SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

TRAVILI,

and Co.

A Visit to the United States. in 1841. By Joseph &urge Zia miII4/11 ORATORY.

Speeches of Lord Campbell, at the Bar and in the House of Commons; with an

Address to the Irish Bar as Lord Chancellor of Ireland Black, Edinburgh.

CONIC DRAII•.

Bubbles of the Day ; a Comedy, in five acts. By Douglas Jerrold, Author of " The Rent. Day," "Thu Prisoner of War," &c. &c

PRME FICTION. How and Parsons.

Cakes and Ale. By Douglas Jerrold. In two volumes Mote and Parsons.

STURGE'S VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES.

JOSEPH STURGE quitted England for the United States in March 1841, and returned in the following August. The objects he chiefly had in view were the "universal abolition of slavery, and the promotion of permanent international peace." The places he visited were the chief towns between Washington and the Falls of Niagara, on the Atlantic side of the Allegheny range,—as Albany, Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore. His principal occupations were attending meetings of various religious denominations, but mostly of the Friends; receiving and paying visits of a semi-public kind ; examining public buildings, espe- cially prisons and slave-depots, and writing exhortations to the Americans on the subject of slavery. Like most late travellers to America, his motions were of a rapid kind—too rapid, we con- ceive, to enable him to take more than a surface-view of any thing, except the internal condition of the American Abolitionists, who, it appears, are squabbling among themselves and are split into three parties.

Looking. to the connexions and consequent opportunities of JosErft &mos, his Visit to the United States does not contain so much useful matter or impart so much information as might have been expected. The author seems to have started upon the prin- ciple that slavery did not stand in need of examination, but that he was at liberty to assume any thing he pleased about it. Hence, his facts in relation to it are scanty : much of his book is occupied with accounts of the dissension in the Anti-Slavery party ; one ground of difference being caused by the absurd question, whether

women are eligible to sit in committees, &c. with men ? A good deal of space, too, is taken up with extracts from the resolutions of Anti-Slavery bodies, both English and American ; together with JOSEPH'S own lucubrations in the same line. What may be called his personal narrative is rather jejune; deficient in the vivacity and colour which GURNEY imparted to his Letters on the West Indies.

But what information the book does contain is of a curious or significant kind ; and is far from sustaining the tales of the A bolitionists at home. For example, in one of his sojourns at New York, he writes— "A fine Black man was brought tone about this time, who showed me papers by which it appeared he had lately given 1,500 dollars for his freedom. Be had since been driven from the State in which he lived, by the operation of a law enacted to prevent the continued residence of free people of colour, and has thus been banished from a wife and family, who are still slaves, lie has agreed with their owner that if he can pay 2,500 dollars in six years, his wife and six children shall be free ; and he was then trying to get employment in New York, in the hope of being able to raise this large sum within the sped- fled time."

On another occasion he saw a liberated slave who had purchased his freedom for 1,200 dollars ; and though obliged to emigrate like the former, was to emancipate his wife and four children for 1,400 dollars. In a steam-boat on the Hudson, Mr. STURGE fell in with a runaway Negro and his wife, who had got forged certificates of freedom, (the manufacture of such certificates is a trade in the Slave States,) for which they had paid twenty-five dollars each. That cruelty is frequently perpetrated on slaves—that the want of freedom is felt as a severe privation, just as the restraint of the army prompts men to most extraordinary efforts to evade it—and that its continuance is productive of the greatest moral evils both to the slaves and their masters—is unquestionably true : but, to speak of things exactly as we find them, it can hardly be that the institution is of that unmitigated tyranny and bloated self-will which the Exeter Hall sentimentalists delight to describe, when slaves can accumulate such large sums as twelve and fifteen hundred dollars. How difficult would it not be for any persons in England in a mechanical or menial condition to amass so much ? and what couple among the class emphatically called poor could lay by fifty dollars for any pur- pose? how many thousands would half of that sum save from the streets or the hulks!

Nor does it appear that JOSEPH &mace himself met with any planters, &e. of great barbarity : he speaks, indeed—in general terms, and upon hearing—of one or two monsters; but the people he actually saw appear to have been much like other men. He pointedly notices the open good-natured countenance of the superintendent at one slave-depot; and this is his account of another.

SLAVE-DEPOT AT BALTIMORE.

The American slave-trade is carried on in the most open manner in this city.

We paid a visit to the establishment of an extensive slave-dealer, a large new building in one of the principal streets. The proprietor received us with great courtesy, and permitted us to inspect the premises. Cleanliness and order were everywhere visible ; and, might we judge from the specimen!' of food shown ink, the animal wants of the slaves are not neglected. There were only five or six Negroes in stock, but the proprietor told us he had sometimes three or four hundred there, and had shipped off a cargo to New Orleans a few days before. That city is the market where the highest price is generally obtained for them. The premises are strongly secured with bolts and bars, and the rooms iii which the Negroes are confined surround an open court-yard, where they are per- mitted to take the air. We were accompanied and kindly introduced by an in- dividual who has often been engaged in preventing Negroes from being illegally enslaved; and the proprietor of the establishment expressed his approval of his

efforts, and that when such cases come before himself in the way of trade he was accustomed to send them to our friend for investigation : he added, that slaves would often come to him and ask him to purchase them, and that he was the means of transferring them from worse masters to better ; that he never parted families, though of course he could not control their fate, either before they came into his hands or after they left him. He said he frequently left his concerns for weeks together under the care of his head slave, whose wife he bad made free, and promised the same boon to him if he conducted himself well a few years longer. I thought it right to intimate my view of' the nature of slavery and the slave-trade, and that I deemed it wholly inconsistent with the plain precept "Do unto others as ye would they should do unto you." This be did not attempt to controvert ; yet he stated in extenuation, that the law permitted the trade in slaves, though he should be as willing as any one to have the system abolished if the State would grant them compensation for their property. He further said, that he was born in a Slave State, that his mother had been for fifty years a member of the Wesleyan body, and that though be had not joined a Christian church himself he had never sworn an oath nor committed an immoral act in his life. He also showed, I think, con- vincingly, that dealing in slaves was not worm than slave-holding. On leaving the premises, we found the door of his office had been locked upon us during this conference. I subsequently learned that this person, though living in con- siderable style, was not generally received in respectable society ; and that a lady whom he bad lately married was shunned by her former acquaintance.

To this individual, Mr. HOPE H. SLAUGHTER, Friend STURGE afterwards addressed an epistle, exhorting hint to leave off business ; and in the course of it, gives a fair enough hit at slave-holding mi- nisters of the gospel.

WHERE THE DARKEST PICTURE OF SLAVERY IS TO BE FOUND.

In passing from thy premises, we looked in upon the Triennial Convention of the Baptists of the United States, then in session in the city of Baltimore; where 1 found slave-holding ministers of high rank in the church, urging suc- cessfully the exclusion from the Missionary Board of that Society of all those who, in principle and practice, were known to be decided Abolitionist,: and the moults of their efforts satisfied me that the darkest picture of slavery is not to be found in the gaol of the slave-trader, but rather in a convocation of pro- fessed ministers of the gospel of Christ, expelling from the Board of a Society formed to enlighten the heathen of other nations all who consistently labour for the overthrow of a system which denies a knowledge of the Holy Scrip- tures to near three millions of heathen at home.

Into what may be called the Planting States JOSEPH STUBGE did not penetrate ; but there is a curious, though rather rambling sketch about some of them, in the Appendix, written by a Quaker, who took a journey to Kentucky to negotiate the manumission of a family in which a lady of the North was interested, and wrote the result to our author. The account of the journey or negotiation is too long to quote or abridge ; but here is a picture of the Planter master and mistress-

" The large price (3,500 dollars) paid for the redemption of this family may sntprise thee, especially if thou hut not forgotten that passage in Worthing- ton's letter, where he says, 'I am, to some extent, opposed to slavery ; nor do I object to the efforts of Abolitionists when done in a good spirit.' It is, how- ever, but justice to say that the description he gave of the family is strictly correct. They are all sprightly, remarkable for good character, and of coarse most valuable for house-servants.' He said be had repeatedly been offered 2,000 dollars for Sam ; and he believed he would command that sum any day from those who knew his worth ; that his old master prized him very highly— particularly for his moral excellence • and, speaking of his conduct, described him as a gentleman.' Yet he talked as if he were certain that Sam and his family would be reduced to beggary if left to themselves at the North. The children, it is true, have had httle preparation in slavery for self-reliance; for the most favoured of them cannot spell their own names.

"S. Worthington said many had inquired of him what business brought me there; and being informed of the object of my mission, they advised him to have nothing to do with me. 'But,' said he, 'though I am certain the con- dition of Sam and his wife cannot he bettered, I do not think the same with regard to their children; and as Mr. Smith seems disposed to do a kind action, I cannot, in conscience attempt to frustrate it. If I were to send you home

without this family, I conscience, have a troubled mind.' "One of Worthington's greatest difficulties in parting with these slaves was, that it would leave his wife destitute of servants. I pitied her, and felt it right to express my sympathy. I told her my compassion was increased, because I apprehended there was a struggle in her own breast between duty and interest; and I appealed to her whether she did not know it was a duty to let them go, though personal interest would induce her to keep them in her service. I was glad to perceive that these remarks enabled her to relieve herself of a weight ; her countenance brightened up, and she appeared quite willing I should take them away. She showed great kindness to Harriet and her children, and evi- dently felt deeply moved at parting with the nurse, who had thrice been with her through nature's sorest trials. She appeared to me to be a nice lady-like person; and if I judge aright, she knows what estimate ought to be placed

upon slavery in a woman's mind. • • *

• When the stage drove up, he [Mr. Worthington] came to inform me that it was ready. I found it surrounded by many persons, principally Coloured, who had assembled to bid farewell to the objects of my charge. Their master shook each slave by the hand, and bade them farewell. I observed him as we moved away, and thought he seemed to be a good deal moved from some cause Or other."

From this excursion, and the conclusions at which our author arrives, it would appear that Abolition is gaining ground in the States, and even in the Slave States. Almost all appear to regret the existence of slavery, and would rejoice at its abolition : persons not Planters, and a few even of the Planters, do not interfere to stop escaping slaves ; and from the treatment limas FULLER met with in his journey, it would appear that the Planters are willing to discuss the question, and do not gratuitously insult Abolitionists who avoid tampering with their people. Fursaia says he had rather argue with a slave-owner than an Anti-Abolitionist of the North ; they are more candid, and not so "mean." The preju- dice against colour is decreasing in the North : the State of New York last year enacted a law by which a slave brought into their territory, even with his own consent, becomes free, and cannot be carried out of it by his master ; mobs have rescued slaves from persons who have arrested them ; juries are disposed to give ver- dicts contrary to evidence of ownership ; and "vigilance commit- tees" are formed by the Abolitionists to assist runaway slaves into Canada,—an institution of some question in point of lawful- ness, we should have thought. That slavery in America will be

abolished before many years elapse, seems very probable; but we must confess we do not see the way. Difficult at all times, the whole question is there beset with difficulties. Our Emancipation, in the first place, had twenty millions to begin with ; in the next, with the exception of Demerara and Honduras, the slave-countries were islands, and many of them small and fully peopled ; then, both Planters and Negroes were restrained within bounds by the presence of the Governors and troops of the Crown, and still more by a knowledge of the Imperial power behind them; the monopoly of the home-market, and the patience with which the high price of Colonial sugar was borne, gave the experiment something more than a fair—a most favourable trial : but it cannot even yet be said to have succeeded. In speaking of means, of course we allude to peaceable means. In case of a war with France, or Russia, or most of all with Great Britain, the American slavery would be ended fast enough. A powerful blockading force, carrying some Coloured regiments, and attended by light steamers and swift-sailing vessels to penetrate the creeks and rivers of the South, could first cause a servile insur- rection, and then allure away the majority of the people ; which would no doubt destroy slavery—but with it the South. Should India be able to furnish large supplies of cotton, this also would deal a blow against American slavery; but in this case, that mer- cantile convulsion would ensue which always follows the destruc. tion of' a trade. If the Southerners were wise, they would prepare to meet an evil which they cannot escape ; and offer greater faci- lities to manumission—rescind some of the more odious laws against education, &c.—regulate, if they cannot forbid, the separation of families—and endeavour to bestow upon the slave something of the character of the serf, so as to attach him to the soil. Go back the Southerners cannot ; nor can they long remain as they are. In such a case, a wise man will take the reins into his own hands, and guide and regulate a movement which he cannot prevent. Let them ask our West Indians, and our Tories in England, what they got by resisting when the time for resistance was past.