Eleluttett antt Proreettinint in Parliament.
1. RENEWAL OF THE COERCION BILL.
The House of Peers resolved itself into a Commi:tee on this bill on Monday ; and a brief discussion arose ; in the course of which, Earl GREY stated, that for the same reasons which had induced Ministers to omit the Court-martial clauses from the bill, namely, the leadiness of juries to convict the guilty, the Change of Venue Bill would also be suffered to drop. The clauses in the bill were agreed to, Is ith a verbal amendment ; the report ordered to be received on Tuesday, and the House resumed.
In the House of Commons, on the same evening, Lord ALTHORP laid on the table some papers relating to the state of Ireland, and moved that they be printed. He took the opportunity of stating that Mr. Littleton had good grounds for making the communication which he had made to Mr. O'Connell, that Ministers had not then made up their minds as to the renewal of the Coercion Act. He also mentioned, that Mr. Littleton on Saturday, tendered his resignation to Earl Grey; who, however, declined accepting it. Mr. Littleton then held office at the request of Ministers ; who were extremely unwilling to be deprived of his valuable services, on such insufficient grounds as bad caused his resignation.
Mr. HUME avowed his belief that Mr. Littleton had acted with strict honour and with kind feeling in his communication to Mr. O'Con- nell; which communication no person could now doubt to have been quite correct. He extremely regretted the hesitating conduct of Mi- nisters in regard to this Coercion Act, as on all other subjects. He had indeed heard, that it was merely in obedience to the will of one person in the Cabinet that the bill was to be renewed ; and that his colleagues had submitted to that person under the threat, that if he were not supported on this occasion, he would resign. This was the statement in every one's mouth ; and, if incorrect, Lord Althorp might contradict it.
Lord ALTHORP said, that the Cabinet was unanimous in bringing for- ward this measure. It was inconsistent with his duty to give a reply to the question asked by Mr. Hume as to their having been only one mem- ber originally in favour of renewing the Coercion Act.
Mr. ROBINSON remarked, that it was plain, from Lord Althorp's reply, that Mr. Hume had good grounds for what he had stated. He hoped that the whole of the correspondence of Lord Wellesley would be brought forward.
Lord A LTHORP admitted, that a discussion respecting the renewal of the bill had taken place between Ministers and Lord Wellesley ; but many of the letters which had passed were private communications, and ought not to be produced. Lord Wellesley was now decidedly in favour of renewing the Act.
Mr. 0' CONNELL strongly urged the production of all the correspon- dence. Lord Wellesley was in favour of the bill on the 18th of April, as appeared from the papers laid before Parliament ; he was opposed to the renewal, as appeared from Mr. Littleton's communication to him, on the 20th of June ; and now Lord Althorp stated, that he was de- cidedly in favour of it on the 7th of July. It was extremely important to ascertain how this change of opinion had been brought about in the mind of the Viceroy. Mr. O'Connell then ridiculed the proceedings by which Ministers pretended to give the promised relief to Ireland.
The Reform Bill itself was only an insult to Ireland,from the difference between it and the English and Scotch Reform Bills. Then they had got rid of, prospec- tively, ten bishops! he thought that measure nothing when it was proposed, and he voted against the third reading of it. He was told of the 1,000,000/. voted for the Irish clergy: they had sent it back. Then they were told of the reduction of the vestry cess, which it now appeared had dwindled down to a paltry 35,000/. a year : that was, according to the right honourable Secretary, one of the boons granted to Ireland. Last came the measure of the Govern- ment for settling the tithe question : they brought in that bill in February, they
i altered it in March, again they altered it n April, ditto in May, ditto in June; and now in July, after all this chopping and changing, it had become such a nondescript, that there was no knowing what to make of it. Oh, he forgot— they had given them a Commission to inquire into the state of the Church of Ireland : they had given them the benefit of ten Commissioners, who had not yet set out on their travels. That was all that had been done for Ireland. They is- sued a Commission, and they were afraid to affirm the principle which some of them asserted the very issuing of that Commission acknowledged. They had set up a Commission which would be the ridicule and scorn of the whole country.
He concluded by moving that the papers laid on the table by Lord Althorp should be referred to a Select Committee.
Mr. FERGUS O'CONNOR seconded this amendment.
Lord ALTHORP opposed it.
The papers which he had laid upon the table of the House contained such in- formation as the Government conceived would justify the proposition which it was their intention to bring before the [louse; and if, on consideration of their contents, it should appear to the House that these documents afforded no justifi- cation for the measure, then of course it would not agree to its adoption.
Mr. H. GRATTAN supported the amendment, and vehemently de- nounced the conduct of Ministers. He denied that Lord Wellesley was qualified to give an opinion as to the state of Ireland.
The information had been obtained from the police officers, for Lord Wellesley Lad never been further than the county of Wicklow since his appointment. He knew personally nothing of the state of the country ; and with respect to the sources from which his information was derived, tbe police-officers, Mr. Grattan could state that it had been his lot to examine many of them in the county of Mona- ghan, and he had no reluctance in stating that he would not believe them upon their oaths. That they were undeserving of credit, he should be able to prove, When the debate on the bill came regulaily before the House. He could also prove, that they had not possessed the courage to enforce the orders which were Contained in the letters transmitted to then, by Mr. Stanley, at the time that gentleman filled ths office of Secretary for Ireland. Mr. FERGUS O'CoNNoit spoke on the same side.
Mr. ELLICE admitted, that there was some justification for the warmth exhibited by the Irish Members ; but maintained, that no ad- vantage could be derived from sending the papers to a Committee up stairs, who could only report their opinion upon their contents to the House, where they could be well examined in the first instance.
Mr. HUMS reminded Mr. Ellice, that Mr. Grattan had declared he was prepared with evidence to disprove the statements of the police ; but this he could not do, if the papers were merely printed and laid upon the table. He contended for the reasonableness of the request of the Irish Members, that due time and every opportunity should be al- lowed for the examination of the papers, on the faith of whose con- tents such a bill as the Coercion Bill was to be renewed.
Mr. LITTLETON spoke a few words in defence of the credibility of the police.
Mr. O'REILLY mentioned, that Mr. Charles Grant, when Irish Secretary, refused to renew the Insurrection Act in 1821 and 1822, on the faith of police reports.
Mr. CHARLES GRANT said, that he certainly had done so; but sub- sequently, when unconnected with Government, he had voted for the renewal of the Insurrection Act, being convinced of its necessity.
Sir ROBERT PEEL called for more information respecting the causes of Lord Wellesley's change of opinion. He said Lord Wellesley did not lightly form his opinion ; and enlarged in praise of his Lordship's firmness of character and mental power, as exhibited in India and in Ireland. He read an extract from his letter of the lath April ; and re- marked upon the earnestness of tone and peculiarly strong language in which he called for the renewal of the bill. He also dwelt upon the extreme impropriety and indiscretion of the Ministerial communica- tions with Mr. O'Connell, who had been expressly pointed at in the King's Speech as a dangerous disturber of the peace of Ireland. He should, however, vote against the amendment, because he did not wish to delay the progress of the bill.
Mr. LITTLETON repeated the assurance that Lord Wellesley's opinions were the same now as on the 13th April.
After receiving the despatch of that date, as the confidential friend as well as the official adviser of the Lord. Lieutenant, he wrote to Lord Wellesley to in- quire whether his opinion was firmly fixed in favour of the continuation of the three clauses which prohibited public meetings. A communication ensued, the substance of which he did not feel justified in divulging; but it was enough to i say, that the result was a general union of all parties n the opinion that the Coercion Act should be renewed as had been proposed.
Mr. SHEIL said, the question was, did the Lord-Lieutenant change his mind ?
Ministers relied on the opinion of Lord Wellesley when it was in favour of coercion ; what weight was attached to it when it was pronounced against coer- cion? The House had not the whole truth before them. The Government kept back the documents. There was nothing like having all the postulates, all the data, before you proceeded with argument. He wanted the letters. Grout- ing that the despatch of the 18th of April was in favour of coercion, was not that of the 18th of June against it? The Ministry had given the country but a miserable fragment of that despatch. It had been said by Sir Robert Peel tha' it was too late in the session to commence an inquiry. What ! was it really too late for a complete investigation ? Was it too late on the 7th of July to do justice to Ireland ? If it was too late, it was not for want of warning. There was no ground for renewing one part of the bill without the other.
Mr. LITTLETON observed, that Lord 1Vellesley had never turned his attention to the effects of the Court-martial clause, because it had never once been found necessary to call it into operation.
Mr. 0' CONNELL—" Good God ! is Ireland to be governed by a man who has never turned his attention to the effects of the Court-martial clause ? Lord Wellesley, then, had never turned his semi-regal attention to the Court-martial clause ! It was said that it was too late to do jus- tice to Ireland by a Committee; but it was not too late to pass the Co- ercion Bill! "
Here were the Ministers with their ready majority to carry their Coercion Bill. But he would tell them that they would save something even in point of time. Would he not discuss the question debate after debate, word by word, sentehce by sentence ? Must he not make a motion for the production of the papers? Did the House think that he would allow himself to sit idly there? Did they think that any one of the Irish Members would not put the House to the test over and over again ? " Oh you are the descendants of the old Whigs, the enemies of despotism, the friends of constitutional freedom,—you have free- dom for your banner, but tyranny for your principle."
On the 20th of June, they were told there would be no Coercion Bill. The individual members of the Cabinet, counting them one by one, were against it.
"And yet, because the First Lord of the Treasury was opposed to you—because he was obstinate, and the prolonged existence of the Administration was threat. ened—because you preferred your places to your political consistency, you are con- tented to be branded, as I brand you now with being the tyrants, the miserable des- pots of a country which you believe has not at the moment the power to resist. But let me tell you, that there is no braver nation in the wide world than the Irish nation I may be taunted—I am liable to the taunt, and it is a perfectly safe taunt for all who may choose to put it forth—but the courage of the nation stands high and pure, above all doubt secure from any imputation. (Cheers.) I wish to God, however, that I could reconcile it to my conscience —I wish to God I could, but I cannot, reconcile it to my conscience again to place myself in mortal conflict with a fellow-creature, and that the survivor of us was to have the government of Ireland ; and I tell you that then I had rather die than let you pass this act."
The police-officers were persons who had a direct interest in the re- newal of this act. They were false witnesses. A grosser falsehood never stained human lips than that the Coercion Bill was necessary for the tranquillity of Ireland.
Lord Wellesley was most anious to have it reenacted. He used nearly all the superlatives in the English language to express his anxiety. And Lord Wel- lesley was praised for his manliness—his manliness! " But I disdain describing him ! .1 have seen him at his levee ! Oh, it is too bad that the liberties cf Ireland should be made to rest upon such a will-o'-the wisp He is not in your Cabinets No, you never had him there ! No, he is not fit for that ; but he is g, od enough to make tyrannical laws for Ire] ind. On the 18th of April you were for the bill—the whole bill. Why are you not so now ? The honourable Mender for Edinburgh and the honomable Member for Kirkcudbright are amongst •-ou." The abandonment of the Court-martial clause, was nothing more or less thin the
Mr. O'CoNNELL—" They did right. They voted against the prosecutor of the True Sun. They voted against one who was a member of that Adminis-
tration which liaised the Coercion ; and I have no doubt mans, honest
Scotelimen voted against you also." Would the Radicals of Cambridge have voted for the new Secretary for the Colonies if they knew that the bill was to be them ; well knowing, as the event had proved, that commun Ienewed by this Liberal Goverumeut at the request of a Polonius of a Lord- Lieutenant ?
..On the 20th of June the discussion then gob.' forward between . . ...n Mr. Littleton and the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland was in such a state as led the former to believe, and n be justified hint as acting o that lief, to state that he familiar tone in which they were written. political state of this country than that of Ireland.
parties by whom they were written.
tle had read what the noble Marquis had written on the 18th of April ; he ulishment of other objects, the omission of the three clauses might be had beard what the noble Marquis's opinion was upon the 7th of July ; but he resorted to without endangering the safety of Ireland, and more parti- was told that on the 20th of June the noble Marquis held a different opinion.
They had Lord Wellesley's opinion in favour of the zenewal of the Act. They o asked for his opinion against it ! (Loud cheers.) Would they refer to the cured. From this view, which Lord Wellesley submitted for conside- Illarquis Wellesley, and ask him if he had any objection to the production of ration, but not as a recommendation, Earl Grey dissented ; and the that part of his correspondence with the right honourable Secretary which might question was then discussed in the Cabinet. bear upon this point ? ( Continued cheerang.) Ile now came to circumstances that ought never to have been made known, Sir GEORGE MURRAY said, that if this bill were for Scotland, and which it was equally inconvenient and painful for hint advert to ; but no instead of for Ireland, nothing would induce him to vote for it without choice remained to hint. It had been already stated, and it could now no inquiry ; but he should follow the example of Sir Robert Peel, and longer be concealed, that there existed considerable difference of opinion on the
vote agslinst the amendment, because, if inquiry were granted, it would be impossible to pass the bill this session. (Laughter.) tion had since received the full and entire concuirence of their Lordships. So The house divided, after a few brief observations from Mr. far the case was clear. A new practice a novel circumstance which had never
O'DwyEa, Mr. RONAYNE, Mr. LrEnov, and others : for the amend- before occurred in the political annals of country, now tuok place. Questions ment, 73; against it, 156; majority for printing the papers, and against had arisen, and disclosures were called for, of what passed in the confidential
the Committee of inquiry, 83. communications between Ministers themselves and prism's holding subordinate postpone the order of the day for taking into consideration the report ament, what were the different opinions and views of vat ions members of the
Oil the bill. Government under difficult circumstances—to require minute information on The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said, they had been told of the absolute this head—would be to demand what, if complied with, would render the necessity of pressing forward the renewal of this bill ; and now a delay task of government, a task at all times difficult, and at no time more difficult seas requested. He was surprised that no reasons or explanation were than at present, absolutely impossible. It was with considerable pain and sue-
given for this mode of proceeding. prise that he had heard it stated by those who he thought ought to be anxious,
Earl GREY said, that if the safety of the country would be affected
by twenty-four hours' delay, then an explanation ought to he given. reluctant - But he thought that the Duke of Buckingham would not suppose a the greatest astonishment he heard that those individuals had supported a inn-
eh i
ort delay would have such an effect, or that he would ask for t, tion of an honourable Member of the other House of Parliament, calling for the without sufficient reasons. Those reasons, however, he would de- production of documents which were not of a nature to be laid before the House.
Cline stating. Those were letters not addressed to that Minister of the Crown with whom the The Duke of BUCKINGHAM again -pressed for the reasons for this Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland stood naturally connected : they were of a secret and delay; but received no reply from Earl Grey ; and the order of the confidential nature, addressed to himself; and through whatever channel the knowledge of them might have transpired, he did not think that altered the day was postponed_
Irish Coercion Bill being read, lie had already stated, that that communication was male without his know-
Earl GREY advanced to the table, and said " I rise, my Lords "— ledge or concurrence; and that it had been dictated by an extreme imprudence Here he paused, evidently much affected, and unable to proceed : the which it was hardly possible to imagine, he was compelled to admit. how- Opposition Peers cheered repeatedly, in order to give Earl Grey time ever, the effect of that communication was, that a Member of the other House to recover his self-possession ; but, after several attempts to go on, he of Parliament having been put in possession of the facts refened to, did make sat down amidst general cheering, use of them for the purpose of bringing a charge against the Government Inc not places in Ireland in favour of the Established Church. After which, consistency ; and the production of private documents was called for, contrary Earl GREY again rose, and said that he really felt quite ashamed of to all precedent and propriety. The consequence of this was, that his noble the weakness and excess of feeling he had shown on this occasion ; but frit ni the Chancellor of the Exchequer,—he had Ids Majesty's permission to be trusted that the difficult duty he had to perform would be receil e 1 state these facts, and he would not state mote than was absolutely necessary,— as an apology for it. In rising to move that the report on the Ccet- the noble Lord who conducted the affairs of Government in the House of Coin- cion Bill should be received, he had to state, that be no longer acted as mons, and who was one of those most fully impressed with the opinion enter Minister of the Crown, but as an individual member of Parliament. tamed by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and who felt how much of the ground was swept i ntb
lie should be unworthy of the place be had held, if he shrunk from
supporting as an individual a measure which as a Minister he night before, that lige could not with satisfaction to himself or the Government Oared to be essential to the safety of the country. But as he had continue ia thesitaation which he had hitherto occupied. The consequence was, formerly stated at length the grounds on which he asked their Lord- that yesterday morning he received a letter from the noble Lord, containinh his ship& concurrence in this measure, he would not detain them longer resignation ; and having subsequently, in a personal interview with his n
upon that subject, but would proceed to explain the circumstances friend, ascertained that the resolution was final and unalterable, he transmitted
which had led to his resignation. the resignation to his Majesty. It con14 not be necessary for him to refer to their Lordships' recollection of It then became necessary for him to consider what he himself should what had'recently passed in this House OD questions put to hint, and the answers do. At the close of last session it had been his anxious wish to retire ; which he had given. Ile was asked whether, in any communications that had I but be yielded to the strong and united representations of his colleagues, truckliug of one part el the Administration to another. If. the Attorney-General taken place upon this subject with a penult known for the strong part he took had agreed to press the Court•niartinl cluuse, a Diellei fete might have taken in the affairs of Ireland,—he did not wish to use any other terms with iespect to
place in Edinburgh. There are one hundred Irish vote'. in Edinburgh. that individual, who must be sufficiently known to their Lordships,—he was
The ArroKNEY-GENERAL—', They all voted against me." asked whether he had been any pal ty to those communications? lu answer to
this question, he then stated, and he now repeated, that those communications were not only made without his concurrence but without his knowledge. (Cheering.) If he had been pteviously apprised of the matter, them was no power or influence which he possessed that he would not have wed to prevent ications of any description, even of the slightest nature, could not be safely made in that quarter ;
and being strongly impressed with a conviction that it was not for the public benefit or the advantage of the Government to make any communication what. Mr. ABERCROMBY stated his readiness, when the proper time came, eLso-errduhtthat qtuarter.. (Loudcheers.) What he bad i next to state to their to state the reasons which had induced him to be in favour of the bill ; ps f erfhaetng already repeated his opinion of t necessity of this Inca-
' which be begged the House not to reject by the side-wind of granting sure, was, rom the time his opinion of that necessity wae formed on the a Committee of inquiry. grounds before mentioned, it had never for one moment suffered the slightest Lord Joins RessEst. thought that Mr. O'Connell's speech, and the change or variation. Up to the 234 of June, he had no reason to believe that temper which he had that night evinced, proved the necessity of renew- any doubt was anywhere entertained on the subject. It was the opinion of him.
ing the Coercion Bill. self and his colleagues, an opinion formed in consequence of the conimuideatioul
which they had received, that the renovation of this act woe indispeneably re.
Lord SToRMONT distinctly asked Lord Althorp, why it was that quired. Ile had himself instructed the Attorney-General to flame a bill Mr its
Lord Wellesley had changed his apinion ? renewal, which bill was now on their Lordships' table. But on the 2.3d a Mr. RomNSON also pressed for this information. June a new state of thiugs occurred. It was exceedingly painful to him to go
Lord ALTHORP said— into a statement of circumstances of which nothing. ought ever to have been
heard; but the fault was not his, and if by imprudence those circumstances had been brought before the public, and had produced results such as they hail given rise to, it was necessary that he, standing there charged with an imperious duty to his Sovereign and tfie country, and responsible for his own character—it woe thought the noble Malquis had changed his opinions upon the subject of the necessary diet he should state to their Lordships in the clearest manner, and Coercion Bill. Lord Althorp, however, was not prepared to say that the cor- without disguise, every thing that bad taken place. On the 23i1 of June. he re- respondence had left the same inipressiun on his mind that it had on Mr. Little- eeived from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland a private and confideritial letter ton 'e respecting the alteration in Lord Wellesley's opinions. But he could easily (which certainly he would never have mentioned out of the Cabinet, had he not understand how a man, anxious to lead another into his views, would naturally o interpret every thing in that way which was most favourable to the object he had been obliged to d so by the necessity of the circumstances in which he seal at heart. placed), which did appear to give a new view of the subject, and whirl' he therefore laid before his colleagues. That letter appeared to have been produces!,
The letters were private and could not be produced. not so much by any original view entertained by that illustrious person' of Sir ROBERT PEEL declared that, it was idle to contend that letters on whom he could not speak too highly, and who in this matter as well as in every
Vivian :" thereNvere letters beginning with "My dear Ellice," and so on. land, as by certain considerations suggested to him lw others—he again repeated, Sir Robert read some other extracts from the letters,:to prove the without his knowledge or privity—certain considerations rather affecting the
Mr. ELLICE—" Those letters were published with the consent of the He by no means concurred with this view ; and, by return of post, wrote to Lord Wellesley, stating his opinion. A correspondence en.
sued ; and the iesult of that correspondence undoubtedly vas, that Lind
Sir Romer PEEL—" That will quite satisfy me ! " Wellesley did express an opinion that if it would promote the worn-
cularly if by means of the omission an extension of time might be pr- subject in the Cabinet; but it was ultimately determined that the bill should be introduced in that form in which he had brought it forwaid, and that detel mina-
The original motion was then agreed to. offices. This WIN perfectly unjustifiable ; the result of such co ...... unirations documentary all thatParldianueentsvuast entitled to learn7theesult, founded on snail:kora On Tuesday, in the House of Peers, Earl GREY said he wished to l . eel enc But ask, the various discussions that arose in of Par-
above and apart from all party considerations, to preserve the peace and tran-
gl ,
Ility of Ireland,—anxious to preserve the first privileges of government and
uctant to throw impediments in the way of a necessary act, -it was with
state of the case, or that their production could be properly called for.
2. DISSOLUTION OF TI1E MINISTRY. He now came to the circumstances of Mr. Littleton's communication On Wednesday, the order of the day for receiving the report on the with Mr. O'Connell.
reducing the necessary documents on the subject of the Protection Bill. Further, The Duke of WELLINGTON then presented several petitions from Ministers were charged with a breach of faith, followed by vacillation alit/ in- riewndhifeehlt,thiniscobilnsel .hua had de- consequence din wP17alt) had feroimmuusendoefr "mti—onlisisotntogte. and remained. When the late secessions from the Cabinet occurred, be again wished to give up his post ; hut again the representation of his collettouea and of a large body of gentlemen in the House of Commons, prevailed upon him to retain it,—notwithstandiug he felt the separation from his colleagues most painfully, and still regretted the loss of the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of 'Rpm Feeling how unable he wits to continue to discharge the duties of his offices, he then made LIP his mind to retire, as he would have been justified in retiring. He had completed his seventieth year in March last ; and though, at his age, being blessed with good health, he might be able to conduct the affairs of the country in ordinary times, yet, in such times as these, a person arrived at that age N'as unequal to so great a charge. The Owes, however, of those who seceded were filled up ; and he was in hopes that the Administratioo would go on at least until the measures before Parliament were completed.
Then came this new state of aff firs, which had deprived him of the assistance of his noble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the leading member of Government in the Commons—the individual on whom his whole confidence rested, whdm he considered as las right arm, and without whose assistance he felt it impossible for the Gevel tunent to go on. Former breaches hail eon- ?Mouldy weakened the Government ; this new breach placed it in a situatim in which he could not well hope to retain his place at its bead, with any view to serve the Crown or the country effectually, or to any nseful purpose. On receiving his noble friend's resignation, therefore, he saw no alter native, but felt impelled by irresistible necessity to tender his own to his 111a3erty at the same time. Those resignations haul been accepted by his Majesty ; and he now stood there discharging the duties of office only till such time as his Majesty could supply his parse.
Ile hoped that, in this last scene of his political life, he should experi ence their Lordships' indulgence. He never would have hel i his office at all, could he have prevailed upon the Marquis of Lansdowne to take it arid form a Cabinet. Ile had stated every thing candidly, and would disguise nothing. Ile called for a just and even kind consideration of the difficult circumstances in which he had been placed. He described the state of affairs, foreign and domestic, at his accession to office. He asserted that in every point of view it had been materially improved ; Mid that his pledges to maintain peace abroad, and to prosecute Par- liamentary Reform and economical administration at home, had been fully redeemed. The patronage of the Crown had been reduced to an extent whieh their Lordships might deem inexpedient ; and being no longer Minister, he was bound to admit his fear was that they had gone too far. He alluded to the suppression of Political Unions without resorting to extraordinary laws; to the great reduction in taxa- tjon ; to the East India, West India, and Bank Charter Bills ; and to the pending measure for amending the Poor-Laws. The Irish Church Bill was also a salutary measure.
He had been attacked on one side for not going far enough and on the other band he was assailed fiu . going too far. his situation bad not been an enviable
(
one, standing there as be did, deprived of the natural support which a 31inister of the Crown had a right to expect. Fettered and crippled as it was, Govern- melt had done all that lay in its power ; much more during its short tenure of office, than had ever limn' done before in the space of half a century for the im- provement 4,1 the social condition of the country. The Administration hail to cordonl with the accumulated evils of ages, with respect to which, till now, no sufficient reform had been applied. It was under the circumstances enumerated, and beneath a pressure which he had not power to meet, that he had resigned the trust reposed in him by his Majesty.
He had been charged with providing for numerous relations and con- nexions out of thda public purse. No Minister was less justly liable to such a reproach-- The entrance if any person in any way, however distantly connected with his family, into any rithee connected with Government, was always set down to his account. Now, he left office with a fortune not more than sufficient to sup- port his rank and station in soeiety, charged as he was with the maintenance of a numerous family, and certainly with a fortune not hnproved by the emolu- ments of place. Ile left office, not retaining one shilling of the public money, either for himself or for any of his connexions. Of his numerous relations and connexions, some had undoubtedly been placed in situations under Government; but all their situations had been laborious. He asked those who had jained in casting these imputations upon him, to look at the appointments which had been made in his family, and to say whether there was one of them which was not justified by the conduct of the party tilling it? He asked the individuals in office under whom those parties had acted, whether they were not parties likely and proper to have been selected for their situations, even if they had had no connection with him? Ile appealed from the malice of his accusers to the justice of the country, and asked whether the mere circumstance of their con- nection with him was to be considered as a disqualification for their entrance into the.public service? It had been said that he was an enemy to the Church ; and an attempt—an ineffectual attempt, Ile believed, it would ruin out to be- half been made to raise against him the cry of " the Church is in danger." Now the measures which he haul promoted with regard to the Church had emanated out of a sincere anxiety to benefit and improve the state of the Church. 1st his situation as head of the Government, he had had sonic Church Patronage to dispose of. He would ask the members of the Right Reverend Bench, whether in his disposal of it, they had seen any reason to say that his object was not to fill vacant benefices with persons well qualified to discharge their duties? (Loud cheers from the Bishops.) When he said that on leav- ing office he should not leave behind hint any one of his connexions receiving the public money, he had, perhaps, gone too a little too far ; for he recollected that he had a very near and dear relation, a Bishop of the Church of England. he would appeal to his Right Reverend colleagues, whether that prelate was not qualified for the ministry which he held in the Church? (Lowl cheers from various parts of the House.) That, however, was not his appointment. The bishopric of Hereford became vacant in May 1832, at a time when the end dins Administration appeared to be approaching. In point of fact, at the time when he thought that he was taking leave of his most gracious master as a !thruster, his Majesty, as a gracious mark of the approbation and confidence With which he had honoured him, desired that Dr. Grey should be appointed to he vacant bishopric. That gracious command it was not for him to resist. He had since added to the revenues of that see, by the recommendation of his Majesty, those of a stall in the Cathedral Church of Westminster. That, he bought, would not be objected to, when it was recollected that there was not a !tngle Bishop in possession of a small see who did not derive an addition to his income from some living being attached to it. One of his first acts on coming nto office was to assist in making an arrangement of a similar name for the Bishop of Exeter, who had certainly never been a political friend to him, but who appeared in strict justice to have a right to it, in order to fulfil the arrange- mesas made with him upon his appointment to the sec. From these two pieces of preferment his Right Reverend relation would possess an income of more than 4,0001. a-year ; which., in reforming the hal Chute'', their Lord- ships did not think too much for an Irish Bishop. Earl Grey then stated, that he could not advise their Lordships to proceed at present with measures of general policy, such as the t,oer- cion and Irish Church Bills ; which he therefore would propose should be laid aside till a new Administration was formed, when they should have his best support. But the Poor-Law Bill was not a Government or political measure ; and he therefore would propose its second reading on Friday next. Iii conclusion, Earl Grey said— Ile might have much to account for to their Lordships and the country with respect to the ability with which he had discharged his duty ; but he trusted that lie should stand excused in their opinion for any departure from the princi- ples which he had professed, or for any deviation from that conduct which be- came a man of honour. ( General cheering.) Whilst he had health and strength left him he should continue to attend in his place in Parliament as an individual Par, and to assist in promoting those views which he conceived to be the best for the general interests of the country. (Loud and general cheering.) The Duke of WELLINGTON rose and said, that if Earl Grey bad con- fined himself to a statement of the reasons which led to his resignation of office, he should not have thought it necessary to address their Lord- ships, but he had referred to other topics, and the conduct of former Administrations ; and the Duke would therefore say a few, Earl Grey had clearly stated the reasons for his own resignaton, but he left untouched the reasons for Lord Althorp's, which led to it. If ever there were men bound by a kind of necessity to remain in their Sovereign's service, those men were Earl Grey and his colleagues. Ile admitted that secrecy in all confidential correspondence should be pre- served ; but Sir Robert Peel, whose speech bad been represented as embarrassing to Ministers, and consequently leading to their resignation, only wished to know what passed between Lord Wellesley and the Government relative to the renewal of the Coercion Bill. This he Was justified in asking ; for it appeared there did exist a correspondence on the subiect. Why should Earl Grey take upon himself to decide what papers it was necessary for Parliament to see? His conviction was, that Earl Grey and Lord Althorp had no grounds whatever for quitting his Majesty's service. The Duke then referred to the circum- stances which occurred about the time of his own secession from office; and denied that tither at home or abroad they were at all improved. The principle of non-intervention especially had been grossly violated by Ministers. Ile also considered that it was premature in Earl Grey to cougratulate himself on the success of either his East India or Slavery Bill. He concluded with saying, that he would support. the second reading of the Poor-Law Bill ; that he had always been anxious to support Earl Grey, and never opposed him but with pain.
Lord BROUGHAM said, that after the Duke of Wellington's speech, he felt it necessary to make a few observations. He rose with very different feelings from those which appeared to actuate the noble Duke. lie thought that the feeling with which he had himself listened to Earl Grey's speech had been universally shared in the House, and he thought still that a great majority felt as he did. IIe was surprised that, at this particular moment, the Duke of Wellington could have entered into a consideration of the state of parties : but there was no accounting for tastes. After passing an eulogium on the private and public character of Earl Grey, Lord Brougham stated his own determination to sri- fice conybrt, case of mind, and personal convenience—to endure all personal privation, rather than abandon the service if his Sovereign! "After this," said Lord Brougham, with very marked and peculiar emphasis, "I need, not add, that I have not resigned." (Loud laughter front the Opposition Peers.) After a general defence of the measures of Ministers, Lord Brougham proceeded to remark upon the assertion of the Duke of Wel- lington that he had always supported Earl Grey when he could- " I do not know why the noble Duke considered it necessary to stand so much on the defensive as he did to-night. Perhaps lie thought that, by defending himself, he could the more easily attack my noble friend ; but certainly he watr more on the defensive to-night than ever he was since 1811. My noble friend did not attack the noble Duke nor his party. He merely said, that it had been his misfortune to meet often with opposition in this House. But,' says the
noble Duke, we did not support the noble Earl when we could not support him; and we opposed him only when we disapproved of his measures or dif- fered from lain in opinion.' That was all my noble friend said. He said that
it augmented the difficulties which he had to encounter ; that wherever your Lordships could differ with him, you did. (" No, no! "from the Opposition.) Your Lordships will not say this ; but since I have been dragged forward to say
a few words in the defence of my noble friend on this occasion, I will say that
your Lordships, on very many occasions—conscientiously no doubt, and not with the view of opposing the Government—dal differ with my noble friend and his Ado l i ll istration. In the measures, for instance, brought forward for the
improvement of the laws, and in the Local Courts Bill, you did not oppose the
preliminary stages—you did not oppose going into Committee ; you deemed it expedient, because you differed in opinion regarding them, that they should be looked into and thoroughly examined; you took pains to sift them, and did not
make up your judicial minds, excepting so far as to support all the provisions of the bills till they arrived at the last stage—till the twelfth hour. Then was
there such a hustle, such numbers of despatches, such numbers of couriers run- ning to aru ! fro, such extensive correspondence by general post and by two- penny, st:;-11 quantities of proxies, that the judicial business in the morning of
that day was stopped from the eagerness of noble Lords to enter then, and such crowding down to the House that the very avenues to it were stopped, and I saw that the fate of my unfortunate bill was sealed. But all this anxiety on
the part of your Lordships was, doubtless, not with a view of opposing the Go- vernment, but merely because you were conscientiously convinced that the mea- sure was a bad (me. All that my noble friend did Was to lament that your Lordships on some occasions appeared to have made up your minds that you would not support him, even if you could."
Lord Brougham again avowed his admiration of Earl Grey's talents and character, in these words- " I have again to say, that it was with the deepest concern and regret—and in this I am sure 1 shall for once have a majority of your Lordships with me— it was with the deepest regret I heard my noble friend announce that his deter-
mination to retire from the public service was final. This is a regain which all will participate. To you and to the country at large it must be a subject of deep sorrow, that any noble friend, with his robust understanding, with his
firm temper, his manly feelings, Isis purely honourable mind, with every quality of the head and heart in which he excels almost all the statesmen of our time, with all these qualities remaining to him in as absolute perfection as ever—and I who have the happiness of knowing him in private-1 who live with him in daily and almost hourly communication—I !alio see him unprepared (your Lord- ships see him a state of perhaps greater preparation)—I can give my unhesitat- • Mg, glash.ansl exulting testimouy to the fact, that never eince I have known him —which is now about thirty years—never was hia intellect more perfect or jii eagour and capacity more capable of holding arid directing the helm of the State than at the present moment. That in the painful moment of taking leave of your Lordships in hie official capacity, he should fed somewhat dispilited—that with somewhat less of bodily etrength than he once had—as I have known him to complain was the case within the last year and a half—that for these reasons Le should distrust his forces, and court a retirement which the whole world will hold to be premature, I consider a cruel calamity to the country of which he is one of tof choicest ornaments, and one of whine insist precious and valuable pos- sessions is the public character of my noble friend." ( Cheers.) The report was then received, and the house adjourned.
.In the House of Commons, on the same evening, after some preli- minary business had been gone through,
Lord ALTHORP rose and spoke as follows- .' As I am placed in a situation which renders it necessary to give some expla- nation to the House, I have respiested and obtained his Majesty's permission to make the statement I shall now havethe honour to submit. When the bill for the renewal of the Coercion Act was first brought under the consideration of the Cabinet, I felt it my duty to concur in that renewal. with the omission of certain parts referring to Courts-martial. I need not say that I concurred in it with the greatest reluctance, and nothing but an absolute conviction of its ne- t:may would have induced me to do so. After that, a communication of a private and confidential nature from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland brought the subject again under the consideration of the Cabinet. Pei hap it may be as yell to say, that at this time it was that my right honourable friend the Chief Secretary for Ireland suggested to me that it might be desirable to inform the honourable and learned gentleman opposite (51r. O'Connell) that the question was not yet finally settled. I saw no harm in his making that communication, provided it went no further. I am bound to say, for my own justification, that I stated to my right honourable friend, that I hoped he would act with the greatest caution, and would be careful not to commit himself or the Government. The private and confidential communication of the Lord-Lieu- tenant of Ireland to an individual member of the Cabinet, brought the subject again under consideration in the week before last. Front the nature of this communication, I was Jed to believe that the first clauses of the bill, those which relate to meetings in both parts of Ireland, were not esseutially necessary., and might be omitted without endangering the peace of that country. Under this im- pression, I objected to the renewal of those clauses. (Cheers.) In this objection my right honourable friends the Members for Invernessshire (Mr. C. Grant), for Cambridge (Mr. S. Rice), for Edinburgh (Mr. Abercromby), and for Coventry (Mi. E. Ellice), concurred. (Mach cheering.) I need not state to the House, that we were in a minority in the Cabinet ; which decided against as. The question we then had to decide was, whether we should acquiesce in that decision, or break up the Government. Upon that consideration we felt it our duty to acquiesce."
Lord Althorp felt the difficulty he should be placed in when engaged in carrying the bill through the House of Commons : but when, on Thursday, he had heard the statement of Mr. Littleton, and became for the first time aware of the nature and full extent of his communica- tion to Mr. O'Connell, he thought that the difficulty would be insuper- able. The debate on Monday night convinced him that he could not continue, with credit to himself or advantages to the country, to conduct the business of Government in the House of Commons. " Accord- ingly," he continued,
"When I returned home, I wrote to Lord Grey, requesting him to tender my resignation; which his Majesty was graciouely pleased to accept. I have the au- thority of my right honourable friends, already alluded to, fur saying that they approve and concur in the step I took. This is the ease as respects my right honourable friends and myself. I should be extremely surry if the course I have pursued upon this occasion should not be approved by my colleagues ; and I should be still intim deeply grieved if I found that the large bully of gentlemen who have hitherto honoured me with so much of their confidence, and to whose steady and 1. aulsome support it is owing that I have been able to maintain a po- sition for which, otherwise, my talent rendered me quite incapable—I say I should feel most deeply indeed, it they did not approve my conduct. ( Reiterated dteers front every part If the House.) I have now made the statement I thought it necessary to submit ; and I have only further to say, that I continue to hold office until my successor is appointed, and that I shall, of course, feel it my duty at present to conduct the ordinary business of Government in this House." (Long-continued cheers.) Mr. LITTLETON begged to be indulged with a few words- " No individual in Parliament ever stood in a more painful situation than I do. I committed my first error in holding communication with the honourable and learned Member opposite, without the sanction of the head of the Govern- ment. I committed a still further error in greatly exceeding, in an ill. placed confidence, the licence I was permitted to assume. Nothing is easier than after accidents have led to a fatal result, to look back and discover the course it would have been most dignified and most wise to pursue. ( Cheees. ) I am now per- fectly aware, that the wisest thing for my own character and interests, perhaps wisest for the interests of my friends—I mean my friends in the Government— would have been, that I should have resigned my office the moment it was com- municated to me that my hopes as to the omission of certain clauses in the Coercion Bill were disappointed. ( Cheers.) I never shall forget the emotion of regret with which 1 teceived that communication ; but, having reflected that my resignation at that point, and at that time, might influence the conduct of others, and produce a dissolution of the Government, I bad not that sense of iudividual importance, or perhaps sufficient courage, to take the step and to incur the risk. I therefore resolved to do that which I hope was not dishonourable. (Cheers.) I resolved to co:npromise my opinion upon this point, albeit that opinion was a strong and decideffone, and to refrain from taking a File that might injure a Government of the principles of which I so --ardially approved in the main. My noble friend has observed, that it was on:: en Thursday last that he was aware of the full exteet to which I had gone in my communication with the henourable and learned Member for Dublin. I ought undoubtedly to have stated what had posed more hilly: I now perfectly perceive it. ("Hear, hear ! ") But he it borue in mind, that so complete and entire was my conviction, not only that the conversation would go no further, but that the objectionable clauses would be abandoned, that the importance of doing more never presented itself to my mind."
Mr. O'CONNELL said, that Mr. Littleton's statement had been re- ceived in the manner in which a candid gentleman's statement ought to be received. If any blame were attributable to Mr. Littleton, it sprung from his anxiety for the tranquillity of Ireland ; and sooner than any blame should on that account be imputed to Mr. Littleton, he would prefer taking a double share himself. He was satisfied that Mr. Littleton was incapable of deception ; and he was convinced that be had acted throughout with perfect good faith—with that honesty of purpose for which lie was distinguished, and with a full and entire con- viction of the truth uf every word that dropped from him in the course of their communication. Mr. O'CONNELL then appealed to the House on his own behalf, but would not attempt to vindicate himself. " I appeal to every man who hears me, to reflect upon the trust which my unfortunate countrymen repose iu me—to remember the marks of confidencel have received from them tor thirty years. I should be the most abject of hu- man beings if I had one thought that was not absorbed by the overwhelming wish to eromote their interests and to advance their libel ties. I ask any gentle- man, before he condemns me, just to suppose England or Scotland placed in the same situation as Ireland : would he not like me, have his first anxiety to obtain for it the same portion of civil liberty enjoyed by other parts of the em- pies? If I have one duty more than another in this place, it is to take care that Ireland shall be your coequal. Being convinced that the noble Lord and the right honourable gentleman beside him were right in thinking certain clauses unnecessary, I acted immediately on the suggestion given to me. I do not take any merit to myself, but I should certainly be egregiously wrong if I said one word to afford a pretext to taunt the noble Lord or the right honourable gentleman with having communicated with me. But I was not merely a private individual : I felt the confidence reposed in me so far that I did not mention a name; but I had to nianage others, and to procure that they should act with me : in that management I did not utter one single word of the quarter from whirl. I received my information ; I did not give a suggestion to lead even to a conjecture who had told me that my country was not to be afflicted with the objectionable clauses. ( Cheers. ) If, subsequently, I found myself deceived in point of fact, not in point of intention, it was not toy fault. I do not rise to vindicate myself; and I repeat, that I am willing to bear a double portion of the blame lather than that it should light upon the right honourable gentle- man. I ant as anxious as anybody for the maintenance of an Administration founded upon Liberal principles,—that is to say, embodying the sentiments of the four Cabinet Ministers who thought with and have been named by the noble Lord. ( Cheers.) They have my entire confidence : I believe that they have the confidence of the country ; and that the strongest Administration ever formed in this country would be established on the principles they individually entertain. ( Cheers front all sides.) Acting with colleagues actuated by the game sentiments, they would give the country the benefit of the operation of the great measure of Reform with which their names will be eternally asmciated. (Much cheering.)
Mr. Hums next addressed the House-
" I am anxious to adddress a few words to the House at the present crisis. No man is inure seriously sorry than I am for what we have just heard. I have ISO hesitation in frankly avowing, that although I was as zealous as any man in support of the Administration of Lord Grey, yet circumstances have recently occurred to lessen my confidence in it. But still I had one confidence-1 had coufidence in the noble Lord. ( Continued cheers.) I therefore feel extremely deep regret that he has been placed in a situation where lie was compelled rather to resign his office than sacrifice his principles, so long and so steadily maintained. I most deeply deplore the resignation of the Liberal portion of the Cabinet." Some confusion here arose in consequence of the retiring of many Members of the House ; in the midst of which Lord A union', again presented himself, and order was restored.
" I coufined my statement (said his Lordship) to my own case, and to that of my four right honourable friends; but I believe that before this time, or at this tune, Lord Grey in another place has stated that in consequence of our re- tirement from office, the Adn • *stration is at an end. That fact ought, per- haps, to have for med Part of what I had to say."
Mr. HU3IE repeated his regret, and added- " It is inipessible that any Adminisuation can be formed on any other foun- dation than the Liberal principles entertained by the noble Lord. Attempts of a different kind may be shade, but if I do not much mistake the feeling of the House and of the people, it is utterly impossible to saddle the country with a Tory Administration. (Loud cheers from every quarter of the "louse.) Again I have to express my regret at the situation in which the country is placed by the retirement of the noble Lord."
Soon afterwards the House adjourned.
The subject was resumed in the House of Peers on Thursday. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, that although the Opposition benches were nearly empty, still as some Ministers were present, and the Lord Chancellor was on the woolsack, he would ask a question which his public duty compelled him to put. They had been informed in that House, that the noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government bad resigned, and they were told in another place that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had also tendered his resignation. The noble and learned Lord on the woolsack, it appeared, had not resigned; but some alarm had been excites! by the declaration of the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer, that four of his colleagues had taken that step, and that the Govern- ment was virtually dissolved. Ile wished now, under these circumstances, to ask whether they had any Government or not? whether the dissolution of the Adniinistration had not taken place? whether any of those individuals to whom allusion had been made still retained their situations ? or whether the noble and learned Lord could inform him if, to his knowledge, any individual bad been charged with the reconstruction of an Administration ? He made this inquiry because, if the Ministry were dissolved, and nothing had been done to frame a new one, he should move the adjournment of the House until an Administration was formed. If his question were not satisfactorily answered, he should move " that the House adjourn until an Administration is formed."
Lord BROUGHAM made answer- " I am charged, my Lords, by iny noble friend who attended in his place yes- terday, to give any explanation and to answer any question that might be put; to say that he shall not be able to attend in his place to day, as indeed it is unneces- sary for him to do, understanding as he slid that nothing whatever would come on ; and that after the explanation of yesterday, if he had attended, he might have been spared any application to answer questions, as after stating that he was no longer a Minister of the Crown, he was no longer liable to be called upon in that manner. In answering the first part of the question of the noble Marquis, I re- state what I stated yesterday, that I know of no resignations up to this moment, except those of my noble friend, lately the real and still the nominal head of the Government, and of the noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I understand it to have been said by the noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the other House of Parliament, that three other persons—[ The Duke of Buckingham and Lord Londonderry said" Four "j—take them to be four other persons approved of his conduct and motives, and concurred with him in the opi- nion he entertained of the propriety of his resigning the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer. I do not understand it to have been said that any one of those gen- tlemen had tendered his resignation. But then it has been stated that my noble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, thet the Government was virtually dissolved, or was virtually abandoned. I enderstand the expression to have been this—that by that time the noble Lord at the head of the Govern- ment would have stated hone, in this House, that the Government was vir- tually dissolved. Your Lordships will bear witness with nie, that that was an entire misapprehension ; so that whoever took the trouble, and from whatever motive, be he who he may, to communicate the statement made by my noble friend in this House to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the other House, communicated a statement the very reverse of the fact. Aly noble friend cau- tiously, purposely, manifestly, abetained from making any such atateraeut, and Jawed only that he and the noble Lord the Chaucellor of the Exchequer had tendered their resignations. It is impossible that toy noble friend could have said that the Government was really or virtually dissolved ; for then I could not have gut up and stated what I did afterwards, and which, if the Government had been dissolved, would have been contrary to the fact, and would have been at once contradicted by my noble friend. It was an entire misapprehension : no such statement was made here, and none could have been made with correctness and in accordance with the fact, anywhere."
What was likely to be the result of the state of things in which ac- cident had thus placed the Government, was quite another question. He quite agreed with those who thought it highly inexpedient that Parliament should go on without a responsible bead of the Government. For that very reason, Earl Grey would not move the third reading of certain measures ; though, as the Poor-Law Bill was in a different situa. tion, he would not stop the progress of that ineasu:e.
" If (continued Lord Brougham), the reconstruction of this Admiuistration, or the formation of another, should be delayed so long that the exigencies of the public business absolutely required it to be at an end—if it should be delayed so long even, as to interfere with the good conduct of the public business, we all know that Parliament would have a right to interfere. Tlwre is no man who more readily than I should acknowledge the right of Parliament —the right of both, or of either of the Houses of Parliament—to interfere on such an occasion. I never had a doubt about it : if I had, I should have that doubt renioved by the presence of a noble Baron on the bench near me, who, in another place, made a motion under similar circumstances,—a motion which I recollect I seconded, on occasion of the delay that took place in forming an Administration after the lamented death of Lord Liverpool. But though I admit fully the right of either House of Parliament in this matter, I must say that I do not think the state of the country to be so strongly excited and so feverish as to make a delay of twenty- four hours too long. UM Majesty has been placed in a state of great difficulty ; and whether considering the state of parties, which no man more bitterly de- plores than I do, as tending to prevent the formation of an Administration equal to the exigencies of the public service,—I say that, whether considering the state of parties, or the state of Parliament and of the country, I do not begrudge twenty-four hours—no, nor a much longer period of time, for the peal.), mance of that most responsible, that most difficult, that all but hopeless task in this state of parties, since men will persist in regarding party and personal motives before public ones. (" No, no ! " from the Opposition.) I assure your Lord- ships that I do not refer to this side of the House, but I say it of all public men more or less, and I speak it in the spirit of the most unfactious conciliation. 1 have now answered all the questions but one of the noble Marquis."
Lord Lounosineanv intimated that lie wanted an answer to the question as to the person who was trusted with the formation of the new Ministry, which had not been answered.
Lord BROUGHAM said-
" No ; and that is just the question that I will not answer. (" Hear, hear, hear !" and laughter.) And what is more, neither interruptions, nor sneers, nor a good-humoured joke—the force of which I can feel as much as any noble Lord present—no, nor torture itself—shall compel me to answer a question which duty to my Sovereign ought to make me refuse to answer. I should betray my duty to my Sovereign if were to answer it. If I knew nothing, I could answer it- ea•ily answer it (A laugh); but it is because I do know that I refuse to answer; and I trust that your Lordships will think that I am not guilty of any unbecom- ing taciturnity. I am not taciturn. I can defend myself when I am attacked, and I can defend my friends when my friends are amwked ; but I think that not to preserve silence, when any thing but silence would mar the public service, defeat tile end wh:ell we all wish to see speedily accomplished, and prevent his Ma- jesty from gaining that assistance which he is entitled toftom all public servants, would not betoken a proper regard for the public service."
The Duke of BUCKINGHAM observed, that instead of an answer to a question, which every Peer had a right to put, Lord Brougham had delivered an eloquent speech ; the aniount of which was, that he knew who had received instructions to reconstruct the Ministry, but would not tell.
Lord HOWARD of EFFINGHAM here interposed, and the conversation dropped for a few minutes ; but was resumed by Lord LONDONDERRY, who observed, that he understood Lord Brougham to say, that up to that time only two individuals had resigned : was that right ?
Lord BROUGHAM—" Yes, quite."
Here the conversation on the subject terminated in the Lords.
When the House of Commons met in the evening, the SPEAKER said— The ordinary course would be to go regularly through the list of notices; but he observed that the Member for Middlesex had one standing on the state of the nation with reference to the present Crisis; and perhaps it would be the pleasure of the House to deal with that in the first instance. (Cheers.)
Mr. HUME said, that when he gave his notice, he had supposed that an entire dissolution of the Ministry had taken place ; and hence his wish to move an address to the Crown on the state of the nation : but he had since received information which led him to think such a motion would be premature, and therefore he wished to withdraw it. And as, in the absence of a responsible Minister, it would not be ad- visable to proceed with the ordinary business of the nation, and as the Beer Bill, an important measure, would come on in Committee on Friday, he would move that the House at its rising do adjourn till Monday.
Mr. WARBURTON seconded the motion.
Lord ALTHORP observed, that until his successor was appointed, he was a responsible Minister, ready to conduct the ordinary business of Government.
Si! EDWARD KNATCHBULL wished Lord Althorp would give his opinion as to the best course to be pursued.
Lord ALTHORt replied, that every other Member was as competent to give an opinion as himself. It was not his peculiar ditty to give one, and he had no especial knowledge to render it of value. Mr. BARING remarked, that the adjournment was moved and seconded by two gentlemen adverse to the Beer Bill, and therefore he regarded their present proceedings with suspicion. But he agreed that the House ought to adjourn till Monday, for that in doing so, it would be yielding not only to precedent, but to common sense. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN arid-
• • . . He wished the House to testify its opinion at the present moment ; and he begged honourable Members to consider, that his Majesty was about to form a new Government, and that his choice might be influenced by the sense of the Representatives of the People. They ought to take one part or the other : he for one had taken his part, and was determined to litanti by the liberties of the people. He would support the Seceders from the Cabinet, though they might be only five or six. ( Cheers.) He expressed his deep regret, that Mr. Little- ton had quitted the oak* of Secretary for Ireland : he was satisfied that he had been dealt with unfairly and unjustly. He had the utmost respect also for Lord Althorp, and had always opposed him with the most sincere sorrow. Whethar the house separated till Monday or met to-morrow, he hoped that Aletubew would not part now, without giving a cheer to the five Seceders. ( Cheer:, and some laughter.) He was glad to find that his object had been achieved; and he hoped that the sentiments of the late five Members of Government would produce an effect upon their successors ia office.
The motion to adjourn till Monday was then agreed to; and the House rose.
3. IRISH COMMISSION; DISCLOSURE OF CABINET SECRETS.
In the House of Peers, on Monday, the Earl of Wicittow presented a petition from a parish in Westmeath, praying that the appointment of the Irish Eeclesiastical Commission might be revoked. He said that the whole Protestant population of Ireland were alarmed at that measure ; and the more so, as it had been stated by two influential members of the Government, that the Cabinet had been divided it opinion respecting it.
Earl Gam' observed, that be could not understand the last allusion of Lord Wicklow ; for there was no person who had been a member of the Cabinet that could, consistently with his duty, state what had. passed in the Cabinet while he was a member of it.
Ile should say no more than this' with a view to correct the mistaken im- pression of the noble Earl, that the Government had long ago received a com- munication front the Lord-Lieutenant on the subject ; and that the Commissioa hail not been issued till the whole matter had been maturely considered. lie begged to deny iu the most positive manner, that the Commission had beea introduced upon a sudden impulse, and without due consideration.
The Duke of RHAINIOND said, that what he had said in explanation on a former occasion, was not stated without the express sanction if his Sovereign.
In eases of that sott, when the honour of an individual was concerned, he WaIl anxious for the House to know that he had not stated any thing without that sanction. In consequence of despatches from the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, recommending that a Commission should issue, the subject was taken into con- sideration ; and from that time till he left the Cabinet, he heard nothing further about it. That, he believed, was exactly what took place.
Earl GREY bad no doubt the conduct of the Duke of Richmond had been perfectly correct.
If the noble Duke had received his Majesty's permission to make the states melds, he could have no objection to such statements. He himself had re- ceived no such permission ; and he felt that, under the obligation imposed upon hint as a Privy Councillor, he was not at liberty to state what had passed. He was sure that the Duke of Richmond, on entering upon these statements, meant to state correctly what had passed • but his recollection upon the present occa- sion was not entirely correct. Ear). Grey could not, however, now state more than that the question had been first brought under the consideration of his Majesty's Ministers by a despatch from the Lord 'Lieutenant of Ireland ; and that it was taken up again, and, on beiug maturely considered, the Conunission was issued.
The conversation then dropped.
4. SrATE OF Peatte BUSINESS.
Lord WHAIINCLIFEE reminded the Peers, on Monday, that it was then the 7th of July, and that many very important questions were not yet discussed. Iii fact, very little had been done. There were the Poor-Laws Bill, the Irish Tithes Bill, the Irish Church Temporalities Bill, the General Registry Bill, the Church-rates Bill, the I-ills to abolish Imprisonment for Debt and Capital Punishment, the Registration of Votes and Bribery Bills—all of them requiring long and serious consideration and yet, at so late a period, how would
it be possible to award it to ;hem ? With respect to the Poor. Laws Bill, there was not one person in the country who properly understood it.
Earl GREY said, that no time had been wasted by the House of Commons. The Poor. LawsBill had been most carefully discussed, and every means had been taken to make people acquainted with its principle and provisions ; and Ile d d hope that bill would be allowed to pass. Several of the other bills,—among which were those for altering the Criminal Law and abolishing imprisonment for debt— could hardly be expected to pass this session. Such important altera- tions ought not to be made on the mere suggestion of individuals.
Lord BROUGHAM also said, that the bill to abolish Imprisonment for Debt could not be passed this session ; although he maintained, that every effort had been made by Sir John Campbell to carry it through the Commons. Lord Brougham also stated, that he should not press either his Pluralities or Non-residence Bill this session.
Lord SUFFIELD said, in reply to one of Earl Grey's remarks— He meant not to impugn the conduct of his Majesty's Goveinment, but it was a little too much to say that, if they would not do that which was right, therefore no one else should do it. The measure that related to Capital Punish- ment had been much discussed in the House of Commons. Great alterations had been suggested in it, sonic of them by a Law Officer of the Crown; and if that did not afford a reason why Ministers sheuld not oppose it when it came into that House, then he despaired of finding a more conclusive one.
This closed the conversation.
5. POOR-LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
The second reading of this bill was last night postponed to Friday next, on the motion of Lord Witecint-sEa. ; after a discussion of some length, in the course of which Earl GREY professed his readiness and his wish to proceed at once with this bill. Lord BROUGHAM also thought that this would be the most advisable course,—that their Lord- ships "would do well to be guided by the good sense and well-con- sidered opinion of his noble friend." But it was evidently the general feeling of the House, that, as Earl Grey admitted " that no respon- sible Minister was present," a measure of such importance should not be proceeded with. In this opinion, the Duke of WELLINGTON, Lord ELt-Eszottoucit, Lord MALMESBURY, the Marquis of LONDONDERRY. the Marquis of SALISBURY, Lord WINCHILSEA, and the Earl of HA38,- WOOD concurred ; though on other points they differed considerably; the Duke of 1VELLINGTON professing his readiness to support the principle of the measure, though he objected to some of the details ; arm Lord WINcHILSEA speaking decidedly in favour of the bill: Isbile Lords 4%IAI.MESBLltY and 11Am:wools appeared desirous of getting rid of it altogether fur this stssion at least.
U. WARWICK AND LIVERPOOL BOROUGH BILLS.
The order of the day for proceeding with the Warwick Borough Bill was discharged last night in the House of Peers, on the motion of the Earl of Raosnoa ; who said, that in consequence of the illness of Lady Durham, the Earl of Durham was unable to attend in his place. On the motion of Lord Wvszeoun, it was ordered that the proceedings should be resumed on Tuesday. Lord RADNOR gave notice, that he should proceed with the Liverpool Freemen Bill on Wednesday next. Previously, however, to these resolutions being come to, a short discussion was carried on as to the propriety, at the present late period of the session, of proceeding any further with these measures. Lord Ranxont himself appeared to think there would be no great use in it. Lord Bnountesst reminded the House, that the Bribery Bill had been referred to a Select Committee ; and that the object of that measure was to establish a just and convenient
tribunal for adjudicating such eases as those relating to Warwick and Liverpool. Now, if that bill could be made retrospective, would it not be better to reserve the Warwick and Liverpool cases for the decision of that tribunal ? Lord Ers.esarottounit doubted the propriety of referring certain cases to a tribunal not yet formed. The Duke of Custer:imam) looked upon the postponement of the Warwick Bill as a postponement sine die. In the end, no resolution was come to, except that of doing nothing immediately.
7. AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.
Lord ALTIIORP moved, on Monday, that the House of Commons should go into Committee on the Irish Court of Chancery Bill ; and the Marquis of CHANDOS, after speaking for some time on the subject of agricultural distress, and the obligation which Ministers lay under to find some means of mitigating it, moved the following resolution, as an amendment on that motion.
" That nn humble address be presented to his Majesty. expressing the deep regret that thi, House feels it the continuance of the distressed state of the agricultural in- terests or the country, to which the attention of Parliament was stwcially c..11ed in his Majesty's most giacious Speech from the Throne ; awl humbly to represent the anxious desire of this House that the attention of his Majesty's Government should be directed, without further delay, to this important subject, with a view to the ininiviliate removal of some portion of those burdens to which the land is subject, through the pressure or general and local taxation."
Lord At:moat, admitted that the distress of the landed interest still continued ; but opposed the motion for the address. He was of opi- nion that the agricultural interest would obtain relief from an amend- ment of the Poor-laws, and the commutation of tithes ; the bill for which he had reluctantly abandoned for the present, as he bad no hopes of being able to carry it this session. Ile was, however, disposed to do all in his power, all that the state of the revenue would permit, to remove some burdens which pressed heavily on the agricultural interest. He intended to remove the Window-tax oll farm-houses below a cer- tain amount ; he would allow boys under fifteen to be employed as ser- vants by farmers without being taxed for them as for household ser- vants ; husbandry-horses, used as riding-horses, should be untaxed, and
be let out for hire without tax ; he should also take off the tax on shep- herds' horses and dogs. Mr. flearneore was thankful for these remissions of taxation. As to the Corn-laws, he believed that the great majority of the nation was in favour of them.
Mr. HUME said, that if gentlemen supposed the people of England were of such an opinion, they were greatly deceived. Ile hoped the manufacturing districts would take care and protect their interests ; us the landed gentry were, it seems, determined to protect their own. He hoped that next session, although it was evident that the landed interest Lad been well taken care of by the Reform Bill, the House would do their duty to the people, and repeal the Corn-laws. There. was no in- terest so lightly taxed as the landed interest.
Mr. CA YLEY spoke in favour of a silver currency, and the issue of one-pound notes.
Mr. BARING did not see how an alteration in the currency would alter the real state of things. He called upon Ministers to put down the clandestine trade in corn from Canada and theChannel Islands, and spoke in defence of the Corn-laws.
Mr. FRYER said, that in considering this question, the landowners should be thrown overboard altogether. If the landowners did not like their land, they might leave it ; but from the way they talked, one
would suppose it was the greatest misery in the world to be a land- owner.
Mr. Filmes quoted passages from former speeches of Mr. Baring,
which bore strongly against the Corn-laws. One was the following- - How was it possible that any ineu, having the 'mixers of wasoning or mil .et inn, could come down to that House day alter day and talk about protection to corn, pur section to wool, protection to oak-bark—the difference meanwhile in the pi u. or bread between Great Britain and the natives of the Cool jilt being as the di fE•rence, itt favour of the latter. between 258. and 64s. How was it possible that they should ex- pect we could go on exporting matothctures, as we now did, to th • amount of 50.000,000/. and 60,000,00N. a-year. there being this frightful disproportion between the relati‘e prices of corn among ourselves and our Continental neig..bours r
Mr. BARING wished the House to remember, that this speech was made, not against protection, but an augmentation of protection.
Mr. HANDLEY, Sir R. PRICE, Mr. WALTER, and Mr. K EITEL, spoke shortly, and the House divided : for the amendment, 174; against it, 190; Ministerial majority, 16.
8. DIVISIONS IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Mr. WARD, on Tuesday, moved the consideration of the report of the Committee appointed to inquire into the best mode of raking the divisions in the House, with a view to its adoption next session.
Mr. IlAwes, Mr. Hume, and Mr. GROTE, spoke in favour of the motion ; Sir ROBERT PEEL, Mr. WYNN, and Sir M. W. RIDLEY, against it. Mr.music. Rice did not think the House bound to accede to a mea- sure so feebly recommended by the Committee which had inquired into the subject.
On a division, there appeared—for Mr. Ward's motion, 76; against
it, 82; ma;ority, 44. These numbers were announced amidst loud cheers.
It was at terwards resolved, that the experiment should be tried this session. Sir ItousatT PEEL suggested that a Member of the House should at first assist in counting over the names, and Mr. Hume, who said he believed he knew every Member in the House, offered his ser- vices as a clerk, until a regular one should be appointed.
Mr. O'Cosneem. said, the House had that night taken the first step in the path of common sense. He hoped that next session they would sit only during the day, and then there would be less speaking and more business done.
9. MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS.
BUSINESS OF TIIE HOUSE OF COAIMONS. A motion by Lord MOW. rent, on Tuesday, to give orders of the day precedence over notices of motions every day for the remainder of the session, was withdrawn, after some discussion ; in which the feeling of the House appeared evidently against the Ministerial project.
Intsu Cureett TEMPORALITIES But.. The resolutions, agreed to in Committee on the previous Friday, were read a second time on Monday, after some opposition from Mr. Hume, who divided the House against them : the division was 181 to 106.
Istentsossu:sT FOR Deer BILL. This bill was read a second time on Tuesday, on the motion of Sir JOHN CAMPBELL, without any dis- cussion.
SABBATH OESERVANCE Btu, No. 2. On the motion of Mr. TOOKE, on Monday, it wins agreed, by a majority of 39 to 19, to postpone the third reading of this bill to Monday next.
Bova'. MARRIAGE Acr. Colonel Wistiams moved, on Tuesday, for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Royal Marriage .et; but with- drew his motion, after some opposition from Sir JOIIN CAMPBELL.
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