TOPICS OF THE DAY.
LET THE TWO FACTIONS FIGHT IT OUT ALONE.
IF the pear had been ripe enough for Sir ROBERT PEEL, he would have pooh-poohed Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S sham motion on Monday, allowing it to pass without a division ; and would have given notice of areal motion for the purpose of testing the general confidence of the Rouse of Commons in the Finality Ministry. By this course he would have permitted the Radical Members to express their opinion of the Finality Government without voting " against Lord NOR- M:MY ;" and the expression of that opinion by a vote on the ge- neral question must have caused a break-up and reconstruction of parties, placing Sir ROBERT 011 the Treasury, bench and the Radi- cal leaders on the front bench opposite to him. And if he had then sincerely asked for "a fair trial," pledging himself to practi- cal improvements while insisting on Lord JonN's Finality doctrines with respect to Reform of the House of Commons, he might have held the Government without dissolving Parliament. He has evi- dently no mind to such a victory. The terms of his amendment, and the tone of the Tory press during this week, plainly indicate that he is determined not to be "let in" at present. The Anti- Reform fury of the Times in particular, its insulting language to- wards the Radicals, its pretended horror at the chance of a Dun.. 11AM Ministry—all this coming at this moment, when there is no natural Tory call for it, shows that Sir ROBERT'S advice has pre- vailed in the Tory councils, and that his party wish to repulse the Radicals in order that the Finality Ministry may be preserved yet awhile longer. This is, upon the whole, we think, a sound Tory policy. As long as it is possible to degrade the MELBOURNE Whigs, and to implicate the Radicals in their further degradation, the Tories con- sult their own advantage in keeping out. They have to consider not only the means of gaining power, but also the means of retain- ing it; not retaining it insecurely and uneasily, as the Whigs do now by concessions to the Opposition, but permanently and surely on the ruins of Reform. Office is already within reach of the Tories ; they may take it whenever they please : but they are not yet secure against a formidable Opposition. Their grand object now is to provide for the weakness of the future Opposition. To this end nothing could be more conducive than the continuance of that state of things which has already done so much for Tory objects. As like causes produce like e%cts—as in this case the nature of the effects is progressive—so is it only rational to con- clude, that if the wretched Government can be maintained till the close of the session by means of Tory forbearance and active Radical aid, the pear will be riper at least, if not thoroughly ripe, for the Tories. They do but postpone enjoyment in order to ren- der it greater and more secure. Nay, there are reasons for expecting a further decline of Reform and advancement of Toryism, more rapid than the past has ex- hibited. Similar causes will operate towards these ends, but with increased force. The unavoidable discontent of the Radicals ren- ders the Government more than ever dependent on Tory, forbear- ance and subject to Tory control. Besides yielding to this increased Tory influence, and in addition to the weakness which it has ever displayed because composed of incapable men, the Government, aware of its own frail tenure of power, preparing for its own cer- tain and not distant dissolution, will tremble, and limiter, and prove its own incapacity more plainly than ever ; so that the Radi- cals, actively supporting it notwithstanding their discontent and irritation, will lose what little character and weight with the country they have not already sacrificed to " keeping out the Tories." The country is at length awake to the true character and position of parties ; and every inconsistency of the Radical Mem- bers in supporting a Ministry which they condemn and despise, will be scored up against them for the next general election as proofs of their unfitness to manage the Popular cause. And who will then defend them from such a charge ? Who will be at the trouble of exertion for procuring the return to Parliament of men who, with their eyes open and the eyes of the country upon them, shall have actively promoted the present Tory policy ? The Tories have already ruined the Whigs ; they have but to ruin the Radicals in order to gain their whole object. By supporting the Whigs against the Radicals, they have encouraged the Whigs to rely on Tory support, and so to commit suicide. From the Whigs they have nothing to fear either now or in future. In order that they may have nothing to fear from the Radicals in future, their present object is, not simply to keep in the Whigs, but to keep them in by means of active Radical support. They want to de- grade the Radicals as much as they have degraded the Whigs. It is for this that they reject office obtained by means of Radical hostility to the Whigs; it is fbr this that they now goad the Radi- cals by expressions of contempt and derision ; it is for this well- calculated and politic purpose that they are now urging the Radi- cals to vote with Lord JOHN FINALITY on Monday. Their policy IS unquestionably sound, whatever some impatient members of the party may think to the contrary.
But this conclusion necessarily leads to an inquiry as to the true policy of the Radicals. Will they knowingly lidl into the trap which the Tory leader has so cunningly set for them ? And if not, how may they avoid it ? The aspect of the question has been changed since lust week, i
when t seemed not impossible that the impatient members of the Tory party might force Sir ROBERT PEEL to avail himself of the means at his disposal for taking office. The chance of a Tory motion Which would enable the Radicals, by means of merely voting according to their sincere opinion of the Government, to get into their proper places on the Opposition benches, was then part of the game. That chance no longer exists. Sir ROBERT PEEL'S amendment makes the question not one of general confi- dence in the Government, but one of Ministerial propriety in a matter of form between the two Houses of Parliament. The Tories take up a position in which there is no room for the Radicals to act with them for the occasion. Their object is to avoid office, and by means of having the Radicals dragged through the dirt by the Whigs. They steadily pursue the two ends of keeping out of responsible power for the present, and laying the foundation of permanent power by and by. Their policy is Anti-Radical rather than Anti-Ministerial.
The means of defeating this policy are various. In the first place, however the bulk of the Radicals may vote on Monday, those who speak will scarcely fail to express their opinion of the Finality Government. The time for silent Radical voting in support of the MELBOURNE Government is entirely gone by. Some distinction, then, the Radical party will draw between themselves and the Government, by means of speeches. This will thwart the Tory tactics in proportion as it serves the Radical cause. Secondly, though no Radical Member perhaps will vote against the Government, because Sir ROBERT PEEL makes it difficult, with their good feeling towards Ireland and their old grudge against the Lords, for any to vote with him, yet it does not follow that all the Radical Members should vote against him and with the Govern- ment. Why should the Radicals vote at all ? Differing as they do equally from the Whigs and Tories, and repelled by both parties except now and then by the Whigs on pinching occasions, why should the Radicals interfere at all between these mere factions? Why not let the two factions fight it out alone ? There can be no efficient independence without neutrality. Absolute neutrality between the Whig and Tory factions, letting them squabble as they list for place, seems to be the best policy of the Radicals. And let us note, that this policy by no means precludes, but rather comprises, very plain speaking by the Radicals with respect to both factions. If the Radicals should determine to speak their sincere opinion of both factions and to vote with neither, they would pay contempt with contempt, and effectually avoid the dirt through which the Tories would have them dragged once more. This is the best course.
But sonic of the son-disant Radicals are very slipperygentry, who, though loud in their professions of disgust at the Whigs, and their desire to be rid of them, never fail to help them on critical occasions. These slippery Radicals are of several classes. There is the gobe-mouche, or over-sanguine class, who just now believe in the possibility of a DURHAM Ministry, going for Household Suffrage, Ballot, and Triennial Parliaments. They are a very gullible set, these—always apt to be deluded by some trick of the Whig whip- pers-in. The dreams in which they sometimes indulge are incredibly absurd. We find them pretty accurately represented at present in the Weekly Ch omicle ; which sincerely entertains the make-believe of the Times about a DURHAM Ministry, fancies that the vote of Monday will be for or against Lord NORMANISY, and talks of pre- serving and reforming the Government by ousting Lord Joitsr Russystr., whose retirement would at once break up the Cabinet and "let in the Tories !" Next to these are the corrupt Radicals, who have incurred personal obligations to the Ministry, and may yet have relatives or dependents to provide for. We ,intend to publish a list of these gentlemen for general information. And lastly, it is right to include among the slippery Radicals, certain persons of no talent or weight, who have got into Parliament through mere local influences, and tbr no other purpose but to increase their personal consequence. They know that if the Tories should happen to outvote the Whigs in the House of Commons, anew state of things would arise very unfavourable to the pretensions of conse- quential mediocrity, and that they must then yield their seats to men of talent and energy. These Members dread an earnest struggle between Toryism and Reform; and they will, if they can without getting into a serape with their constituents, actively support the present Government on Monday and as long as possible. Radical neutrality, therefore, on Monday, however politic with a view to Radical objects, will probably be confined to a few. The bulk of the Radicals, either impelled by the force of habit, or de- luded by some ridiculous hope, or in return for past Ministerial fievours, (not to mention those in expectation,) or for fear of having to give up their seats to better men and losing the M.P. attached to their names, will eagerly vote with Lord JOHN FINALITY. his motion will be carried by a small majority.
But then will follow an exhibition more injurious to the Whigs than the neutrality of a few Radical Members. Mr. TnomAs DelscomnE has hit upon a method of holding the slippery Radicals to some work in aid of Minn. llis proposed addition to Lord JOHN FINALITY'S motion, must be supported by the bulk of the Radicals—the foolish and deceitful, as well as the politic and honest. What then shall we see ? We shall see the Min.nounxn Whigs first preserved by the Radicals and then by the Tories— we shall see the Radicals first preserving the Whigs, and then paid for the service by Whig opposition to Radical objects rendered successful by Tory aid. We shall see these Radicals first defending the Whigs against a Tory assault, and then assaulted by the Whigs and defeated by means of Whig union with the Tories. This surely, if nothing else should have that efffict, will teach the Radicals to let the two Anti-Reform factions fight it out alone thenceforth,
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