SHOULD A WAR WITH RUSSIA BE AVERTED?
TO TO E EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR.
Paris, 911, July 1834.
SIR-Nothing is more often said or more generally felt in _Europe. than that the Foreign policy of Great Britain was, and still is, it selfish and a mercenary policy. The history of the past, as well as the trans- actions of the days in which we live, unfortunately pi-ove that the ac- cusation is not without foundations, and that the foreign alliances, and foreign policy of England, are all open to the charge so generally brought against her. Turn where you will-open any set of protocols you may think fit-examine any isolated fact or any general scheme of British foreign action during the last forty years-and you will see stamped upon each and all, the seal of a money.getting policy and of an animal and material speculation. You must not be offended with me for saying this. Every one in Europe both says and feels it-and none more so than the unfortunate Poles. In placing at the head of my letter the important question "Should a war with Russia he averted?" I address myself to the generous, to the noble-minded, to the cosmopo- litan portion of the British population-who do not feel and do not believe that the animal improvement of our species is our only duty- who do not when they speak of the greatness of a country centre all their notions of greatness in the amount of bales of goods either imported or exported-but who desire to behold Great Britain occupy the place she should fill in the rank of nations, not as a commercial giant, but as a public benefactor. Nor will I submit to be told, that this generous policy would be unproductive l-that charity should begin at home !- that it is England's first duty to be prosperous !-and that this pros- perity can only be secured by a continuance in the sellish track, for years beaten out by a proud and austere aristocracy. Mr. CANNING did a great deal of harm when he said, " Above and before all things, England." lie placed patriotism on a too narrow basis-made itant exclusive instead of a comprehensive and generous principle, and en- couraged other people to shut themselves up in a selfish and avaricious
policy. First of all, God ; then the human race ; then my country ; then my 1.tmily and my dependents. This is the order of our duties ; and he who performs them in this order, will never hesitate to be foremost in the ranks of true patriots, when the honour and the dignity, the true welfare and real glory of his country, require his services.
I have said thus much by way of introduction, because there are a great many men who will reply to the question " Should a war with Russia be averted ?" without a moment's hesitation, and in nearly the following terms—" Certainly it should, as far as England is concerned. She has no money to spend in war. She has no spare resources for other countries. She must be just before she is generous. She must look L.:. home. She has much to do there. She has numerous reforms to operate,—her Church Establishment to remodel; her Corporations to reconstruct ; a vicious system of legislature to alter ; and a trade, commerce, and manufactures to develop and improve. The taxes must be diminished ; sinecures must be cut down ; pensions must be ex- amined, and in some cases withdrawn ; pluralities must cease ; tithes must be put on a totally different footing ; and the poor man must be taught to work, and not to rely on the benevolence or charity of others for support." Very well, gentlemen, very well, I reply : this is all very important ; and I shall not only watch with interest your efforts, but shall also rejoice at your success. Still all this you should do and yet not leave the rest undone. Commercial, agricultural, manufacturing England, cannot exist alone. The basis of your system reposes on the communica- tions of nations with nations and people with people, as well as of govern- ments with governments ; and you cannot possibly maintain commercial alliances without political ties. The new state of society which has been opened up, by the political events of the last three years, has brought with it its new obligations, as well as its new alliances—its new difficul- ties, as well as its new advantages. It is a fact, for example, that Russia, in 1834, is not the same country, either as to feeling, or plans, or polioy, or alliances, as Russia in IMO. I am particularly desirous, that what is going on in the East and North of Europe should be more generally understood and felt, than it is in the whole of Great Britain ; and that even the mere selfish, mercensuy portion of the English nation, who think about nothing but the animal, and are wholly indif- ferent to the moral, political, and civilizing character of their country and of its Government, • 'I, aid feel that the relative position of Great Britain and Russia at the present moment is untenable ; and that, as a mere question of commerce alone, a war with Russia is by no means to be deprecated, but on the ..ontrary is desirable.
The Russian Government is a state of marked, avowed, and decided enmity with the Govermma of Great Britain. It has ad- mitted this to be the case, in the European journals which are in its pay, and which are known to represent its opinions and wishes. But it says, " that a Grey Ministry would not find the necessary means to carry on a war against Russia, because at every moment it is in danger of filling, either through the attacks made on by it by the King, by the Tories, or by the Reformists. It would not obtain a vote in the Parliament to carry on such a war. The Tories are nearer the Emperor Nicholas than Lord Grey, or than any Whig who might succeed bins." This is the official language of the Russian Government. This is the language printed and circulated throughout the whole of the North of Europe. " Russia," the journal again declares, " will not snake any concessions whatever. And why ? Because she has no fear of England as she is—not even of England united to France." But this is not all. France is urged to understand and feel, " that it is not her interest to have the Russian destroyed by the English fleet ; that it is her interest to oppose the progress of the revolution in Europe ; that a war made by France and England on any particular question, must become a general one ; and that this general war would be a revo- tionary and not a Conservative measure." I have cited this last article of the Russian Government, not because it is the strongest or clearest which has appeared, but because it is the last—of as recent 'date as the 25th of June ; and because it therefore shows, that, at the moment at which I am writing, this Russian question is a most urgent and pressing one.
But what are the griefs of England against Russia? First, that Russia has for years past been endeavouring by every means in her power to destroy British commerce in the Levant and in the Black Sea. Second, that she has been in like manner weakening the influence of Great Britain in Greece and in Turkey. Third, that she has been organizing a system of robbery or conquest, by which, either by degrees or at one blow, she may prey on the expiring body of the Turkish empire, and place herself first as arbitrcss of the destinies of the Ottoman Porte, and afterwards as possessor of the whole of those vast dominions. Fourth, that Russia bas, by creating a fleet in the Black Sea during a period of peace, indicated sufficiently her intentions as hostile to the naval influence of Great Britain. Fifth, that Russia has violated the Treaties of Vienna, in deela. Mg Poland a mere Rus- sian province; and has insulted Great Britah:. by refusing to listen to her advice or accept of her mediation in a ma:tter of so much magni- tude to Europe. Sixth, that Russia, in all hes diplomatic relations with Great Britain during the last few years, has sedulously sought to prove to her nominal ally, that she does not desire the continuance of the alliance except on conditions disadvantageous to the latter country, as well as that she does not fear a war, but rather courts hostilities and sighs for an open rupture. These arc the griefs of England. They include in them the threatened destruction of the Turkish empire ; the establishment of Russia in Turkish Asia ; the dismemberment of the empire of Persia; the projected attack of British possessions in India; the destruction of the balance of power in Europe ; the triumphs of barbarism in the whole of the Southern countries of this continent ; the annihilation of the Turkish and Levant trades with Great Britain ; and the deve- lopment of those ancient plans of CATHERINE the Second, which ZODBOW SO well understood, and which BONAPARTE predicted would one day be attempted to be carried into effect by ALEXANDER or his successors. These are real griefs ; these are positive attacks made by Russia on Great Britain ; and to submit to them, would be degrading, cowardly, anti.eivilizing, anti-liberal, anti-enlightened, and would lead to yet more fearful consequences for the cause of constitutioval go- vernments and constitutional freedom in the whole of Europe. War is an evil—a great evil : but there is a vaster evil than war—and that is the success and development of arbitrary and despotic states. A war
against Russia on the part of Great Britain would be a war of liberty against tyranny--of light against darkness—of justice against rob- bery--of truth and honour against peculation and timid ; and would be encouraged and delighted in, approved and sanctioned, by people of every kindred and tongue.
" But Russia is the only country in Europe which desires war." I admit it. It does not, however, follow, that because she desires, she is pre- pared for it ; and let " not him who putteth on the armour boast like him who taketh it off." All European Governments, except that of Russia, desire the maintenance of the stale quo in which we are placed. The French Government believes that any war of any sort could destroy it. England fears in the event of a war the union of France and Bel- gium. Prussia knows that if a war should arise, its grand duchy of the Rhine, its principality of Neufchatel, its quasi-kingdom of Westphalia, and its grand duchy of Posen it could not retails. The Governments of the small states of the German Confederation are aware, that a war would throw over in a few hours their houses of cards and their lthseless superstructures. Whilst Austria sees herself driven from Italy, if the people once more shall arise and shake terribly the earth. A II cry " Peace, peace !" except Russia ; and she exists in the midst of illusions, dreams, and resolutions of conquests and of victories. To the was of 1812 she turns with satisfaction ; and, pointipg to her snows imd her abysses, defies the Governments of the West. And as Prussian and Austria would not join her in making war for King WILLIAM and the citadel of Antwerp, she has now resolved 011 braving all Europe—oil carrying into effect her schemes of conquest both in Asia and Europe, and on setting at defiance both the armies and the navies of England and of France. Russia does not fear war. I believe this to be a fact. Though Austria and Prussia might at first stand aloof, yet Russia be- lieves that eventually they would be compelled to come forward and aid her ; and the war of interests would become a war of principles, and the courts of Berlin and Vienna would be obliged at least to defied their own integrity and time provinces they have spoliated or annexed
to their territories. I admit that, at the moment I ans writing, the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia desire most sincerely that the differences between the Russian and the British Governments may be adjusted ; that the Czar may ex- plain satisfactorily Isis views, and abandon some of Lis pruten- sions. But Russia has met these hopes by a direct negative, and has said, " No—Russia will not yield." Is it then the duty of England to yield to Russia ? For the sake of this nominal peace, so muds boasted of by the silly, and so little understood by those who praise it, is Great Britain to behold the destruction of the Ottoman empire—the esta. blishment of Russia in the South of Europe—the annihilation of the only guarantee against the encroachments of Russian ambition, I mean the kingdom of Poland, once independent, and now only a Russian province—the ruin of her commerce with the South of Europe, and the sacrifice of her ancient alliances with Turkey and with Greece ? Will the commercial, the material, the animal interests of' Great Britain, be promoted by these roncessions ?—Certainly 'lot. They will all be in- jured, and that to an enormous extent, especially where the consequences of these first attacks will extend themselves to the ruin of British in- terests in British India.
I have said that " Russia wishes for a general war;" and she does so; but she does it without calculating her resources, and without ade- quately considering the strengths of her enemies. Look at the finances of Russia. She endeavoured to effect a loan of three hundred millions of roubles, but could not succeed. She confiscates the properties of the convents in Poland, to fill her coffers with four millions of pounds sterling. She confiscates the properties of Polish Deputies and refugees, in order to procure a large stm of money. She has imposed a contribution of ten millions on Warsaw, in order to obtain an acces- sion to her treasury. And yet, in spite of all these extra means, the Russian treasury is in great need of being replenished. The commerce of Russia has fallen off; the Russian nobility are dissatisfied at not being allowed to travel in foreign countries ; the students are enraged at the limited nature of their studies ; the merchants complain of the difficulties thrown in the way of their relations with other com- munities ; the military colonies give great uneasiness to the Em- peror; and fourteen millions of inhabitants of the Polish pro- vinces are looking forward, with more or less of hope and of confi- dence, to the hour of their future regeneration. So, whilst Russia de- sires war, she does not estimate as she should do the valour and the force of her opponents,. She calculates on separating France from England on the question of Belgium—of rousing Prussia and Austisa to arms, if necessary, on a war of principle ; amd she reasons, that come the worst to the worst, she can but be compelled to beat a retreat, be- hind glaciers which are inaccessible either to French or British soldiery. But Russia forgets the Dower of the English and French naval forces —forgets the ruin in which a blockade would involve her best and richest subjects—and regards with too favourable an eye her own ma- rine, placing it on nearly an equality with that of Great Britain. She forgets also that Propagandism may raise Poland, and raise Lithuania; and that there are provinces which can be reduced, conquered, liberated, and maintained independent, without incurring the perils of 1812.
Should, then, a war with Russia be averted ?—Certainly not ; ex- cept by concessions on the part of Russia, and concessions at once per- manent and satisfactory. If Russia does not fear war, neither need France and Great Britain. If Russia does not fear Propagandism, neither need France and Great Britain. If Russia does not fear the interruption of her commercial relations with the West of Europe, neither need France and Great Britain. Let, therefore, the navies of the two countries be still further increased : let the Mediterranean bear on her bosom, not ten, but a hundred sail of the line: let Tinley be freed from Russian rule, and from her present state of vassalage and dependence: let the Russian fleet in the Black Sea be dispersed to tlse four corners of the earth : let the Dardanelles receive with flying colours and testimonies of joy the flags of France and of Great Britain ; and let the Northern bear be taught, that if he fears not war, the British lion fears not his threats or his anger, and that though long reposing on his hi:mous, he can shake once more his mane and roar with a voice which shall cause despotism to crouch and tyranny to tremble. No; a war with Russia should not be averted.
Your obedient servant, 0. P. Q.
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