A PROTEST.
Cro THE Banos or THE -seacwroa.1 Cro THE Banos or THE -seacwroa.1 Sia,—As a regular reader of the Spectator, I am sorry to see your rather severe criticism on my political consistency. You describe my " Unionism as shaky, as ebbing away fast, and as remaining only an empty name." Now, I am not conscious of having changed at all, and think you would find it difficult to give any evidence of change from either my election addresses or speeches. As to what constitutes sound or shaky Unionism is, of coarse, a matter of opinion, and without a doubt there are some with whom I act who will dis- sent from my definition.
I voted against Mr. Gladstone's Home-rale scheme because, in my judgment, it mutilated Parliament, and created a body certain to clash with it ; but I declared my willingness to vote for the second reading, as asserting the principle of dele- gated authority, if the Imperial Parliament were left with its constitution and its supreme control untouched.
My definition of the Unionist creed is therefore now, what it bas always been, that any experiment of self-government in local matters may be safely tried, provided the authorities created are placed beyond doubt or question, under the absolute control not of Queen, or Cabinet, or Privy Council, but of Parliament itself. Nor have I ever felt a conviction necessary that this or that scheme (framed subject to this fundamental condition) should succeed; indeed, it might be, even if fore- doomed to certain failure, true wisdom to try the experiment, because the whole question is one of alternatives. Resolute government would no doubt succeed, but it would require to be really resolute and persistent. Coercion, more or less drastic, has been tried often enough in the past, and will never be nearer to success than as last applied by Earl Spencer and Sir G. Trevelyan. I came early to the conclusion, which I still hold, that the democracy of Great Britain will not give to any Ministers a sufficient mandate to apply really resolute government to Ireland till the honest application of conciliatory means has been tried and failed; and I define this resolution of the voters to mean a desire for a fair trial of the principle of self-government in purely local affairs, under conditions which will safeguard the unity of the Three Kingdoms. If I am right, resolute government and coercion are neither of them at present practicable alternatives.
Another reason for trying the experiment is that in no other way will the Irish people be brought to understand the diffi- culties which underlie the government of their country. Three- fourths of them now hold passionately the belief that the poverty and discontent, and the want of success and prosperity, arise solely from the system of administration. If they find that under a system chosen by themselves things do not mend, they will realise as you cannot get them to do now the real difficulties and causes of failure.
To my mind, the argument for the trial of the experiment is equally strong, whether a man believes it will succeed (in which case we shall all be well pleased), or that it will fail, in which case the failure will result in disillusioning the Irish people and dethroning their present leaders.
Is it not some farther inducement to try the experiment while we can do so on safe conditions, that if the Tories come to grief on some subject other than Ireland (say, for instance, foreign policy), the constituencies may place the power in the bands of those who will lean to a larger satisfaction of what are called " national aspirations P" The views I have ventured to express may be right or wrong; but they are the same views I have held all along. I believe they are held by many Unionists, and by not a few who are classed as Gladetonians ; and I believe the cause of the Union will be best served by a common agreement with such, while there is yet time.—I am, Sir, dm.,
[We heartily apologise to Mr. Winterbotham for not having properly apprehended his original position. But he is surely very sanguine if, looking to the history of the last eighteen
years, he thinks that an immense concession to the Parnellites is likely to be the first step towards a firmer policy,—the condition of stronger action. The true weakness is in ourselves, and one more unstringing of the will, is not the way to nerve ourselves for hardier resolve.—En. Spectator.]
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