TOPICS OF THE DAY
REMEDIES FOR IRELAND: COLONIZATION.
THE Morning Chronicle brings formidable evidence from statistics to show that the task of supporting the poor in Ireland will be too vast for a poor-law. The estimate is, that if the English sys- tem of agriculture were adopted in Ireland, there would be a dis- engaged surplus of the labouring population to the amount of 2,500,000 souls. Proceeding on this assumption, the Chronicle says- " We have seen that poor-rates as heavy as the English poor-rates will not be enough to support more than a fifth of the number. To speak of landlords being enabled by loans, or forced by a poor-rate, to employ them, is of coarse out of the question, because we have already made allowance for every single man who under the large-farm system can be employed upon the land. It is not meant by a poor-law, we presume, to compel landlords to employ two men in doing the work of one.
"We know that the Spectator, and those who agree with the Spectator, have an answer to all this—' Colonize.' Though we think that course on a sufficiently large scale impracticable, we admit the answer to be distinct and to the point. But it is not the answer of the Government. They are not prepared to colonize; but we do not see what is to be their substitute for colonization.
"If they shrink from the gigantic scheme of colonization which would be ne- cessary—if they recoil altogether from the conditions and the consequences of a policy which would aim at establishing in Ireland the English agricultural system —why do they not embrace the other alternative, and shape all their measures with the one great view of improving that system of small holdings which they dare not attempt to abolish? They intend to do something for this purpose; but they intend to do as much or more in an opposite direction. Loans, unconditional loans, to landlords, might be justified as parts of a scheme for introducing Eng- lish farms and scientific agriculture. But they absolutely throw away the great means of improving the condition of the small holders, by suffering the best part of the wastes to be reclaimed for a different purpose. It is this want of an aim which condemns the Government policy as a whole."
The reason is, that Government does not take a comprehensive and scientific view of the case, as a physician might do, but is in the position rather of a druggist seeking to attract custom by professing to make up every doctor's prescription ; and Ireland's is the precarious situation of a patient treated "over the counter," with a cento of scraps from every fashionable recipe. We agree that in halting between two opposite, though not incompatible courses, the Government is doing nothing effectual in either. We agree also that home colonization would be better than no colonization. But, even if we could anticipate for our contempo- rary's plan the happiest and most ample success, the process must be slow, the results tardy. The settlement of the waste lands must be spread over many years. It is not therefore the specific for the present crisis.
On the other hand, there is not a tittle of evidence to show that colonization "on a sufficiently large scale" is "impracticable." Quite the reverse. Voluntary emigration from Ireland is now going on at an enormous rate,—last year 110,000 persons went out, this year probably the number will be twice or thrice as great ; but the emigration is carried on almost exclusively with the funds of the poorer classes of society. Some landlords con- tribute, but very partially. It has been observed, too, that a class of persons possessing some means is beginning to furnish emigrants ; refugees from the horrors of their native land, who increase its poverty by carrying away their little capital. But the bulk of the emigrants belong to the poorer; and a large proportion pay the expense of emigrating by money which their relatives, their predecessors in emigration, have earned in the United States or Canada, and have sent home for the purpose. Thus the poor have been enabled to sustain that expense mainly by the profitable nature of the very process; in other words, a large emigration-fund has been drawn from the profits of emigration. This process has been mere emigration—the most unorganized, the most irregular, the least planned to produce large results with well-economized means. It has not been that " colonization " to which Mr. Hawes alludes as something so much vaster. There can be no doubt that the Government, competing in outlay with the working classes of Ireland, could command funds to an indefinitely larger amount ; could command, what the emigrants cannot, lands and sites for colonization ; could, what the emigrants cannot., select and or- ganize its colonists so as to obtain the largest share of relief from the smallest amount of deportation. For it is no question of mere outlay. Money can be had. Rail- way companies can raise millions. Lord George Bentinck could easily have found his sixteen millions, had any faith in the distri- bution of the outlay existed. Ministers themselves are afford- ing ten millions as a kind of extraordinary poor-rate for Ireland, and are expending it in great part upon useless public works. The question is as to the returns for the outlay. Waiving, for the moment, the source whence the funds should be drawn, we find the points of inquiry to be these,—would there be people enough willing to go? would there be lands enough to receive them ? and what would be the result of the transaction in the shape of returns ?
As to willingness to migrate. It is computed that a quarter of as a million of persons will probably emigrate this year, in spite of • difficulties. •
As to lands. The waste lands of Australia would furnish area for many more settlements like Adelaide ; New Zealand is bigger than Great Britain, and has not yet so much as one year's instal- ment of emigration from Britain ; the Cape of Good Hope could take thousands. British North America is int part alien- ated; but any great plan of colonization, with impulse to trading operations of all sorts, would soon induce the local Legis- latures to cooperate with the British Parliament in devising a just and generous law of joint escheats and compensation, like that suggested by Mr. Charles Buller, now a member of the Go- vernment, in his Report to Lord Durham, and again in Parlia- ment in 1843. Canada would let Great Britain have any requi- site breadth of land on terms advantageous to both.
There can be no doubt, that if any good plan of colonization were promulgated, immense numbers of emigrants would offer, in Great Britain as well as Ireland ; and lands of all the Colonies would readily come into the market. As to sufficiency of capital. About 15,000 persons have been settled in South Australia at an outlay on the process of emigra- tion of about 151. per head : that expenditure was not made by the Government, but was the result of private investment in land. Government also spent something—chiefly on account of the ex- travagance of its own specially-appointed officers. Say, however, that the actual cost of settling the emigrants per head was 201.: it would take 20,000,000/. to settle one million in the Colonies. Could 20,000,000/. be raised in this country ? Were a real scheme of colonization promulgated, there can be no doubt that " shares" in the undertaking would be at a premium. There can be no doubt that with funds, with emigrants, and with lands, the ex- ample of South Australia could be multiplied indefinitely. There can be no doubt that a very large portion of the funds would be furnished by private speculators—with a promptitude and abund- ance apportioned to the boldness and heartiness of the Govern- ment. We have seen that 20/. a head has settled emigrants at the Antipodes. Even supposing that the most lavish terms were allowed as compensation to recover alienated lands in North America, the outlay would not be greater. As to the returns for the outlay. Government is spending this year ten millions sterling on Ireland, and will probably spend as much next year : ten millions sterling would carry out half a million of persons, and settle them in any part of the Colonial empire ; and that process repeated four times would remove a population of two millions from Ireland in four years. At pre- sent, Government expends the ten millions annually, to be repaid —some day perhaps : by the supposed plan, Government would contribute only part of the money. At present the money is spent to maintain the people for one year, with doubtful returns, among which the least doubtful is an increased crop of paupers : by the supposed plan the people would be as absolutely removed as if they were destroyed, yet finally provided for with a new lease of life. And instead of "useless public works," the outlay would result in founding new colonies, new members of that class of communities which is so distinguished by a large consumption of British manufacturing produce.
We have stated facts—not all the facts, we know. We are aware of difficulties. Some stand on the very threshold. The present Ministers are by their own confession incapable of such a measure. Mr. Hawes, the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, ad- mires it, but knows his colleagues cannot cope with it. He says as much. Lord Grey's conscience is satisfied by having promul- gated an abortive scheme of village-making in Canada. The Colo- nial Qftee has declared against colonization ; and views with satisfaction these several surrenders of men so threatful in oppo- sition, so tractable in office. These, we say to the Morning Chro- nicle—these, we remind Mr. Buller, are the difficulties in the way of an effectual plan of colonization for the relief of Ireland.
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