FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.

Considerable light has within the last few days been thrown on the position of France and Austria, and the relations of both to Germany. First in point of date, though not of publication, is a circular from Count Buol, dated February 5. This is the note written to the German courts with the concurrence of Prussia when the worst was believed of the in- tentions of France. Count Buol remarks on the then state of anxiety which no existing differences could explain. It had, however, produced unanimity in Germany, which would consider itself threatened in its unity were Austria attacked in Italy. "The convictions of the whole of Germany have united in an energetic protest against a return to the days ot the Confederation of the Rhine." Under these circumstances, Austria had been asked on many sides for her opinion—would it be right to ap- peal to the Confederation ? Austria desired to prevent ulterior compli- cations.

"But we cannot close our eyes to the fact that, as long as the policy of Sardinia perseveres in its present character, contrary to the law of nations, and calculates upon war and revolution, war presents itself as the possible consequence of our firm resolution to defend against every attack the rights of Austria in Italy as resulting from treaties. Austria would not recom-

mend an appeal to the Diet. Nevertheless, we think it is decidedly de- sirable already that the Governments of Germany, as members of one great . body, should mutually communicate the convictions which animate them in the face of the dangers of the future, which it is impossible to disown, and prepare themselves, by a firm agreement, to hold at the proper time the same language, conformable to the circumstances, and efficacious either towards Sardinia or towards France, or finally towards both states together." To this note Prussia replied in a guar, manner, affirming that she would fulfil her German obligations, and use her influence in common with England to preserve peace. The "states of Germany," what states is not specified, have given a more decisive reply. They denounce a war on what is called the Italian question. Aware of the "painful trials" of Austria they declare that they will forget nothing required by the dignity, the independence, and the security of all the countries coin- posing the grand Germanic union. "But however serious may be the circumstances, it does not appear that there is any imminent or immediate danger of peace being broken, so that, until the situation discovers itself in a clear manner, the German Courts

do not think it opportune, in the interests of so many persevering efforta that are being made to avoid the explosion of war, to attempt a es -am- stantial explanation on the measures which should be adopted by Germany in the case of hostilities commencing between France and Austria. '1 as

sentiments that Germany. and its Governments will experience on the day of foreign aggression against one of its members are perfectly well known

to Austria. She can therefore rely upon the fact that, in case of need, the Diet of Frankfort, the solemn representative of the wishes, interests, and honour of the common country, will know how to protect them, and adopt a line of conduct the most efficacious and most suited to the necessities of the case."

On the 22d February, in a note to Prussia, the Austrian Government expressed its opinion that the time had arrived to bring before the Ger- man Diet at Frankfort propositions concerning the measures to be taken to face the common danger. "Those measures should be to place the Federal fortresses in a state of defence in so far as necessary, to appoint Federal commanders, and to pro- hibit the exportation of horses. Nevertheless, although Austria thinks the moment has come to make such propositions, the Cabinet of Vienna, out of consideration for Prussia's position, declares its willingness to adjourn those propositions until its army in Italy is completely on its war-footing." It may be here stated, that one of the measures indicated—the prohi- bition of the export of horses—has been taken by the Zollverein, and. several states not included in that corporation.

The feeling aroused in Germany, it is now avowed by the Conititu- tionnel, led the French Emperor to cause his views to be published in- the Moniteur of Saturday. This state document appeared in part of our impression last week. We now append its more important paragraphs.

"The Emperor has nothing to disguise, nothing to disavow, either in the objects of his anxious deliberation or in his alliances. French interests guide his policy and justify his vigilance. In presence of the disquietudes- we take pleasure in believing them ill-foundea—which have agitated public opinion in Piedmont, the Emperor has promised the King of Sardinia to de- fend him against any aggressive act on the part of Austria ; he has promised nothing more, and it is well known that he will keep his word These are the Emperor's views—all else is the raving of the press.

"France, it is asserted, is making considerable warlike preparations. That is a completely gratuitous imputation. The regular effective force on the peace footing, adopted two years ago by the Emperor, has not been ex- ceeded. The Artillery is purchasing 4000 horses to attain the regulation limits. The infantry regiments are 2000 strong, and the regiments of ca- valry 900. It is affirmed also that the French arsenals are displaying extra- ordinary activity. But it is forgotten that we have all our artillery to change and all our fleet to transform. This last undertaking, long since de- cided on in order to give to our fleet its normal strength, is sanctioned by. the annual votes of the Legislative Body ; and, notwithstanding the most praiseworthy activity, several years will still be necessary for the accom- plishment of this operation. Lastly, uneasiness is felt at the preparations in our navy. All these preparations, however, consist of the fitting out of four frigates for the conveyance of troops from France to Algeria and from Alge- ria to France, and of four screw transports destined to provide for different possibilities, especially for the service of Civita Vecchia, and for the rovic- tualling, by way of Alexandria, of our expedition to Cochin China. Such are the facts fully. They ought to reassure sincere men as to the projects ascribed to the Emperor, and to treat as they deserve the allegations of those who are interested in casting doubts on the most unobjectionable measures- and flinging clouds over the clearest situations."

Where will the vague rumours end which accuse the Emperor of ex- citing to war, and throw " on him alone the responsibility of the anxiety and warlike preparations of Europe ? Where are the words, where the diploma- tic notes, where the acts which indicate a desire to provoke war for the pas- sions which it satisfies, or for the glory which it procures ? Who has seen the soldiers, has counted the pieces of cannon, or estimated the supplies which are said to have been added with so 'neck cost and haste to tho ordi- nary state of a piece footing in France ? Where are the extraordinary levies, the anticipated calling out of soldiers? On what day were recalled to service the men now absent on renewable furloughs ? Who, in short, can show the elements, however slight they may be, of the general accusations which malevolence invents, which credulity hawks about, and which stupid- ity accepts ? "No doubt, as we have said, the Emperor watches over the various causes of complication which may show themselves on the horizon. Such foresight is neither agitation nor provocation. To study questions is not to create them,. and to turn aside regards and attention from them would be neither to sup- press nor solve them. Besides, a diplomatic examination of these questions has been commenced ; and nothing warrants the belief that the issue will not be favourable to the consolidation of public peace."

This article was followed by the resignation of Prince Napoleon. Ile gave up the Ministry of Algeria and the Colonies' say his friends, be- cause M. Fould and Count Walewski thwarted his views of Italian, policy. He desired France to proclaim the doctrine of non-intervention„. and notify to the European Powers that she would support the de- mands of Piedmont, and that she would give her the support of her au- thority in case troubles broke out in the Duchies of Parma, Piacenza,. and Tuscany, or in the Romagna, or should Austria desire to occupy those countries under pretext of establishing order there." M. Fould and Count Walewski, it is stated, wished for "peace at any price" ; dis- sensions arose in the Cabinet, and Prince Napoleon resigned. We are also expressly told that, at bottom, the Emperor agrees with his cousin. But the Emperor's English organ says that "the retirement of Prince Napa- leon from his Colonial Ministry, as announced in the ifoniteur [on_ Saturday] occurring as it does just after the note in the official journal clearly defining the position of France as regards the possibility of war, is generally believed in Paris to he an expression of dissent on his part to the policy of the Emperor as embodied in the note above referred to." The Constitutionnel has declared that the article in the Meniteur is not a reculade. What the Emperor desired he desires still. What is it ? The next stage in the question brings us the views of Austria and Prussia. On the 8th the Vienna Gazette stated "that Austria will insist upon the complete maintenance of its special treaties with the Italian States. The only additional article to the treaty with Naples— in which the conformity of their principles of government is stated merely as an existing fact—could be suppressed if both parties should agree upon it." This is regarded as a note of triumph raised before Austria is out of the wood. On the 9th the Prussian Minister, Schleinitz, told the Chamber that— "The Prussian Government does not for one moment doubt that it wilt be able, in concert with England, to procure due respect to existing trea- ties. England and Prussia are in this favourable position, that they are able to place themselves with impartiality between the two antagonistic Powers, Austria and France. Up to the present time there have been only

moderate hopes of success, but the grounds for hope have increased during the last few days."

The President, M. von Schwerin, announced the full assent of the Chamber to the sentiments which had been expressed, and especially pointed out the national importance of the Ministerial policy. The Chamber gave expression to its approval by loud and continued applause.

It is stated that Austria has proposed that the army of the Confedera- tion should be placed on a war footing. Nothing is known of the mission of Lord Cowley; but it is said to have had a "certain success." The Constiturionnel, in an article estimating the Austrian army in Italy at 180,000 men, declares that it is prepared for "offence," and that the collection of heavy guns at Pavia can only have in view the siege of the fortresses of Piedmont. The Piedmontese Government has made a counter move- " The Austrian army in Italy having been placed on a war footing, the King has thought it necessary to call in the contingents. He hopes the country will receive with satisfaction those measures whiehare necessary for the defence of the national independence and the honour of the country."

It has long been reported that the followers of Signor Mazzini object- ed to the schemes imputed to the Emperor Napoleon and Count Cavour. The leader of Italian republicans, in conjunction with his more prominent friends, has confirmed this report by issuing a manifesto, in which they declare- " That if the Italian war be initiated under the direction or patronage of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, or even in alliance with him, they will sorrow- fully abstain from taking part therein that as far as the Pieclmontese mo- narchy is concerned, the present question is not in their eyes a question of Republicanism, but of unity and national sovereignty ; that reserving their t of vote, and of peaceful propagandism, they, now as ever ready to 871- c fioe the immediate triumph of their individual belief to the welfare or opinion of the majority, would follow the Piedmontese monarch to the field, and use their every endeavour to _promote the fortunate issue of the war, provided that its explicit aim was National Italian Unity."

In conclusion, they demand some explicit guarantee as to the intention of the Piedmontese Government ; object even in such case to any "dic- tatorship" by Piedmont, and state that the whole Italian people, when free, will have the right of fixing the form of government.

Suoh is the present state of the European question so far as the public have been informed.