TOPICS OF THE DAY.
PARTIES AND STATESMEN.
round ban many men pl cise Any control over Lord almerston. In other words, Sir John lalthñ would have to rally round him some band of men ; to dO so he must propound to them some political enterprise, which Would engage their support ; and if he did just those two things, he would have created a new "party."
When we talk of "party," we frequently, mean two things as distinct as the corpse and - the living body—as different as So- crates and his own lifeless carcass. The sort of party which we abominate—which obstructs Du.blic measures—which pretends to act but which is afraid to stand firmly—which weakens Lord Palmerston's tenure of office without daring to take it from him —that party consists of men who have become habituated to as- stociate together, but who are animated by no deep-seated con- victions, have no present purpose to carryout, do not pretend to themselves that they have any great service to execute for their country. They represent political ancestors who at one time en- tertained suoh a confidence-in their own motives and power; but the present men do not hold convictions strikingly different from those of the men they oppose. There is nothing, for example, in the policy of Lord Palmerston, so far as it is understood,
i which s peculiarly abhorrent to the party of Mr. Disraeli or to the party of Sir John Pakington. They differ; but it is in degree. There is nothing which any one of those parties has at the present day to propose which is essen- tially very different from the measures which Lord Palmer- ston would consent to indorse. The principal distinction is that Lord Palmerston has from his earliest years been accustomed to " act with" certain gentlemen, who find it more accordant with their turn of mind, their habits, their notions of the art of poli- ties, to act with him than with some others. Another set of gen- tlemen have quarrelled with this set upon the details of particular measures, because generally speaking those gentlemen desire to retain some traclitional spice of Toryism in their policy; but the most forcible influence which keeps that second set together is the fact that they have always been accustomed "to act together." They meet each other in the House of Commons, they meet each other at dinner-parties, they meet each other in casual gatherings Or associations to which they subscribe, they meet each other at their London club ; and their expectations of Parliamentary seats or official places are based upon their helping each other to obtain those desired boons. It is in fact a partnership of persons that constitutes party in this stage of party's existence.
To put it briefly, party is desirable while it is forming itself and attaining its strength by working out the great service winch its leaders propose to the country ; it is a desirable combi- nation for the carrying of public measures while it is in the growing stage of its existence ; but as soon as it has accomplished its measure 7-as soon as it hangs together for the sake of the individuals com- posing it, and of the benefit which each associate derives from the partnership to himself—it becomes a burden, an obstruction a nui- sance. "Measures, not men," have the sway while the party is only- known by its measures and is acquiring its consolidation ; it is " men; not measures," as soon as the party is known by its share- holders and not by its mission. We might string together the instances of every great public movement in any country. "Civil and. religious liberty" were genuine rallying-cries until the Test and Corporation Acts had been repealed and we had at- tained Catholic Emancipation. The " Appropriation-clause " was the standard of a party distinguished for its service in the cause of Irish freedom, until the victory had been gradually worked out, and had fructified in something better than the Appropriation-clause —in the Irish system of National Education : after that victory had, passed its virtual crisis, the Appropriation-clause became the Mere pretext for one party to crow over another or to advertise against another ; and, thrown aside as lumber, the boast of the Liberals became in a comparatively short space of time
Oi v. of our most esteemed correspondents takes up the cudgels against Party, because the most important questions of foreign policy and domestic administration have been set aside to avoid raising an inconvenient question—the Ministry, its removal and replacement by another. Everything, he says, is done with view to keeping in or turning out a Ministry; which seems to him to prevent any question from being fairly discussed on its own nierits. In the desire to avoid a Ministerial interregnum, the House of Commons abdientes its functions, separates without as- certaining the true position of Ministers towards America or Eu- rope, and leaves Lord Pabnerston unlimited power for six months, with nothing to check him but the " censure " of the House of Commons next session,—a censure which experience will teach him the possibility of avoiding, or evading. There is truth in this; but we do not.see that our correspondent suggests any remedy for the defect in our existing system, which he correctly enough assigns to a preference of party over statesmen. No friendly censultations " of Lord Palmerston with Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Cobden, and Sir John Pakington, would give them the command °ter the House of Commons or secure us against the possible es- capades of the Premier. Mi. Gladstone does not possess enough weiet of public following ; Mr. Cobden has obviously missed the spirit of the day; and although Six John, Pakin i gton s esteemed for his geed dispositions and the sensible view which he has taken of several public questions recently, he would require to gather to his support before he could. exer- their opprobrium. The Free-trade party was popular, powerful, and patriotic, until it conquered Peel, converted him to a re- emit, accomplished its purpose, and began, as a collection of men banded together by association in trade, tolook out for a new mission, which would create other employment, and bring other political grist to the political cotton-mill. The great party names which have almost lost their meaning amongst us, Whigs and Tories once indicated the Straffords of the British Monarchy, as opposed to the men that would have accepted a commonwealth ra- ther than acknowledge arbitrary rule ; or associates of Somers in dictating the great statute of that " glorious constitution" which scarce a Whig of the present day has read, or would be prepared to carry out in all its integrity, in its spizit as well as its letter. Among the many causes of political disorganization of the pre- sent day—of a certain strumous debility, which threatens the body politic with deco sition before death--one of the most conspicuous is a cow .1 y mistrust that keeps men apart. The penalty of ridicule is stronger than the dread of political reaction. As our correspondent observes, Members would rather leave an enigmatic and irresponsible Minister to plunge us into a war with America, to combine with despots in Paris or Vienna, and to be- tray the interests of constitutional freedom in. Enrope, than ex- hibit any anxiety with respect to great questions at which it is the fashion of the day to laugh. We must, it appears, have some • disaster before men will feel that they have a right to be in. ear- nest. It is so much the custom to enter into combination solely for the purpose of personal advancement, that any keenness of feeling or vigour of action upon a public measure renders a man suspected of haying some personal object to serve ; and the aver- age number would rather run the risk of a war with America, or a military counter-revolution in Europe, than allow any par- venu in the Parliamentary ranks to suppose that he can obtain the confidence of a new party. For his ardour would be a slur upon their fainthearted apathy ; or, if it were possible that he could succeed, his political success would be a censure upon their own shortsightedness. There is scarcely a doubt that if any man possessing any degree of public confidence were to stand up in the House of Commons and declare that he would have explanations on these points, he would, rally round him d party, in and out of the House, who would support him, and who would effectually prevent Lord Palmerston from enjoying that holiday of irresponsibility which our correspondent foresees for him.
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