and statesmen with imperfect memories and eager minds every step
their complete dissatisfaction with what is are very apt to make declarations which, on maturer offered to them, and their determination to take what they concerns, and at the same time having Irish Members after time in placating Ireland, that the disestablishment in London acting and voting on English and Scotch busi- of the Irish Church was an utter failure so far as its. ness. I gave that pledge rashly, and I have seen reason placating effect on Ireland was concerned ; that the Land to revoke it. It seems to me that what I have more than Act was a still greater failure from that point of view ; once called the great Imperial cause of Home-rule,—in that Ulster has become as sensitive as he is himself to the other words, the enormous increase to the strength of the attacks of opponents ; and that what he now offers to Ire- Empire due to placating Ireland,—requires a good many land is denounced by a considerable section of the Irish sacrifices of consistency from statesmen as impulsive as, I Members as only a new insult, though an insult that they am sorry to say, I have often been. But it is better to sacri- will pocket so long as they hope to get new opportunities flee one's consistency in petty matters than to imperil a of revenge by pocketing it. Where, then, is that promise great public cause, and I have not hesitated to do so. Nor of new strength to the Empire which makes him speak do I in the least regret that sacrifice. I cannot but regret, of the great " Imperial" cause of Home-rule ? When however, that I have been often much too tardy in giving he is so keenly alive to every reflection on his consistency, notice of a necessary change of purpose. 1 admit that it should not Unionists be keenly alive to every fresh indica- was very unfortunate that I stated as late as June 30th that tion that, instead of adding strength to the Empire, he is the Government intended to propose the Ninth Clause to adding new causes of bitterness and acrimony at every the House as it stood in the Bill, when within a fortnight fresh concession ? He feels bitterly wronged when we I was compelled to state that such a course would be an regard his inconsistencies as proofs of indifference to the unpardonable waste of the time of the House. The inter- the strength of the Empire. Then why should we not feel vening twelve days brought us no new light on the subject bitterly wronged when he regards Unionist criticisms on which was inaccessible to us before, and it may have been the hostile attitude of the Irish Party as proof of our sheer reluctance to announce a new change of front before incapacity to appreciate the great prescience and bene- it was absolutely necessary to do so, that, together with ficence of his policy ? We see every day fresh evidence the pressure of business upon the Cabinet and the difficulty that the Irish Party intend to use their separate Legisla- of securing a reconsideration of the subject by the whole ture and separate Administration for the purpose of of my colleagues when there was so much else for us to turning everything upside-down in Ireland ; that they reconsider, prevented a much earlier announcement that contend passionately for the right to restore justly evicted the " in-and-out " plan would be given up. For the rest, tenants, to set dynamiters at liberty, so to alter the laws I have no doubt changed my mind on a good many points, that the " Plan of Campaign " would be legal, so to adjust under the stress of circumstances ; but I have never done the finances that every Irishman should contribute much• so except in matters which appeared to me extremely less than a sixth of what every Englishman contributes to insignificant as compared with the principal object the common defence ; and yet Mr. Gladstone treats our which the Government had in view.' If Mr. Gladstone sensitiveness to all these indications of the certain and had given us such an explanation as that, we at least disastrous failure of his policy, as a blindly obstinate kind should have received it with frank respect, as repre- of caprice. Surely a Minister who cannot sit silent while seating forcibly what had been no doubt his real any unpleasant criticism is passed upon his personal con- excuse for those inconsistencies which seem to many duct, should be more able than he seems to be to sym- of us, from our point of view, so very much more im- pathise with those who can with difficulty sit silent when portant than they seem to Mr. Gladstone. But instead a policy which is claimed as a great " Imperial" policy,— of doing so, the Prime Minister has attempted to explain a policy which is to bring new strength to the United King- away,—doubtless, to some extent, from very imperfect dom,—is constantly betraying symptoms that it will add to memory of his former declarations,—the inconsistencies our feuds, attenuate our resources, disintegrate the organi- with which he has been confronted, and to pass over with sation of our Services, and undermine the whole structure airy indifference that appearance of deliberately masking of our Constitution. If he is so sensitive to the no doubt his designs of which his critics have justly complained. partially exaggerated and partially misunderstood aeon- And thereby he has added greatly, as it seems to us, to the sations brought against him, he ought to tutor himself irritating character of the policy he has pursued. No to appreciate the sensitiveness which we feel when we see doubt the real truth is that, with a thousand claims upon him absolutely obtuse to all the myriad indications that him, and extreme pressure both on his own time and on he is precipitating us into a sea of new Irish difficulties, the time of the Cabinet, he has not fully appreciated either Irish grievances, and Irish vendettas, out of which we could the surprising character of his own changes or the appear- never escape without a disastrous loss of physical, moral, ance of furtiveness which the very tardy declaration of and political power. some of those changes gave to the policy of the Govern- ment. But that being so, there was all the more reason for a frank confession when once the magnitude of his inconsistencies, as they appear to his opponents, was brought clearly before him. Instead of chafing under the somewhat disappointed by the results of his visit, criticisms of Mr. Chamberlain as he did, it would have may be assumed without having recourse to any inspired been well, we think, to admit them calmly, and to plead sources of information. It could not be otherwise, con- frankly the mitigating considerations which ho had to TOPICS OF THE DAY. offer. As it is, his opponents will say that if he is se super-sensitive to their criticism, he ought to have been THE PRIME MINISTER'S SENSITIVENESS. rather more sensitive than he was to the errors of judgment TT is with no pleasure, but, on the contrary, with very which gave grounds for that criticism. A statesman who real pain, that we note Mr. Gladstone's extreme sensi- is aware that he has shifted his ground often, and very c tiveness to the charges brought against him of conspicuous conspicuously, should not feel aggrieved when he is called and almost unique inconsistency in his changes of front on shifty. the Home-rule Bill. He interrupted Mr. Chamberlain with What the outside world will never understand is Mr. irregular replies no less than eight times on Wednesday, Gladstone's reason for believing that Home-rule for and it cannot be said that in any one of these interruptions Ireland is, or can be, a great " Imperial " policy at he succeeded in makings point which attenuated sensibly all. Of course, we are perfectly aware that he thinks the force of Mr. Chamberlain's criticism. It seems to us a, loyal and cordial Ireland to be worth, for the purpose that he would place himself in an indefinitely stronger of increasing the strength of the Empire, almost any position if he were to say frankly, 'I am well aware that sacrifice that the State could make. But what he will I am not proposing at all what I should have liked to pro- never see is that, considering how extremely sensitive he pose, as the solution of this difficult problem. I am well himself is to the charges of inconsistency which are brought aware that I am even making myself a party to a course against him, and proved up to the hilt, it is very unreason- • which I have declared that I would never be a party to. able not to admit that Unionists have some right to be But statesmen have constantly to choose between evils ; sensitive too, when they see the Irish Party betraying at and statesmen with imperfect memories and eager minds every step their complete dissatisfaction with what is are very apt to make declarations which, on maturer offered to them, and their determination to take what they consideration, it becotaes their duty to retract. It is can get, not as a full quittance of what we owe them, but quite true that I pledged myself in 1886 not to be a party only as the stepping-stone to further and ever further to giving to Ireland a legislative body to manage Irish demands and exactions. He knows that he has failed time concerns, and at the same time having Irish Members after time in placating Ireland, that the disestablishment in London acting and voting on English and Scotch busi- of the Irish Church was an utter failure so far as its. ness. I gave that pledge rashly, and I have seen reason placating effect on Ireland was concerned ; that the Land to revoke it. It seems to me that what I have more than Act was a still greater failure from that point of view ; once called the great Imperial cause of Home-rule,—in that Ulster has become as sensitive as he is himself to the other words, the enormous increase to the strength of the attacks of opponents ; and that what he now offers to Ire- Empire due to placating Ireland,—requires a good many land is denounced by a considerable section of the Irish sacrifices of consistency from statesmen as impulsive as, I Members as only a new insult, though an insult that they am sorry to say, I have often been. But it is better to sacri- will pocket so long as they hope to get new opportunities flee one's consistency in petty matters than to imperil a of revenge by pocketing it. Where, then, is that promise great public cause, and I have not hesitated to do so. Nor of new strength to the Empire which makes him speak do I in the least regret that sacrifice. I cannot but regret, of the great " Imperial" cause of Home-rule ? When however, that I have been often much too tardy in giving he is so keenly alive to every reflection on his consistency, notice of a necessary change of purpose. 1 admit that it should not Unionists be keenly alive to every fresh indica- was very unfortunate that I stated as late as June 30th that tion that, instead of adding strength to the Empire, he is the Government intended to propose the Ninth Clause to adding new causes of bitterness and acrimony at every the House as it stood in the Bill, when within a fortnight fresh concession ? He feels bitterly wronged when we I was compelled to state that such a course would be an regard his inconsistencies as proofs of indifference to the unpardonable waste of the time of the House. The inter- the strength of the Empire. Then why should we not feel vening twelve days brought us no new light on the subject bitterly wronged when he regards Unionist criticisms on which was inaccessible to us before, and it may have been the hostile attitude of the Irish Party as proof of our sheer reluctance to announce a new change of front before incapacity to appreciate the great prescience and bene- it was absolutely necessary to do so, that, together with ficence of his policy ? We see every day fresh evidence the pressure of business upon the Cabinet and the difficulty that the Irish Party intend to use their separate Legisla- of securing a reconsideration of the subject by the whole ture and separate Administration for the purpose of under the stress of circumstances ; but I have never done the finances that every Irishman should contribute much• so except in matters which appeared to me extremely less than a sixth of what every Englishman contributes to insignificant as compared with the principal object the common defence ; and yet Mr. Gladstone treats our
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