BOOKS.

EARL GREY'S COLONIAL POLICY.* THOSE who expected any "revelations" from this work, or any exhibition of "the temper of Grey," will be disappointed. The facts it contains are patent; drawn from blue books, speeches in Parliament, (including the author's own,) Colonial newspapers, and other readily accessible matter. So far from attack or even sore- ness appearing in the book, its manner might have served as a model for Peel in his most conciliating mood. " Compliments all round" is the text of Earl Grey, except to those who lived and carried on the Government before the accession of the Whig Min- isters in 1846, and the Protectionists after them,—the last being let off gingerly enough.

In its essence, the book is an apology for the Colonial Admini- stration of Lord John Russell, if indeed it might not rather be called a panegyric. It is written in the form of letters to Lord John, with dates to each, from July to December last. It runs over the leading features of Colonial policy, taking the Colonies in groups as regards the general subject, but singly for partioular questions. The whole doctrine inculcated is—We found them brick, or rather ruin ; we left them marble. Our difficulties arose from the previous conduct or the misdoings of opponents, or mis- fortunes that were in full operation when we set to work. In Cey- lon, there were financial difficulty, commercial distress, and native dissatisfaction amounting to noble and priestly treason : our Go- vernor vigorously put down rebellion and restored prosperity. In New Zealand a war was raging, with money matters in bad. trim : but we ended the war, and when we left office we had restored peace and prosperity. The North American and Sugar-producing Colonies were a tougher job, especially Canada, Jamaica, and Demerara : but whose fault was that ?—Peel's or the Protectionists'. In 1843 an act was passed by the Peel Ministry, giving certain privileges to wheat and flour imported from the Canadas, in spite of the op- position of the then Lord Howick, who foresaw the speedy aboli- tion of the Corn-laws, and the mischief the proposed act would produce. Things happened as he predicted.

"Almost before these arrangements were fully completed, and the newly- built mills fairly at work, the act of 1846 swept away the advantage con- ferred upon Canada in respect to the corn-trade with this country, and thus brought upon the Province a frightful amount of loss to individuals, and a great derangement of the Colonial finances. * * * "But whether the mistake was in passing the act of 1843 or that of 1846, it is clear that one or the other must have been grievously wrong ; and there can be no doubt that the Province had been greatly injured by that incon- stancy of purpose which had induced the Imperial Legislature, within the short period of three years, to pass two acts entirely opposed to each other in principle. It was only natural that the sufferers by this rapid change of policy should condemn, not the original and imprudent grant of the privilege which had been conceded to the colony, but its abrupt and unexpected with- drawaL"

It was this economical disorder, with the political difficulties bequeathed by the Peel Government, that rendered necessary the Rebellion Losses Bill, produced the Annexation notions, and gave rise to the discreditable riots at Montreal : but patience, pluck, and prudence, overcame the inherited troubles, saved 'England from an American war, and the Colonies to the country. "It is my conviction that the country could hardly have escaped from these calamities, but for the policy upon which, under our direc- tion and with our support, Lord Elgin so ably acted in the govern- ment of Canada."—Vol. L page 218. Things have not turned out quite so well in the principal Sugar * Colonies. The cause of this was the adherence of the Government to the principles of Free-trade, and the resistance of the planters to what was inevitable. This resistance, however, was natural, and not altogether the fault of the planters. A Protectionist Opposi- tion buoyed them up with the hopes of getting protection restored, and induced them to neglect sugar-growing and Whig advice, for factious politics. Indeed, Lord Grey insinuates something like a conspiracy between the Opposition at home and the Opposition in Demerara, if not also in Jamaica. And what was the consequence of these misdeeds? Barbadoes, which did not mix itself up in faction, has been steadily advancing. Mauritius, which soon fol- lowed the advice of my despatches, is in a flourishing condition;— though the Governor of Mauritius in his last report, and Dr. Monet in his trip, differ somewhat in opinion : while, in spite of faction, folly, and neglect of their business, the produce of the Colonies and the speeches of Protectionists bear testimony to the wisdom of the Whig Sugar Bills.

"I have been much gratified by finding that ray opinion as to the ability of the British Colonies to compete successfully in the growth of sugar with countries in which the labour of slaves is still employed, has been confirmed by no less an authority than the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, the biographer of Lord G. Bentinck. In Mr. Disraeli's speech on the Budget, on the 3d of this month, I find the following most remarkable passage—'It may be said that these are merely figures,' (he had just been comparing the entries fon home consumption of Foreign and British sugar for the first ten months of 1861 and of 1852,) but I beg to observe that in this instance figures constitute the case. This is a 'question of figures, and the result of the figures I have quoted is, that there being, in 1851, 4,126,000 cwt. of British sugar against 1,487,000 cwt. of Foreign, in 1852 there were 5,378,000 cwt. of British against only 814,000 cwt. of Foreign. In other words, Bri- tish production has increased by 1,250,009 cwt., and Foreign production has decreased by about 600,000 cwt. I may be called a traitor—I may be called a renegade—but I want to know whether there is any gentleman in this House, wherever he may sit, who would recommend a differential duty to

prop up a prostrate industry which is actually commanding the metropolitan market.'

"The argument is conclusive : but how much loss would have been saved to the unfortunate West Indians, how much better would the state of Colo- • Tile Colonial Policy of Lord John Russell's Administration. By Earl Grey. In two volumes. .Published by Bentley. nial industry have been at this moment, even than that which the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer describes, if the party with which he is connected had for the four years preceding February 1852 taken a juster view of the prospects of the Colonial planter ! Had they done so, the colonists of Guiana and of Jamaica, instead of being encouraged to enter upon that unfortunate struggle with the Government for the recovery of protection, which I have described, would no doubt have cooperated with us in effecting the many much-needed improvements which we were anxious to assist them in accom- plishing ; and many an unhappy planter, who has been compelled to sell his property for one-half or one-fourth of its real value, because the confidence of English capitalists in the possibility of his continuing his business with advantage was destroyed, would have obtained assistance that would have enabled him to surmount his difficulties. Well may the West Indians say, Save us from our friends !' "

There is an "lo triumph° " on the general management of the Australian Colonies ; but the leading subject is the difficult ques- tion of transportation; into which Earl Grey enters philosophically, as well as in reference to immediate measures. He maintains the right of Government to send convicts to Van Diemen's Land, (and to New South Wales too, had that right not been abandoned in defer- ence to the colonists,) because the island was settled expressly as a penal colony, and every one who went there went knowingly. The question of abstract right, as Burke always maintained, especially in regard to American taxation, should never be advanced in prac- tical politics : the " jus et norma " is expediency, or what men will bear. Earl Grey, indeed, makes out a case touching the fickleness and oscillation of the colonists on the transportation question. He also affirms that the colonists are not really opposed to it, but only unscrupulous agitators and journalists : too stale a story to be en- titled to reception. Every beaten party says the same.

The Cape is a difficulty ; difficult in peace, difficult in war. The peace difficulty arises from agitators and so forth. The war difficulty had its origin in the extension of the colony by the Ministry of 1819. But all parties united in the foundation of Albany at the public expense ; "even Mr. Hume, with all his love of economy, expressing only regret that Ministers had not gone further" than 50,000/. Since that extension of our frontiers, the colony has always been in hot water more or less. The worst that can be said of "My dear Lord John's" Administration is, that they found it in war and left it so. The present war, however, would probably have been ended long ago, but for the misplaced scruples and lenity exercised towards rebels and traitors, at an early stage of the bu- siness. Not, however, that Sir Harry Smith is to. blame for this weakness ; the culpability was nearer home.

"If Botha and his guilty associates had been tried as soon as they were taken, and had been executed with the least possible delay, their punish- ment would not have been technically legal, but it would have been not the lees just, or the leas calculated to prevent in the end a much greater destruc- tion of human life.

"Still I cannot be surprised that Sir Harry Smith should have hesitated to take upon himself the same responsibility that Lord Torrington had done, and that he should have been anxious to proceed with strict and technical regularity ; though this, amidst the turmoil of war, necessarily occasioned so much 'delay as ultimately to lead to the escape of the guilty and to all the unfortunate consequences which followed from their impunity. The nature of the attacks to which Lord Torrington and Sir Henry Ward had exposed themselves by the course they pursued, and the countenance given to those attacks, could hardly fail to deter another Governor from adopting a similar course in circumstances of the same kind. If the undue lenity shown to the Hottentot rebels in the beginning of the war really produced the bad effects which I am persuaded it did, the responsibility for this unfortunate error rests far more with others than with Sir Harry Smith."

It will have been seen from this rapid running over of some of the leading topics of Lord Grey's Colonial Policy, that his princi- ple of composition consists of putting the best face upon matters. Sometimes this is done by sheer boldness; sometimes by sliding over things—or by omissions—or by affirming the direct contrary to the fact, as in the case of Sir Harry Smith's recall.

"Having referred to the arrangements we had made before we retired from office, I cannot avoid mentioning that these arrangements included the recall of Sir Harry Smith. But I will only say on this subject, that it was with the greatest reluctance we came to the conclusion that it was necessary to submit to the Queen the advice we did. It was most painful to our feel- ings to do so, but on a question of this kind we were not at liberty to-con- sult our private feelings. This was fully understood by Sir Harry Smith himself; of whose most handsome and honourable conduct I cannot too strongly express any sense. He has shown no resentment against us for what we did, but has fairly given us credit for having been guided only by considerations of public duty. I feel individually very deeply indebted to him for the kindness with which he has acted towards me since his return, and for the readiness he has shown to believe that no want of regard for him on my part is implied by the painful measure which was taken, and of which, though it was approved by you and by our colleagues, the chief re- sponsibility necessarily rests with myself."

This is well enough expressed, but it is disproving a charge not laid in the indictment. Very few persons objected to Sir Harry Smith's recall ; for, whatever a man's merits may be, if he fails in a particular business after repeated trials, there is no other course left. It was the needlessly harsh expressions and temper of the despatch that shocked the public mind. However, we have no wish, any more than Lord Grey, to "revive animosities or wound feelings " ; nor would it have been recurred to here but as a critical example. Sometimes the writer's memory leads him into inconsistency in matters of fact. Thus, he says, at volume I. page 60—" I am happy to see that her Majesty's present Ministers [the Derby Government] have been able to advise the Queen to inform Parliament, in closing the late session, that for the present (July 1852) the slave-trade is entirely suppressed on that part of the African coast where it was formerly carried on to the greatest extent." At page 66 he states, with some gratulation, that "for the present year no fewer than 13,500 Negroes liberated from slavers have been sent at the cost of the British Treasury to the West Indian 'Colonies, where they have proved of great service to the planters." When it is recol- • lected that the mortality among the captured Negroes is consider- able and frequently very great, and that every slaver is not likely to have been captured, it would appear that a little business is still going on, whether in the usual place or not. It may strike some that the entire suppression of a trade which hands over to the sup- pressers 13,500 of the articles, which they proceed to dispose of for their own advantage, is but an hypocritical proceeding after all. The ostensible object of this work is to make out a case for the Colonial policy of Lord John Russell's Administration. Perhaps the real purpose is to show how capable a certain person is, not only of controlling colonies, but of controlling himself. Li the book the latter is shown remarkably.

"How soon Would height recall high thoughts ? "

We cannot tell.

The leading feature of Earl Grey's Colonial Policy is that of a succession of onesided political pamphlets to answer a purpose. The work, however, has another aspect. With the exception of some of the smaller West Indian Islands, the whole of our Colo- nies are reviewed, in their constitution, economical condition staple industry, and leading political questions. This is often done in- cidentally and cursorily, so that some knowledge or a quick ap- prehension is required to see all that the writer really means. For any one wishing a short cut to the British Colonies and their latest state it is not a bad book, read with certain qualifica- tions; although monotonous from the formality and rotundity of the official style. No one has ever denied to Lord Grey great ability both in thought and language : his failure has been in prudent action and tempered expression. He has given a great deal of attention for many years to Colonial affairs and pos- sesses considerable experience upon them. The result of these are to be found in his book, sometimes in passing remarks, occa- sionally in more elaborate discussion : such as the transportation question; emigration at the expense of the state (in reference to his resistance of the proposal during the Irish famine) ; representa- tion in colonies, and at what stage it should be granted; self- government ; the direct taxation of labourers —to which, especially as regards the Sugar Colonies, Lord Grey attaches great importance in an economical point of view. The reader will have to use his own judgment in perusing these disquisitions, but they will repay perusal.