TOPICS OF THE DAY.
CONSTITUTIONAL LEAGUE IN EIrROPE.
ALTHOUGH the mission which a sect of enthusiasts wished to force upon Lord Aberdeen last week has no practical bearing on the actual state of the Continent, on our relations with Foreign Govern- ments, or the proper functions of diplomacy, it does not follow that diplomacy might not be usefully employed in rendering the posi- tion of this country more secure and peaceable, and in ultimately averting war by exhibiting the impolicy of those who are most likely to provoke it. Since the settlement of Europe in 1815, the relations of diplomacy have chiefly centered in what are called "the Great Powers"; the majority of whom have for the most part set the fashion in the government of Europe. By this acci- dent it has happened that the great party to which England na- turally belongs has been merged in relations that cross each other and prevent its true distinction from the opposite party; and thus it has befallen, that to an unfortunate extent the Constitutional States of Europe, instead of being brought together, have been se- parated even more in appearance than in fact. To this as well as to other causes may be ascribed the result, that the Constitutional interest in Europe has been losing ground, as the Absolutist interest has been gaining ground. In the con- flict of extreme principles, one is now thoroughly thrown down and the other is triumphant ; and in the open war of 1848, while we have seen the defeat of the one and the victory of the other, we have observed that the Constitutional principles, which were scarcely in issue, have been steadily declining. They have been so partly because their champions abstained from actively assert- ing them or resolutely vindicating them where assailed ; and so they sonic out of view, as a quiet man is hustled between aggres- sive combatants into a corner. The influence of the Constitu- tional party has indeed declined so far that the actual political existence of some states at the present day is called in question ; and all must now begin to feel that their safety, if not their independence, is menaced by the overgrowth and the gigantic en- croachment of the Absolutist Powers. Passively to witness the undeniable progress of powers who, if not our enemies, at least hold principles incompatible with our political existence, is not to cultivate peace, but to invite a mortal destiny for ourselves. To coquette in "friendly negotiations" with those powers, or with outlying confederates, is not to secure peace' but to disguise from our own sight the hostile intrigues which threaten us. Lord John Russell lately boasted that he was in peculiarly friendly relations with the French Government, and was in communication with it "on the state of Europe." Now, how can the Emperor of the French be the fittest person for ingland to be consulting on the state of Europe ? What sympathy can he have with Constitu- tional government? what community of interest? what experi- ence?
Other states there are, however, whose essential characteristics mark them out as proper allies for England to consult in the cri- tical state of European affairs. Belgium' for example, is bound to us by family ties, by similarity of constitution and, it may be added, by her perilous position. Holland is inclined to us by her moderation ; Denmark has shown a great capacity for appreciating the actual state of affairs ; Sardinia is our pupil, and would wil- lingly be our ally. The view which the Governments of these states take as to the posture of affairs is a subject that it would much concern our own Government to know; and probably if they were specially in communication on such a subject, they might not only recognize the exigencies of the time, but discover resources that are at present lost to view for want of means for concentrating information.
Were it known, for example, that Belgium, Holland, Sweden, England, Sardinia, and perhaps Denmark, were in council on the state and prospects of Constitutional organization in Europe, there is little doubt that other states whose position is more equivocal, would rally to the common standard. Spain would be very likely to recover from her coup d'etat delusions. Nay, there are states in Europe that have not exhibited any sympathy with political principles, and yet that are so situated as to find their interests more promoted by alliance with the Constitutional League than with the Holy Alliance of extreme Absolutism. Bavaria, for ex- ample, who cannot be regarded as belonging to any proselytizing system of political freedom, might yet say to herself—" These im- mense empires behind me, animated by views of government from which I do not altogether dissent, are growing so gigantic, so over- whelming, and so encroaching in their development, that I run a wry serious chance of being altogether submerged in their rise. On the other side, this Constitutional League is by its very prin- ciples, and by the commercial character of the people who belong to it, peaceable, non-aggressive, and trustworthy ; and therefore, it will be much more to my interest to throw my weight into that Constitutional League, than to encourage those all-absorbing pow- ers." Prussia, which has grown from a duchy to be almost an em- pire, but which still has to undergo mortifying dictation from its Imperial patrons, would be much tempted to take advantage of any influence that could counterbalance its compulsory allies. But it is not only individual states that might rally to such a league if it existed and were known to exist. In almost every country of Europe there is a moderate class; and in the most ar- bitrary of the empires, Austria, the action of the Government has been to force that moderate class into opposition. While it is pre- tended that the revolutions in Italy belong only to extreme classes
and low parties the retributions of the Austrian Marshal—the fines on whole towns, the reproaches addressed to the gentry, the punishment inflicted on nobles and aged priests, in Mantua as well as Milan—prove that the middle and upper classes are forced into opposition, and that the administration of the Supreme Govern- ment has become most intolerable. It is the same in Naples. In Germany there is the party of Gerviuus. To such moderate parties the existence of a Constitutional League would be the revival of htpe.
ow the first step towards the reorganization of the Constitu- tional interest in Europe, is to ascertain how it stands. English diplomacy could not employ itself better than in learning the sentiments, the views, and the counsel of the Constitutional States, as to the future of Europe. There would be no occasion for secrecy in such a mission. The information would suggest the proper course of action; but if it were known that England had taken the initiative in such a proceeding, the very fact might give pause to those arbitrary Governments who are now incited to ex- tremities of tyrannical rule by the absence of control or check— who may force us into a war because our passive quiescence in- vites them to excess.
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