day would his Majesty be prevented from showing himself to his admiring people; and no considerable meeting for the purpose of public rejoicing could take place without being exposed to similar danger. • (Hear, hear.) *Nothing could be more loose or more unsatisfactory than the statement of the noble duke. If such a communication had -been made to him (Earl Grey) as was made to the noble duke, his first object would have been to inquire into the circumstances, and endeavour to learn what were the grounds of the statement of the Lord Mayor Elect. Their Lordships knew; that at a former period there had been a Lord Mayor who was a man of great timidity, and who was prosecuted for con • duct which was-the result of excessive fear. He -alluded to the "Lord Mayor of the year 1780. He did.not know what was-the character of the Lord Mayor Elect : he might be -a man of similar timidity, and disposed . to magnify dangers. (Hear.) The Earl of Ranieou Concurred in deprecating the resolution of Ministers. The Marquis of Burs defended it. • Their advice was given with the View of avoiding the shedding of blood and the destruction of property. NO man, he wotild venture to say, knew , better than'the noble .Duke how to encounter these risks— Re dares do ale taat doesbecorae a man : Who dares do wore is, nose."
T1B--441Yie .letter was again-introduced in the Lords on Thursday, byaq-uestion from Earl RADNOR,. who wished 10 know whether any specific information on thesubjeet of the alarm would be - Municated to-Parliament. The Duke of WELLeeteeT0ia send; No; '6114*-unly tleW gut .elicited-41 it bna.new fact—was hisCarages • "lt"wastis firm'convidicrii-that-the act now so controverted had been fully lustified by as much public approbation as had sanctioned any atm measure which Government had ever recommended."
The House, we are told in some of the journals, cheered this declaration. We were at the bar when the Duke sat down, and the cheers escaped our attention.
THE CIVIL LIST. Last night, the CHANCELLOR, of the Es- CHEQUER breuala rward his motion on the Civil List, in a Com- mittee cf the whole House. Ile cm:mei-wed his statement by remarking. two peculiarities which distinguished the commence- me-at of the present reign,—namely, that no debt had been left by the late Kma, coolrary to wiatt had happened in lite case of the greater monaer of irs l'a.TeCOSOFS; and the complete aban- donment to Parliament, by hie present Mee;eety, of his whole lemelitery and eaeual revenues—a som:ifice whalt neither his late rin. any other Ilina had made. The 0:tine:Tar, taking fer'his data the l'onmrt of the Committee of 1515, went on to slate, that the immediate savine; on the propcse: establisbe-ent of the KiiHr, 'voald be 85,000. ;' the last civil list. being.1„05!":,e00/.. and it. being proposed to -Lx the present at .97 e,000/.—a te. duction of 3 per cent. on the grOSS SUM. T11., prosiactive Sa,V;112S were stated to areoent to 38,b001.; and a :inther aving was noticed of 38,0001., the allowance to hs Mejesty as .Duke of Clarence. In lime sum oi. 970,00u/., he ob.ietv.et, was included the establish- ment of the Queen ; wInds naele a diaarence in his l\lejestv's annual expeoiture of 1 e A further-saving of 31,00/. had been eaheie a in consequence of the Mug retaining the e-hole, or nearly the whele, hf the servants of his brether. During the late reign, ,le,ecul. per annum was paid as pensions to discharged servants ; at present only 5,00a. will be required tbr the same pureese. Thus, the positive savinee, according to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, may be rated at I including, in this .sum, the al:Owance to the Duke of Ciarenta : the comparative s-avine;s—taking hitt, ace:: mit the necessmy expltf.es lime Queen,.
forwhich no extra provision is made, and the saving consequent on employing the same servants—will amount to 135,0001. • In the future arrangement of the Civil List, no vera important chanees are proposed to be made. The only one mentioned by Mr. Goulburn was to separate from the Civil List those offices which had been prinereolly paid from other sources : thus, the Foreign Consuls, about a fourth of whose salaries have been Nth-Ito paid horn the Civil List, and Ihe remainder from the Consolideted Fund, will in future be paid wholly from the Conso- lidated Fund. The Chancellor did not mention whether, in the savings he calculated on, allowance had been made for the pay- ment-,vtlate withdrawn ; but we must in . feirness suppese it had. The various items of eXpenditure on the Civil List win be in future arranged into ten classes,—The Privy Purse ; Great Cfficers of the Vousehold ; Tradesmen's Bills .Royal Bounties.; Royal• Pensions ; Foreign Ministers ; Smnnil Charges on the Hereditary Revenue ; Public Off:cers, a, the- Lord Chanceller and others; iiish Lit ; Scotch List. The Chancellor of the Exchequer concluded by offering his first resolution to the House, on the understanding that it was to be discussed on Monday. Lard ALTHORPE professed his total inability to follow Mr. Goulburn's calculation. He objected to mixing up so many extra- neous matters with the establishment of the King ; anJ, conceiv- ing that the House was qui!e inadequate to the teak, he proposed submittine the 'hole plan to the revisioe of a Select Committee. Sir HENRY PARNKLL complained that the Chancellor's esti- mates had been founded on the data of Isl.:5 ; which were univer- sally acknowledged to be above all measure extravagant. Mr. HUME said, the public had been led, from the speech from the Throne, and the languege of Minieters, to anticipate large re- ductions ; but that the statement of the Chanceller of the Exche- quer would a holly disappoint their expectations. When the Civil List was fugmented ii 1t03, 1812, amid 1815, the plea made use of by the Ministers of the day was, that prices of eveay description had risen ; and now, when prices of every-description were unpre- cedentedly low, the Ministers, in framing their estimate, assumed the data of 1815, one of the most shameless and profligate wras in English histot y. Mr. Hume went on to commeat on the surrender to be made by the present King, of which so much bad been said. The 4a per cents. he,observed, had already Leen assigned by act of Parliament to the payment of the Colonial Bishops ; and even. the surplus, if ally should at any time accrue, was by the same act directed to be paid into the Consolidated Fund ; so that the in giving up these duties, really gave up-what was no longer his own: The total amount of all the rest of the hereditary and.casual revenue surrendered by his Majesty amounted oaly to 24,00e/.. a year. Mr. Hume thought a Committee essential. Mr. BROUGHAM complained of the .continued practice of mix- ing up with the Civil List, things that had no essential connexion with iti,such as Foreign Ambassadors aad public officers. He -contended for their separation ; more especially at the present moment, when persons of republican principles were so apt to take advantage of the powerful argument which such a confusion of accountspresented, by pointing to the President-of a republic as receiving only 6(1001. a year, while the head of our monarchy received a million. Mr. Brougham also complained greatly of the non relinquishment of the revenues of the Dually of Lancas- ter ; whieh he contended, according to-any plain and grarematical sense of the words of the King's Speech—according to the inter- pretations -of all • men of common- sense,- who were not hi the habit of making speeches like the Duke of Wellington, and who wished what they said to be understood by their auditors— was included in the phrase " hereditary and casualrevenues, with- out reserve."
Sir ROBERT PEEL defended the language of the late Speech from the charge of nonsense, or wilful ambiguity, brought against it by Mr. Brougham, by showing that its wording very nearly re- sembled the wording of former speeches. An argument which Mr. BROUGHAM replied to, by admitting that it was possible, though he had not adverted to it, that the blunder of which he complained might not now have been committed for the first time. Sir JAMES SCARLETT thought the interpretation of Mr. Brougham a very ignorant one. Any lawyer must have seen that the Duchy of Lancaster was not included in the words of the Speech.
Lord PALMERSTON seconded the recommendation of Lord Al- thorpe for the appointment of a Committee ; and Sir.; HENRY PARNELL pledged himself to move for one.
L,AW REFORM. Sir EDWARD SUGDEN on Tuesday introduced his bill to amend and extend the Statute of Frauds. The object of the bill is to put an end to all actions under the statute, unless on agreements signed by the parties charged, and subscribed in the -ordinary way ; and to call on witnesses signing a will to testify it also before quitting the House, without, t.hoWever, rendering it necessary to sign it in the presence of the testator.
Mr. BROUGHAM'S Local Jurisdiction Bill has been again introduced. It will be allowed to pass the stages at whieh it had arrived last session, and then its merits will be canvassed. Mr. BROUGHAM mentioned, in introducing it, that he had been threat- ened with a combination of attornies if he persevered in the bill ; which said combination he would meet by throwing himself on his clients and managing his cases without the intervention of attor- hies "and their bills." Mr. BROUGHAM also took occasion to notice an essay of Mr. BENTHAM'S in the Westminster Review.
Now he was upon this subject, he wished to make one observation On an essay published concerning him and his plans, written in a dialect of our language which left no man at liberty to mistake the author—a most esteemed and valued and venerable friend of his ; and in which he was charged, in unmeasured terms of vituperation and abuse, that he certainly
never expected from such an excellent and venerable person, with being 'not only a mock reformer of the laws, but an opponent of all refOrins—a 'person influenced by corrupt motives, and a dangerous enemy to the good of the state. The proof of the charge was this—that although the reforms he proposed might effect a present reduction of the expenses of litigation, yet that in a few. years the amount of litigation would be so much in- creased, that the profits Of the lawyers would be proportionably aug- mented. Now, with respect to that argument, he would merely say, that whereas in the circuit which he had now the honour to attend, there had been at the last assizes ninety-seven causes in a particular county`, eighty- six of which would certainly have been cut off by his plan,—Tikwas so Amuch iiiffuenced by Coitopt motives, that he wished his o'l-Tto,he adopted, though it would certainly cut off eight-ninths of his business. The other party, however, admitted that consequence to • be true, but . said that-1W expected a still greater increase at the expirationof a few years...41e would only answer this by observing, that lawyers were not generally (especially those lawyers who, like him, were approaching the close of their career) men who, with the simplicity of the dog in the fable, in order to grasp at a shadow that seemed larger, quitted their hold of the . substance they possessed. (A laugh.) He made these remarks not in an- ger—for he esteemed and valued the author of the essay too much, and ' held the charge itself too lightly to be angry—but with a view to show • how little foundation there was for it. He, did not think that any an- swer whatever had been made to the plan he proposed.
• EMPLOYMENT OF THE POOR. In the House of Lords, on Thursday, the Earl of WINCHILSEA introduced his bill for the employment of the labouring poor. The object of the bill is to enable magistrates to make special assessments, Where • they may happen to be necessary, for the employment of labourers from the 1st November to the 1st May. It is proposed, that in every parish a statement shall be made to the magistrates in petty sessions, in October, of the individuals who depend on their labour for support, with a view to their relief • when unemployed ; the relief to be proportioned to the nature of the labour of which each individual is capable, and not, as in the case of the poor-rate, in proportion to the labourer's family. In the course of the conversation that ensued, Lord STOURTON took occasion to advert to the present agitation in Ireland ; which - he deprecated, as calculated to deprive that country of the full advantages of the healing measure of 1829. But as Scotland was, for sometime after the Union with Englarik de- prived by political dissensions of the benefits it now enjoyed, he believed that Ireland would, in like manner, feel the advantage of incorporation with this country. The agitation which now prevailed exhibiteditself in a milder form than before the passing of the Relief Bill. It was a typhus, • -but it was a typhus ; and their Lordships must treat the people as some physicians did their patients in nervous disorders, by giving them plenty of food ; and the way for them to effect that object was to find them employment.
The bill was read a first time ; and the Duke of WELLINGTON' pledged himself that Government would give to Lord WINCHIL- SEA every assistance in their power in promoting it. . • RELIEF OF THE POOR. From, the answer of Sir ROBERT PEEL to Mr. PORTMAN, on Tuesday, it does not appear that Ministers have in contemplation any measure directly connected with the relief of the poor. The Secretary at the same time ob- served, that if Mr. Portman would bring forward any measure of the kind; it should have Ministers' support., Tax WEST INDIES. In the Commons on Monday, after the memorable discussion of the King's no-visit, Mr. HERMES moved ' a resolution on the expediency of a in w schedule of duties in the trade carried on between the West /tithe; and the United States and Canada. It seems to be the in'enti mi of Ministers to depart as far from general principles as pt.ssib e, by an attempt to recou- cite three incompatible interests. Mr. HumE said that the attempt would succeed with none of them.
The report on Mr. Herries's resolution was brought up yes- terday ; whenia division toak_place on that part of the schedule which imposes a duty of Is. 2d. on every quarter of corn imported from the United States into the West Indies ; and it was carried by 136 to 36.
Mr. WARBURTON having objected to the whole plan, as contrary to the principles of free trade, Mr. HERRIES said, He must beg leave once for all, in answer to observations respecting what was called the free trade policy of Ministers, to disclaim, on the part of the members of the present Government, that strict devotion to the principles of free trade which the honourable member seemed to consider their duty. However unexceptionable these principles might be in the abstract, it was the duty of every statesman . to regulate their application according to circumstances ; and not that circumstances and expediency, and regard to long-established usages and interests, should be overlooked or bent in obedience to abstract principles. (Hear.) SLAVERY. The question of Colonial Slavery has been several times adverted to in the House of Commons and House of Lords, and the number of petitions on the subject presented by the mem- bers of each has been beyond precedent numerous. On Wednes- day night, Mr. BROUGHAM presented, we believe, three hundred and fifty-five, and Sir JAMES GitailAn ninety-seven. The num- ber previously presented cannot be short of three orfour hundred. Mr. BROUGHAM did not read the lists of his petitions—if he had read them, Mr. Ilium...Dr must have done the same; and between the member and the clerk, the House would have been occupied until midnight.
THE SUBLETTING ACT. Mr. O'CONNELL'S motion, on Thurs- day, for leave to bring in a bill to repeal this act, was negatiired by 150 to 24. The Subletting Act, except in certain particu- larized cases, takes away from the landlord all power of distraint on the sub-tenant ; and Mr. O'CoNNELL contended, that the Legislature did wrong to come in this way between the landlord and tenant. Under the old law, the landlord could always clear his land, if he pleased—but he bore the odium, if any, which attached to such a proceeding: under the new, the Legislature had stepped in to relieve him from that odium—the only check against harsh and inconsiderate proceedings against the poorer tenants, whom the principle of subdividing farms, so general in Ireland, had created... The arguments of Mr. O'CONNELL were replied to by the Irish Solicitor-General, Mr. DOHERTY, who quoted the case ,of Scotland, where a similar law prevailed: But the reason which principally determined the House, was the an- nouncement, by Sir HENRY Haniins-d*., of;abill to amend the Subletting Act, by which the Goyesnment supposes that whatever is really objectionable in it will be got rid of. : Mr. O'CONNELL. The greater part of-the debate of the-House of Conimons on Tuesday was taken up with an interchange of personalities between Mr. GEORGE DAWSON and the member for Waterford. Mr. DAWSON accused Mr. O'Connell of perverse obstinacy—as being the organ of a mob—as the slanderer of Earl Fitzwilliam and Mr. Chaloner his agent—as equally unworthy of belief whether he slandered or retracted slander. The 'occasion which drew forth this attack was the presentation of a petition by Mr. O'Connell from Waterford for the repeal of the Union. Mr. O'CONNELL retorted on Mr. Dawson, by asking him hew much of the public money he had put into his pockets—what good he had done to his country or to any country? He denied ever having asserted that Lord Fitzwilliam's agent had turned out eight hundred families—he said eight hundred persons ; and his complaint on that head was not against Lord Fitzwilliam or his agent, but against the Subletting Act. He said, that while he had received invitations to stand for four counties, while he had been returned for a fifth, and had returned three of his friends for three of the others, Mr. Dawson had been driven from the county he formerly represented—tried another, failed there—tried Dublin, failed there ; and at length was glad to sneak into the House of Commons through the avenue of a rotten English borough. Mr. O'Connell had been described as the representative of an Irish mob, but Mr. Dawson was the representative of nothing Irish at all. In respect of Lord Fitzwilliam's alleged ejectments, Lord ALTHORPE stated, on the informatien of Lord Milton, that the information of Mr. O'Connell was wholly unfounded ; and Mr. DAWSON wound up the first act of the row, by declaring that if Mr. O'Connell -had not determined not to fight duels, he would- not have dared to make such assertions as he did ; and that to object to him that he was a Government clerk, who did nothing- for his salary, was extremely vulgar. - A second attack on Mr. O'Connell was madelby Mr. LITTLETON, for misunderstanding, or misrepresenting, as the latter gentleman asserted, an "eXpres- sion of Mr. Littleton touching Ireland. Mr. Littleton,. it seems, had said he did not care about including Ireland in his Truck Bill; and Mr. O'Connell had charged Mn Littleton with caring nothing about Ireland. -A third attack was made -bY,Lord-Nonaxya; who declared that he could not present a petition for the Member for Waterford, who appeared determined to have all the talk to ;—an .observation which -produced from the learned • nienaber a retort of more anger than it-seemedie deserve.' Bothijiwnbers were called to order ; and the riots of Tuesday in the House ended with a lecture from Mr. BROUGHAM. • Da. PHILLporrs. A petition from the parishioners of Stanhope Ur:leen pte;ented-to-thelintrse of 'Commons against Dr. Phi11- pigs, now Or scion to be Bishdp, of Exeter; holding along with that see the valuable living of Stanhope ; and Sir JAMES GRAHAM has given notice cd'a motion (on the 18th) for an address to his Majesty to compel Dr. Phillpotts to resign it. The Doctor, on Thursday night, preferred to the House, through Lord Viscount BEL GRAVE, a request that the members would suspend their judg- /bents on the question until it Was regularly discussed.