"ULSTER THE STUMBLING-BLOCK."
ITO THE EDITOR OF TIIE " SPECTATOR."]
SIR,—" Why should Ulster be allowed to hinder the settlement of Ireland? " One hears this asked at times, even by some who have no -unfriendly feelings towards those inhabitants of Ireland who still remain loyal to the King. This question conveys the innuendo that we Ulster Loyalists are regardless of the welfare of tho Empire so long as we keep ourselves snug and safe. If Ulster is standing in the way of a settlement, which we maintain is certainly not the case, is there any excuse for her obstinacy? Tho Separatists do not conceal their hatred of England, and that feeling is still stronger and more bitter towards Ulster. Every day fresh eridence of their antipathy to us can be noticed, and I am bound to say the feeling is heartily reciprocated, for we have had ample proof for many years past that the so-called Constitutional National- ists were in reality Separatists; our convictions on this point, which have now been fully justified, have earned for us the reputation of bigotry and narrow-mindedness. Sinn Fein pursues the sound strategy of carrying war into the enemy's country; she infests this province with her gunmen and propa- ganda, and never was she so active in this respect as she has been during the past few weeks; moreover, she has done her best at home, in a feeble sort of way, by making use of that two-edged weapon, the boycott of Ulster. The "Loyalist" section of the inhabitants of Ireland, that is, those of us who desire to remain citizens of the British Empire, are regarded by their opponents, and I think quite fairly, as a garrison of Great Britain. It must be borne in mind, however, that this outpost is no mere handful in the midst of an overwhelming mass of enemies. On the contrary, it forms a large fraotion, probably more than one-third, of the entire. population of the island, and its pecuniary interest and stake in the country are certainly greater than that of its enemies. Even if the North-East corner of Ireland only contained what Mr. Asquith called a contemptible minority of the inhabitants of Ireland, they, like their Loyalist—but not necessarily Unionist or Protestant—friends in the other twenty-six counties would be entitled to fair play. Unfortunately, many of our former staunch friends in the political and journalistic worlds and elsewhere have grown lukewarm, and find we are becoming rather a bore. If we would only make friends with.the enemy all would be well. And it could be done so easily : merely by handing over our bodies and estates to them that hate us.
It is usually considered one of the elementary virtues to stand np for those who are on your side in a fight, and it is dishonourable to desert them when they are in need of help. I should be sorry to accuse the British people of the latter crime. On the contrary, I am confident that the powerful and chivalrous nation, which has always been the shield of any suffering or wronged community, will not expect its own flesh and blood to offer itself to the wolves. That is my answer to the question, " Why should Ulster be allowed to kinder the
settlement of Ireland? "—I am, Sir, &c., AN ULSTERMAN. Belfast.
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