Zbe Probirtres.

The deputation of the Anti-Corn-law League (Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright) have held meetings to promote the repeal of the Corn-laws, espe- cially by the qualification of freehold electors, at Wootton-under-Edge, Nottingham, and Derby.

At Wootton-under-Edge, Earl Ducie spoke in a tone different from that of his Bristol speech—

They were told that Sir Robert Peel was about to repeal the Corn-laws: and that nght honourable Baronet had done so many extraordinary things that he should not wonder at anything lie did; but, at the same time, they must not de- pend upon his doing so. They should not forget that Sir Robert Peel had a good deal of the eel in him, and was very slippery; and the farmers would, he thought, find him to be an electrical eel. (Laughter and applause.)

At Derby, Mr. Cobden delivered a message from Nottingham—

He was come to Derbyshire to urge them, by means of the forty-shilling free- hold qualification, to put South Derbyshire upon the same footing as the most important Northern manufacturing shires were already settled on. In South Derbyshire they had only been beaten by about 1,000 at the last election; and, with their many influential towns, they could easily wrest the county from the Tories. He would give them a bit of encouragement. North Nottingham was behaving nobly, and last night a zealous Free-trader of that county gave him a message to them. He said, "If the men of South Derbyshire will qualify fifty Men in North Nottingham, we will qualify fifty men in South Derbyshire." Let them act on this principle. Let them not only help themselves, but help their neighbours. He assured them that freehold qualifications were very tolerable speculations in which to invest money. He wanted no fictitious votes. The pro- perty mast be bought and paid for. In Lancashire the great point aimed at by the millowners was, who should employ the greatest number of freeholders.

Mr. Cobden's speech at Nottingham, in the main a repetition of his re- cent addresses elsewhere, illustrated his aptitude at suiting himself to each particular audience. Take for instance such passages as the following—

Just before entering the meeting, he had met one of his friends, who, not having seen him for some time, exclaimed, "Bless me, you must have been worked hard lately: positively, you look as thin as a stockinger!" • • They had long been told that the Corn-laws were intended to keep up the rate of wages as we as to support the price of food. But they had lately some experience on the sub- ject; they had lately the experience of coexisting cheap food and high wages. Now things were changing; food was rising, wages were falling. Was it not so? Well, where were those men who were so busy in telling them that cheap bread meant low wages? ("Nowhere!" Cheers and laughter.) They were nowhere; they were where the Corn-laws would soon be. He assured them that they would be rid of this iniquitous impost within twelve months. He was not over sanguine .--he had never been so; but he would undertake to reiterate his prophecy, that a year would be the death of the Corn-laws. And he would tell them why he was so certain—it was because the working men bad found out the cheat about wages.

In his exhortation to the men of Nottingham to qualify as Parliamentary electors, he roused their courage with disparagements of' their immediate opponents-

" Recollect that the forty-shilling freehold vote which a small tradesman se- cures for a county is of just as much importance as the vote of a man worth 30,0001. It may be said that this is a game which two can play at, and that squires could also increase the number of votes. There is, however, no danger of that; for the estates of many of those squires are already—(A voice in the crowd, " Up the spout!")—ay, up the spout; and the parchments are not at home. In addition to this fact, we ought to recollect that the friends of monopoly have al- ready made all the exertions in their power to increase the number of votes; and you need not fear on that subject, for as regards votes you have nothing to lose. The country squires will never be able to maintain the contest, and they are the poorest and most helpless set of men you ever met with. The Protectionist, Mo- nopolist squires, are the most helpless people that can be seen, if you only tackle them. They wear, it is true, green coats and brass buttons, and yellow handker- chiefs; and they are blustering men, who talk very loud: but they are no good when you put them to any matter of business of a practical nature. I would beat twenty of those red-faced squires—not in drinking or in hunting—but in matters of practical detail, such as preparing and organizing the registration."

Some passages in the speech delivered by Mr. Cobden at the Bristol meet- ing last week merit selection for our file, on account of the notice that they have attracted. He alluded to an ulterior agitation beyond that for repeal of the Corn-laws- The object of the League was to destroy monopoly. There were some people, perhaps they might be found in Bristol, who were so obfuscated that they could not be reached by argument, and who fancied that the League wanted to abolish the Customhouse and do away with indirect taxation altogether. But that was not the object of the League: it might he the object of a future League to do away with all indirect taxation at the Customhouse, and to levy taxes by a more preferable mode. They, however, left that for their children to accomplish with another League of their own. But this they did intend to do,—and they would succeed in doing it too,—to put an end to the system by which the Duke of Rich- mond and the Duke of Buckingham had contrived to instal themselves in certain offices in the Customhouse, in order to levy taxes for the benefit of a class. Such men were literally paupers upon the country; and if they were to continue to be a drag-chain round the necks of the rest of the community, he would say that, rather than take their tax in that indirect and mischievous way, let them take it directly out of the exchequer, and allow the trade of the country to go free. He merely put it so that those persons might understand their position; for it was not intended that they should have it one way or the other.

He passed reflections on the conduct of Sir Robert Peel— The present was the most perilous time of their agitation. He had never despaired of success, having been hopeful and sanguine from the first; but if ever there was a time when lie felt a cold shudder of apprehension come over him, it was when he read that startling article in the Times on Thursday. He had no sooner read that article than he sat down and wrote a very hasty letter to their friends in Manchester, telling them not to have any throwing up of caps, for that this was just the time when cool beads would be most wanted. He called to their recollection what happened at the time of the Reform Bill, which was frittered away piecemeal by the fitly-pound tenant-at-will clause, and of the seven 'years apprenticeship, and of the twenty millions of money attached to the result of the Anti-Slavery agitation; and Ile warned them to profit by the experience of the past. They were told, and he believed the report to be true, that Sir Robert Peel had so gained over a majority of his colleagues that he had a carte blanche to act as he liked on the question of the Corn-laws. Now, what sort of argument bad he been using to bring over his colleagues? Had he been offering them some compensation? Had he been suggesting some nice conditions? Had he pro- mised to get rid of the malt-tax? Had he promised to readjust the taxation of the state—make the towns pay the poor-rates, and highway-rates, and church- rates of the rural districts, instead of the counties? Mr. Cobden had not been behind the scenes, nor under the table like Punch; but he suggested these as having been probable topics of discussion in the Cabinet: and they had a right to assume, that if Sir Robert Peel intended to be the Protectionist Minister still, he would be as ready to do their dirty work in those matters as he had been in others. But the League did not mean to buy repeal; they demanded it as a right; and they had no right to it unless they could so demand it. They did not ask it as a boon. Sir Robert Peel might have the statesmanship, the honour, and the fame in history, of being the instrument to repeal the Corn-laws; but be would beg to remind him, that if he did repeal the Corn-laws, it was the League, and the League only, that enabled him to do it. They were stronger than Prime Ministers; and why? Because they had been worxing honestly and consistently in the face of their countrymen for seven years, and their countrymen trusted them : but they did not trust the Prime Minister. If Sir Robert Peel did repeal the Corn-laws, the League were ready to take it at his hands; but if he came to them he would come with a bad character front his last employers. He could not have a good character from his last plate; and they would expect him, when he came to their service, to act very differently from what he had hitherto acted. They would have no more of that double-faced teeing which he had seen to his disgust in the House of Commons in the last four years. If public men could survive such conduct, it would not be well either for the in- dependence or the morality of the nation. It was detestable to see a Minister in almost the same breath promising cheap provisions as a compensation for the in- fliction of the Income-tax, and then, turning to the Tariff-terrified agriculturists, saying they need not be alarmed, as little or no cattle could be sent from Spain or elsewhere. Having such a statesman to deal with—and they should recollect that it was of Sir Robert Peel he was speaking—would they for a moment rely on his repealing the Corn-laws? ("No, no! ") No, no! it was not necessary timid they should dream of relying on him or anybody else. There was at this moment more necessity than ever for showing their resolution, not by mere talk or empty words, but by resolute working; it was work only that their opponents feared.

The League had a great meeting in the Free Trade Hall at Manchester, on Wednesday evening. The large building was filled in every part. Mr. George Wilson was the Chairman; and the platform was graced by Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr. Brotherton, Mr. Fox, the Mayor of Salford, several civic gentlemen, and some visitors from America. The Chairman congratulated the vast assemblage on the promising position which the Free-trade question had attained. Any attempt to patch up the Corn-law was out of the question: the country had pronounced its fiat-

" It is not merely that Leeds, and Manchester, and Birmingham. and Bristol, and Edinburgh, have had their meetings; but take all the leading towns in the empire, and you will find that with a very few exceptions every locality has had its demonstration. Many, indeed, have had more than one. At no meeting have the resolutions passed been for aught else than a total and unconditional repeal. At no meeting have they been carried in any but an unanimous way; and front one end of the kingdom to the other the cry has been ringing—echoed by men of all parties—to open the ports and allow food to come in free." Mr. Wilson read a number of particulars, showing the gain which the League had made, by establishing claims and objections, in the Registration Courts of certain counties: in North Warwickshire, the clear gain was 106 votes, or 2 per cent of the whole constituency; in Buckinghamshire, 828 votes, about 5 per cent; in East Gloucestershire, 271; East Somerset, 574, or 5 per cent; South Cheshire, 397, or 511 per cent; East Surrey, 553, or 9 per cent; North Stafford, 942, or 91i per cent; South Staffordshire, 936, or 11 per cent; North Cheshire, 899, or 14 per cent; Middlesex, 1,986; West Riding of Yorkshire, 2,405, or 71r per cent; North Lancashire, 2,982, or 29/1 per cent ; South Lancashire, 3,682, or 18 per cent. These figures gave the following general result: the constituencies attacked by the League number 143,731 votes,—that is to say, within a fraction 32 per cent, or nearly one-third of the whole constituency of England: the Free- bade gain is 16,446, or nearly 12 per cent of the constituencies operated upon.

Mr. M. Gibson and Mr. Fox delivered effective speeches; the position of the Ministry supplying a fruitful topic. Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright fol- lowed; but, as if husbanding their strength for more distant encounters, their speeches were exceedingly brief. Mr. Brotherton spoke last; and, taking up an idea playfully started by Mr. Fox, bespoke testimonials to Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright when the Corn-laws should be abolished, as the real authors of the repeal.

Meetings to petition for immediate opening of the ports have also been held at Lancaster (operatives), Chorley (operatives), Dudley, Yarmouth, Carlisle (Town-Council), and Exeter.

The Town-Council of Derby took up the subject on Monday; and, after speeches from the Mayor and the Members for the borough, Mr. Strutt, and Mr. Evans, Member for the Eastern division of the county, unani- mously adopted a memorial. Mr. Evans made some useful remarks. He observed that a temporary suspension, whilst it would not afford permanent advantage to this country, would increase our difficulties with foreign go- vernments, who would at once perceive that selfishness was the rule by which our action was guided. From a free trade in corn he did not anti- cipate any great reduction in the price of bread— He was not so sanguine as many persons seemed to be as to the effect a repeal of the Corn-laws would have upon the price of corn. When they were afflicted with any great or ruling grievance, it was natural that their anticipations of good resulting from its overthrow should to a certain extent be disappointed in the re- sult. His opinion was that the Corn-laws had done great harm; that at the pre- sent time they were producing incalculable evils; that they had never done any good, and that it would be a great blessing to have them repealed. But he did not expect so great a reduction in prices as many persons anticipated. He did not expect more from repeal than that the supply would he more regular and certain; prices more steady, trade extended by the removal of the shackles which restrict it; and in some cases—as now—sound corn would be admitted to remedy the evils which would result from a defect in the quality of our own. By repealing the Corn-laws, prices would be regulated throughout the world; and this country would be the great emporium of trade.

Mr. Joseph Sturge and the Executive Committee of the Complete Suf- frage Association have improved the opportunity of reminding the world that they exist: they have deviated from their exclusively political course, and have issued an address counselling the working classes to aid in the present efforts to open the ports for the free admission of food. There is a kind of formal coaxing in the address- " While we respectfully but earnestly appeal to you not to stand by, indifferent spectators of the exertions now making for the overthrow of the monopoly in food, we would as strongly urge you not to relax from any legitimate effort until you have obtained those civil and political rights to which you are alike entitled by Christian equity and by the British constitution. We are persuaded that a conviction of the injustice of withholding these rights is rapidly, though silently, progressing among those who have the power to grant them; and that this con- viction will be accelerated by giving your unanimous and cordial support to mea- sures for averting a great and impending national calamity, and for the complete removal of an iniquitous and disgraceful system, which, while it has long tar- nished the character of this country, has at the same time inflicted an incalculable amount of suffering upon an oppressed but industrious people."

The Protectionists about the country have assumed new activity, dis- played in the agricultural dinners of the Yeovil, Rutlandshire, Steyning, and Arundel Societies, and in a meeting for East Surrey. At these meet- ings the sufficiency of the crops for the year's consumption was very gene- rally and confidently asserted.

The Yeovil dinner was attended by Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Acland, the Members for West Somersetshire; and the proceedings were chiefly remark- able for the rancour manifested towards those gentlemen as deserters from Protection- or rather as trimmers, for it will be remembered that both have professed to adhere to the old faith. Both tried, with a courageous pertinacity, to speak; but the interruptions were so loud and incessant as to reduce each speech to a mere broken and protracted exordium.

At the meeting of the Leicestershire Agricultural Association, there was a strong arid general denial that the potato crop has really failed. The Duke of Rutland, who presided, said a good deal on this point.

He admitted that there had been "an unfortunate disease among the pota- tees "—he confessed his belief "that potatoes may be considered a very important ingredient in the food of the population"—"always relishes them himself'; and hp allowed, "had the disease been so extensive as represented, it must have proved very lamentable in its effects ": but then, he "hopes that much that has been urged is exaggerated." People have "motives," why he cannot conceive, for making the worst of everything: he" does not know whether it is owing to the influence of the skies, or to the insular position of the country, but there must be something really affecting the British character to make one person in every three what are termed croakers.'" His Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge was also among the con- tradictors; and he was more explicit and coufident in the terms of his denial— lie should not feel so convinced of what he was about to state if he had not had means of examining into its correctness; but he thought from what he had the means of becoming acquainted with, that no class of persons in this country had cause of complaint. The state of things had certainly been made much worse by the reports of the potato disease; but he was glad to say that it was no- thing like so bad as had been first represented—not even in Ireland, where so great complaints had been made. He really believed that the report of a panic was a false one; and he should be the last person to make such a statement if he had not a full opinion of its correctness.

At the Steyning dinner—present the Duke of Richmond, Lord Edward Howard, Sir Charles Burrell, and other grandees of agriculture—the Duke of Norfolk, chairman, in proposing "the Labourers," created a sensation by suggesting a new kind of food for the people-

" There was a thing suggested to me the other day, which I am almost afraid to repeat, because a portion of the press perverted what I said on a former occa- sion, and turned it into ridicule. But I assure you that matters very little to me, if I can add one moment's comfort to any poor man. Gentlemen, a thing was suggested, in a letter by a lady the other day, which certainly is very warm and comfortable to the stomach, if it can be got cheap. I have endeavoured. The other day when I was in London, I went to several places to inquire; and I bought a pound or two of it., because there is more difficulty attached to it than what we at first imagined. They have not been accustomed to it, and perhaps may not

like the taste. I like it very much myself. In India a vast portion of the Popu-

lation use it; in fact, it is there to them what potatoes are in Ireland—I mesa curry powder.' (Laughter.) People may smile at it at first; but it is a very warm thing, made of peppers and a variety of things of that description. if any

gentleman will try and take a pinch and put it into hot water—I don't mean to

say it will make a good soup, but this I say, that if a man comes home and has nothing better, it will make him warm and go to bed comfortable. (Laughter.)

It may create amusement, but if any gentleman will try it, he will find out what I say. I don't say it may be given in quantities; but with potatoes, or a little bit of bacon, or anything of that kind, it is like a pickle. People whose appetites are fastidious take pickle; and with this article, a pinch of it will make a meal ex-

tremely- palatable and comfortable. ("Hear, hear!") I mean to try it among my labourers; and by doing that, I am sure that if the winter comes on severe, wel may add very much to the comforts of the poor. ("Hear, hear!" and suppressed laughter.) I may be ridiculed hereafter for what I say; but, as I said before, I don't care what is said, so long as I can make the poor comfortable. (Cheers.) I only recommend this to your notice, gentlemen. I give their health with every respect and esteem; and I trust we shall all do what we can to add to their corn forts.' (Cheers.)

The meeting of the Arundel Society afforded the Duke of Norfolk, as Chairman, another opportunity of proclaiming his invention. At this meeting Mr. 011iver, a tenant-farmer, asserted the opinion that the rule against the mention of politics should be relaxed; for nowhere could poli- tics bearing exclusively on agriculture be more fitly discussed than at

assemblages of landlords and tenants. For example, he would discuss the redistribution of farm-produce, if necessary; or what opportunity could be more fitting to learn, if it could be discovered, the immediate views of the Ministers? Here he was interrupted by the Chairman— "1 beg your pardon, Mr. 011iver. I feel that at this particular moment you are out of order; and I will tell you why. You all know that we are at sixes and sevens, as I may call it, at this moment. Statements have been made by one

newspaper, and statements have been made by another, entirely contradictory. I am quite aware that a very little would create a blaze, and I am one of those

who wish not to create a blaze. We are met to talk about cattle, and corn, and roots, and things of that description; and I cannot allow, as I am in the chair, any talking about a Minister, with things hanging over us, as we have at this moment."

Mr. 011iver again tried to show, that unless discussion of the kind were allowed, such meetings would be of no use to fitrmers: but he was silenced by the Chairman and others.

The East Surrey Agricultural Association had a special meeting at Croy- don on Saturday, to receive statements from the different parishes, showing the probable yield of the crops. Mr. J. W. Sutherland presided; Mr. An- trobus, one of the Members for the Eastern division, and a number of farmers, took part in the proceedings. The returns gave for result—wheat, an average crop; pease and barley, somewhat more than an average; other

cereal crops, deficient; and as to potatoes, only one half the crop was avail- able. The meeting did not see any ground for the existing excitement,— asserting that there was enough of food to last till next harvest; and the suggestion of the chairman, in favour of offering "a compromise" rather than encounter the risk of a total repeal of the Corn-laws, was not eater- • tamed. Resolutions asserting the sufficiency of the supplies, and pledging the meeting to uphold the Corn-law, were passed.

Our Surrey agricultural correspondent gives some hints of opposition that Corn-law Repealers may encounter at the general election-

" Reigate and East Grinstead cattle-fairs were held this week. Being the last of the season in the South of England, they generally attract all sellers and buyers who had not previously sold or bought to the extent they intended. Stock of all

kinds (except sheep) was more numerous and of a better quality than usual at these fairs, and fetched mach higher prices than this time last year. The all-

prevailing topic among the farmers present was the rumoured abandonment of the Corn-law by the Ministry. The farmers will not believe a word of it; treating the notion as a most extravagant idea. They are, however, calm upon the sub- ject; being satisfied that nothing of the sort can be done without compensation

to the agriculturist. They turn their thoughts, however, to the material point, 'how to get out ': who is to pay the valuations, if so many are ruined, so many strike, and so many throw up their farms? The Protective Societies in the va- rious counties have recently been very active, and have no doubt worked upon the yeomanry of the country the determination to be up and stirring; the rallying- cry being 'No surrender!' It is now only brewing, but will presently boil over with a crash."

Mr. Thomas Plumer Halsey, of Gaddesden Park, has come forward as the Conservative candidate for Herefordshire, in the room of Lord Grimston, and appeared before the electors on Saturday. He is a strict Conservative, an advocate of Church and State, opposed to all "reckless innovations," but willing to amend "proved abuses" and "real grievances": he would sup- port [the late] Ministers in removing "all vexatious restrictions on commerce,' but would uphold the present Corn-law against all opponents. Mr. Halsey was subject to a smart Anti-Corn-law catechism by Mr. Lattimore, the well- known Free-trade farmer; to which his answers were not very explicit or felicitous. It is understood that a resolution declaring Mr. Halsey's fitness had been prepared, but it was not proposed. The Anti-Corn-law League have an agent at Hertford attending to registration matters; but as yet there are no very distinct rumours of a candidate in their interest.

The usual notice by the Speaker, that the writ would issue in a fort- night, appeared in Tuesday's Gazette.

Mr. Sharman Crawford, the Member for Rochdale, paid his annual visit last week to his constituents; giving, as usual, an account of his Parlia- mentary conduct, and virtually placing his resignation at their disposal, in accordance with the tenure by which he consented to hold the office of Re- presentative. Mr. Crawford's enumeration of the doings of the session pre- sented few items upon which he could congratulate himself, or those whom he addressed; the establishment of non-sectarian Colleges in Ireland being almost the only thing he could look upon with approval. The Irish Re- peal question afforded him an opportunity of adverting to the transactions at Conciliation Hall; and of asserting that the parties who figure there had crushed discussion, not only under its roof, but throughout the country; they had enslaved the press, and would soon carry out their intention of forging shackles for the holders of the electoral franchise. To the dire in- fluence of the Repealers on the one side, and to the timid policy of the Go- vernment in the way of introducing remedial measures on the other, Mr. Crawford attributed the ills at present existing in Ireland. The meeting expressed satisfaction with the acts and opinions of their Member, anti ratified his engagement for another year.

A Winter Assize, on a limited scale, was commenced at Liverpool and York on Monday. Mr. Baron Parke and Mr. Justice Williams are the Judges for South Lancashire, and Mr. Justice Erie and Mr. Baron Platt are in charge of Yorkshire.

At York Assizes, on Monday, Mr. Lunn, a chemist and druggist of that city, appeared to answer a charge of manslaughter. In October last, he had sold a quantity, of laudanum in place of a cough mixture, whereby Mrs. Downes, an old Lady, was killed. The Grand Jury, however, ignored a bill of indictment : there- fore the accusation on the finding of the Coroner's inquest was not pressed, and the man was discharged.

Garrett, a young man employed as letter-carrier at Rugby has been apprehend- ed on a charge of letter-stealing. When taken into custody, seventeen letters were found in his pockets, and about a hundred in his lodgings; the contents had been abstracted. The young men attending Rugby School have been the princi- pal sufferers.

Several incendiary fires are reported. On Saturday morning, a straw rick, in the farm-yard of Haycock's Green, near Birmingham, was discovered to be in flames ; and before they could he mastered, several ricks of wheat, hay, and barley, as well as a barn and stable, were destroyed. In Berkshire, three burnings have taken place within a few weeks. In one case a reward of 1201. has been offered for the discovery of the incendiary. In Oxfordshire, some out-houses attached to an inn at Blade have been consumed.

A sad accident has occurred on the Shrewsbury, Oswestry, and Chester Junction Railway, which is now in course of formation, between Gresford and Wrexham. The workmen and stone-masons employed on the works at Gresford, it appears, were in the habit on leaving their work of getting into the earth-waggons, and being thus carried up the line to Wrexham. On the evening of Friday week, about forty of them had taken their seats in the trucks, and were proceeding at a rapid rate. On arriving opposite the race-coarse, near Wrexham, the fireman's waggon got off the line, and ran down a steep embankment, dragging with it the remainder. One man, Peter Edwards, was found among the lower trucks, fright- fully mutilated, and quite dead. Another labourer was discovered with his left leg completely sever. A third sustained a fracture of his left leg in three places; and seven or eight others were more or less injured. The rails had not been properly laid on the sleepers; and, sinking into the earth, they suffered the waggon to slip off the line.

A man has been decapitated on the Newcastle and Carlisle Railway. Ile was returning home along the line at night; and, having drunk freely, he fell asleep upon the rails: a coal-train cut his head clean off.