Debates anti 1prottellings in Varliament.

PUBLIC HEALTH BLLL : CHOLERA.

The House of Commons, on Monday, went into Committee to consider the Lords' amendments of the Public Health Bill; Lord MonrETli suggest- ing a course to be pursued.

On clause 8th an amendment had been inserted, proposing "that inquiry should take effect whenever and wherever the deaths in any locality, as reported by the registration returns, exceeded, through a period of three consecutive years, those of the adjacent districts, or the general average of the kingdom • or than when more than twenty per cent of the deaths in such locality resulted from typhus fever, diarrheas, or other febrile epidemic, endemic, and contagious diseases, classed in the Registrar-General's return as zymotic." Lord Morpeth proposed to adopt apdi .,this clause in a simpler shape: he moved a clause providing, that

" u Mos of one-tenth of the inhabitants, or where it should appear,. or

cord ascertained from the returns of the Registrar-General, that in any city, town, borough, or place, the proportionmf deaths, on sri average of seven years, should exceed twenty-three in one thousand, then such city, town, or borough, should be placed under the operation of this bill."

Loid Mogeth look the opportuaity to make a statement regarding the approach of the cholera. Be would not be acting a fair or frank part towards the public if he concealed from them the fact, that the cholera is advancing precisely in the same way as it proceeded in the year 1882; that it had been heralded by the same predursors—a great amount of influenza two or three months ago, and at the present moment a very great increase of diarrhoea, often end- ing fatally; and that by recent accounts it was spreading Westward from Riga and Memel. He read extracts from Consular despatches, showing the fatality of the disease. At Odessa, on the 28th of June, there had been 824 caste: of these 332 had been fataL At Petersburg, on the 24th July, there had been 17,742 fatal, ,742 cases: of these 10,188 had been fatal and only 4,618 had ended in i

curs: n the other cases the patients were still sick: Mr. Consul Fonlilanque wrote as follows from Belgrade, on the 9th July. "A letter from the small town of Gradiza, on the Danube, about twenty leagues from hence, states—' The cho- lera has appeared in a dreadful form: we have beard of no recoveries, and most of the cases terminated fatally within twelve hours. A healthy woman, while oc- cupied in cooking, was attacked by agonizing cramps in the limbs, which brought her to the ground in an instant; her skin became blue and cold, and in less than five minutes she expired. Two men in the next village died almost instantane- ously; their bodies all blue, and their knees drawn up to their stomachs. Every hour we see corpses carried out for interment, it being impossible to keep them until the next day.' " Lord Morpeth observed, that though no science could arrest the march of the disease, yet it might be delayed, and rendered less malignant on its arrival. If after Parliament should have broken up the cholera should sud- denly appear, scattering around dismay and consternation in any district or town of this country, he would hardly like to have it on his conscience to reflect, that by rejecting an amendment of this nature, he had not done what is him lay to prevent the approach of this dreadful pestilence, or at least to present a material alleviation of its ravages. Mr. HENLEY unwillingly accepted an amended clause which he could not see the bearing of.

With regard to the cholera, he thought if it should come here in any ordinary space of time, or with the rapidity of its last visitation, this bill would be of no use, as from its cumbrous machinery a lengthened time must elapse before it could be brought into operation. All, therefore, that had been said respecting the cholera might be very well to excite a good deal of public attention and alarm, but he did not think that it bore on the clause one way or the other. He thought the order which was provided, in this clause, if adopted, should be provisional and not direct.

Lord MOEPETH was understood to assent to this; and the clause was agreed to as amended. Several following amendments Lord MORPETH dissented from, and in- vited the House to negative. Accordingly, the appointment of the officer of health was restored exclusively to the local board; the penalties on local boards were erased, as penalties simply on the ratepayers; the size of towns competent to decide on adopting sanatory works was restored to the scale of a population of 2,000, from 5,000; and the power given to local boards, to fine contractors for defaults in performing contracts, was restored. On the other band, the clause for preventing smoke was recancelled. Clause 83d, giving a power to provide fresh burial-grounds, had been struck out by the Peers: Lord MORPETH proposed its restoration. Mr. HENLEY objected to the proviso at the end of the clause reserving parti- cular rights. If interments in churches be injurious to health, no rights should be reserved to bury there. Colonel SIBTHOEP would ask the House if they meant to deny the rights pos- sessed by families with regard to their own vaults? Would Mr. Mackinnon like to be buried in the highway ? Had they no desire that their bones should be placed with those of their ancestors? This was but the beginning of many inroads of the same description. He did not know whether he might not live to see a cad—a respectable man for his station—sitting cheek-by-jowl with the First Lord of the Treasury KINNON declared, that rather than be a cause of unhealthiness to the

r. b.l te congregation of the church where his family-vault was placed, through those noxi- ous vapours and gases which, as appeared from the evidence of medical men, there was no means of preventing, he would even be buried in the highway..

Colonel HIETHORP said, so also would he, supposing that any noxious vapours were likely to proceed from himself. (Laughter.) The subject was too serious for a joke. For himself, in the words of Bath, he would only say, " Where my father lies there will I lie"—" I will, Sir, be the penalty what it may."

In some other amendments the Committee concurred. The House re- sumed; and managers were appointed to confer with the Lords on those of their amendments to which the House could not agree.

NAVY ESTIMATES.

In Committee of Supply, on Wednesday, Mr. WARD brought forward the Naval Estimates; with an explanatory statement.

Reverting to the financial statements made by the Chancellor of the Exche- quer, Mr. Ward explained that there had been a reduction upon the estimate as it was originally framed: originally, the total would have shown an increase of 214,6461-, but the amount had been reduced by 208,0001.; so that the increase On the gross votes over last year is only 6,6441.

Alluding to the report of the Committee on Naval Expenditure, Mr. Ward stated, that out of thirty-three recommendations made by the Committee, Govern- ment were prepared to adopt twenty-nine. He went over the recommendations of the Committee as they applied to the votes. The Admiralty agree to a com- plete revision of the ships on foreign stations-285 in number, with crews amount- ing to 39,000 men—before fixing the votes for next year, with a view to any re- duction that may be practicable. Mr. Ward adopted the plan of Sir James Gra- ham, that the amount of money for wages should be exactly calculated upon the number of men required for the year. If that basis had been adopted for the present year, there would have been a difference on the Estimates of 60,0001. He agreed with the Committee in censuring the system of ex- tra clerks and extra pay without the sanction of the Treasury: it should be abolished. He agreed that it was oppressive to the public that inquiries as to railways and harbours should be consentaueously carried on by three separate departments—the Woods and Forests, the Railway Board, and the Board of Admiralty: Government would see how far the inquiry might be con- solidated, and he had no doubt that the vote would be much less in the ensuing Estimates. He adopted several suggestions respecting the management of dock- yards,—the use of the slips for preserving ships; the appointment of superintend- ents, not as a reward for past services, however meritorious, by honorary retire- ment, but solely with a view to select men competent to discharge the duties. The Admiralty desired to meet the wishes of the Committee by a thorough re- vision in every department. The system of accounts must be thoroughly reformed: he should not be satisfied till he saw a complete debtor and creditor account submitted to Parliament. Mr. Ward devoted considerable time to dis- cussing the subject of factories and manufactories in the dockyards; stating that there have been great reductions in the amount of work reserved to the Govern- ment workmen under those heads; anticipating considerable improvement from better systems of promotion, classification, &c.; but showing difficulties in going to the full extent of the recommendations made by the Committee. For ea- ample, he objected that, while it is desirable to have bolts and other parts of boilers made in private works it would not be well to have so gigantic a structure as the boiler itself made at a works, and transported by railway. On one subject there was a most decided and irreparable difference between the -Admiralty and the Committee. The Committee recommended that a "gradual redaction should be effected by promoting only one Captain to the rank of Ad- miral on the death of three fiag-officers, according to the rule of promotion adopted In 1830, until the list shall have been reduced to the maximum of 100; and thenceforth a Captain may be promoted to fill each vacancy as it occurs on the list." But he must deprecate a proposition which would most injuriously affect the prospects and the rights of those gallant officers, without gaining any advan- tage whatever. They did not contend for having 150 Admirals ' in time of peace; the greatest number ever employed had never approached that. But it was the condition on which every man went into the Navy that he might ultimately rise to that rank, and that he could not be cheated oat of it by any interference in the House of-Commons. The whole question of retirements from the Navy had been twice settled within the last four years by two different Governments, and with- out a division of the House of Commons. A measure had been proposed and car- ried for the purpose of offering an honourable retirement on liberal terms to those whose age was such that they could not be expected to render effective service; and for that purpose the House had sacrificed no less than 30,0001. a year. What would be the effect of the Committee's proposition?—to throw back every man on the Captain's list three years.

He proposed to remove from the Naval Estimates the 1,000,0001. for the Packet department, and some other charges for purposes not strictly naval, such as freight on account of the Army, Ordnance, and Home departments. Mr. Ward concluded by proposing the sum of 293,5601. to make up the sum of 1,393,5081. for the wages of seamen and marines. Mr. Hums applauding the conduct of the Committee, would not allow Mr. Ward to 'take credit for the fact, or allow the country to believe, that no mismanagement had been discovered. There had been enormous waste of public money; and lid now contended for reductions in:the number of men, of ships, &c.

He demanded the abolition of the African squadron. In 1847 no fewer than forty-three ships were expressly employed in a fruitless endeavour to suppress the ,slave-trade; twenty-eight off the Western coast of Africa, eleven at the Cape, and some half-dozen ships on the South-east coast of America, where they were in- terfering with other people's affairs. It was by measures such as these that the aggregate expense of our establishment was occasioned; and Mr. Ward held out no hope that any reductions would be effected in this enormous expenditure. The labour of the Committee, therefore, would be of very little use unless the House should interfere and atop the supplies. There appeared to him to be no other means by which the Government could be induced to adopt any measures of economy. Mr. Ward said that there were a great many young men growing up in the naval service, all of whom were looking anxiously forward to obtaining a flag: what would be the state of things if the country were called upon to maintain a plu- rality of Lord Chancellors, in order that the expectations of all the young barris- ters who were growing up and aspiring to hold the great seal might not be disap- pointed? (Cheers and laughter.) Or why not, as an honourable friend behind him had just suggested, make provision that every clergyman who entered the Church should ultimately become a Bishop? (Laughter.) Mr. Hume went be- yond the Committee; and, largely citing figures, contended that the number of Admirals retained should be only seventy-five. He proceeded in general terms to enforce the necessity of economy in the building of ships, &c. He emphatically condemned the waste of public money in useless salutes: it was childish in the highest degree to blaze away powder in compliment to officers of rank.

The debate took a very discursive turn; the usual desultory comments coming rapidly from a number of professional Members.

Mr. COBDEN was desirous to throw out the result of his observations in the Committee on Naval Estimates, and to state his views on the amount of force we are maintaining. As all successive Parliaments had concurred in voting for an increased expen- diture, be thought it world not be right to blame the Government for augmenting the forces. He had taken some pains, with the assistance of practical and ex- perienced men engaged in shipbuilding, to estimate the cost of the present vast armament. We have built, or are building, war-steamers to the extent of 332,000 horse power; and he took them to be equal to 100,000 tons burthen. Taking the evidence they had before them when in Committee as to the cost per ton of a steamer, he would pet down an aggregate of five millions sterling as the cost; and he would estimate the smaller vessels only at 10,000 horse power, and calcu- late their cost at one million. The gross total was therefore 6,000,0001. as the outlay of the Government upon our steam marine. Now, would the House believe —had they ever conceived such a thing—that we had actually expended, or were expending, in steam war-ships, a larger amount of money than was invested in all our merchant steamers engaged in the foreign and coasting trade together? When this fact is fully known and understood, then it will be seen what a race of folly and extravagance we have been tanning with other countries. Why, it would have been a blessing if steam had never been invented if we were to con- tinue things upon this footing. The statement is equally applicable to all the other countries of Europe. He wonld undertake to prove that the war-steamers of France cost her more than all her merchant steamers put together; and the same was the case with Sardinia, with Denmark, with Russia, and with Austria.

He would mention another fact. A larger sum of money was already invested, or agreed, or engaged to be expended, upon steam factories, basins and docks for the repair of steam engines and steam vessels, than was ,embarked in all the private yards and factories of the ' dom engaged in the manufacture of private merchant steamers. He could sa • a Committee that they had a total of 1,625,0001. either invested or in the stimates intended to be so, for the purpose

ti of repairing steam-ships; a larger amount than is invested in all yards on the Thames, the Clyde, and other places, for repairing the whole mercantile steamers of this cotuitry; and not the price of a single steam-engine is included in this calculation. How had all this taken place?—Very much from the panic of an anticipated invasion. What had come out before the Committee? Sir Thomas Hastings, the president of the Commission of 1844 to prepare our national de- fences against p.eril of foreign invasions, was examined; and upon assumptions of invasion and Imaginary battles the gallant Captain had built his idea of the elaborate and huge preparations 'that ought to be made for repairing steam- vessels and engines. -Upon such assumptions he had gone to work and persuaded the Government—and the Government had acted on his suggestions—that it was necessary to have 1,225,0001. expended at Davenport for the repair of these steam-vessels• and upon such recommendation the House stood committed to a vote for the repair of steam-vessels amounting to 78,000 horse power. Mr. Cobden conceded that England ought to have a larger force than any other country: but gallant Admirals were very likely to be influenced by a professional feeling; they never considered the question of expense—all they thought of was how the country was to be defended. The great error of Sir Thomas Hastings was, that he assumed a physical possibility, and then called upon the House to re- cognize it as a moral probability. He thought there had been exhibited a want of English pluck in all this. He would ask the Government whether it was not possible to do something to Stop these enormous expenses? Was it not rational to make a proposal to Conti- nental states, that there should be a discontinuance of this accursed system of Fragments] ? He read an extract from a speech by Sir Robert Peel in the year 1841—jest previous to his entering upon office. Sir Robert said—" Is not the time come when the powerful countries of Europe should reduce those mili- tary armaments which they have so sedulously raised? Is not the time come when they should be prepared to declare that there is no use in such overwhelm- ing establishments? What is the advantage of any one power increasing its army and navy? Does it not see that if it possess such an increase of protection and self-defence, the other powers will follow its example? The consequence of this state of things must be, that no increase of relative strength can accrue to any one power, but there must be a universal consumption of the resources bf every country in military preparations. It is, in fact, depriving peace of all its advantages, and anticipating the energies of war before they are required." The sum of 18,000,0001. which they were asked to vote that year was equal to 8,000,000 quarters of wheat, and to a rental of 1,800,000 ten-pound houses. He did not mean to say.that the due and necessary outlay for ships to guard against pirates and against insult was not a most legitimate expenditure of public money; but he maintained that every shilling needlessly expended for such purposes was as much wasted as though it had been thrown into the sea, because it produced nothing for the country in return. He had been taunted by Mr. Henley with not having been a true prophet about the French Revolution: he was quite ready to plead guilty. to that charge; but very few relied less on predictions than he himself dicL In arguing, however, as to the future strength of our armaments, he saw no symptoms of war in Europe. On the contrary, every effort which they had wit- nessed had been that of nations attempting to settle themselves according to their several races, languages, and nationalities, in order that they might all be at home and live in peace. The people of Germany want to be German; and the Italians wish to be let alone in Italy. He did not find now that princes and sove reigns at Vienna could dispose of countries and carve out monarchies, as they did formerly. There was a popular voice brought into play; and in that populat voice, whatever honourable gentlemen might say as to the tendency of Demo- cracy, he saw a barrier against those wars which once arose from the quarrels of crowned heads. Lord Josew RusSELE agreed with Mr. Cobden, that we should have a greater strength at sea than any foreign power; but he could not assent to other principles which Mr. Cobden had laid down. Sir Robert Peel had thought that it would be far more rational and satisfactory that this country and France should agree to reduce the amount of their respec- tive forces; but Mr. Cobden had omitted a fact. When Sir Robert Peel was in power, in consequence of the increase of the French navy, especially her steam navy, he was compelled to lay the foundation of a very extensive force of steam-vessels; although he might not have thought that was exactly in conformity with the principles on which both countries should act. If France had reduced her armaments, this country would have followed the ex- ample. But as she made an extraordinary expenditure for the construe- tion and armament of a great force of steam-ships, it was impassible that this country should not follow that example, and prepare against attack. The evidence of Sir Thomas Hastings referred to a time of war; Mr. Cobden had spoken of a time of peace: but did he suppose that if a war broke out there would be no battles at sea, nor attempts to attack our coast? "I confess I do not think that Sir Thomas Hastings resorted to his imagination, or was so extremely fanci- ful, when he suggested that that which occurred six or seven times in the course of the last century might occur again; and if it occur again, we should be pre- pared to meet it." Lord John much 'doubted the correctness of the statement that our steam navy cost more than all the mercantile steam shipping of this country. But if it did so, the steam navy was not intended to protect merely the mercantile steam navy, but all mercantile vessels and fleets, as well as oar coasts. It would be a very inadequate notion of the steam navy to suppose that it was only for the protection of the mercantile steam navy of this country; and most absurd results would be obtained if we tried to calculate the precise gain derived from the navy in case of war: it would be most irrational to say we would not spend this year's estimates on the Navy because for less than that sum all the towns on our coast could be rebuilt if they were burnt and sacked. Suppose this country unfortunately to be involved in a war while unprepared, and that the French steam navy had destroyed all the towns on the coast from Dover to Fal- mouth or Penzance, would any one say that we were gainers by this to the ex. tent of 18,570,3451. 17s. 10d.—(" Hear, hear, hear!" and laughter)—while it would cost half a million to save them from destruction. What would become of the reputed security of capital and industry of this country, where a people could lay out in the course of the last few years not less that 300,000,0001. in rail- ways, together with immense sums in manufactories? All feeling of confidence in the stability of our power would cease; and persons who had capital to invest would say, we will go to New York or Philadelphia, or any other place, and fly from a country which has not the wisdom and foresight to defend itself. Differing from Mr. Cobden on these points, Lord John agreed with most of what he said in other respects. He regretted too, with Mr. Hume, that Committees bad opt investigated the Navy expenditure in the year 1838, as in 1818 and 1828 and the present year. Such a proceeding, occurring occasionally, would enable the Government and its departments to reconsider and rearrange expenditure accord- ing to altered circumstances. Nothing could be more foolish than for rich coun- tries to vie with each other in having the largest armament: but England is not in the situation of the United States—she is mixed up unavoidably in Continental questions: still, all the powers of Europe would do well to look to their expendi- ture under this head. In conclusion, Lord John adverted to another prophecy of Mr. Cobden—that the Government would be driven into war by the dabs and coteries which in- fluenced it. "I thought at the time of the prophecy, that this was most unjust to the Government. I can assure the honourable gentleman, that it never was the wish of the Government of this country to since with the Government of France; and the short. time which has elapsed since the Revolution in February has shown our desire to act in consonance with the feelings, and to be on the best terms of intimacy with so great and enlightened a nation as the French people. (Loud cheers.) I am glad that the present Government of France have declared themselves free of that ambition which led France, both under the Republic and the Empire in the first place to brilliant conquests, and then to meet severe calms mities; and! believe that the present Government of France, and the French nation generally, agree as to the impolicy of such a course, and as to the advantage of maintaining the peace of Europe. (Cheers.) It is most desirable that not only France but other Governments should act on such principles. I do not say that the whole of Europe is in so sound a condition that any statesman would say that he could depend for any number of years on the maintenance of peace; but I be- lieve that the Government of France is fully aware of the desirableness of peace; and I am also aware that the powerful Government of Russia has the same desire to secure the maintenance of peace. When, then, the powerful Governments of Russia, France, and England, entertain such an opinion, I say there is not any strong probability that peace will be disturbed." (Cheers.) Mr. Dieser= wished he could agree with Mr. Cobden that the progress of Democratical government is calculated to insure peace, and the pro- gress of human nature. Modern experience shows a very different result. Ia the last two hundred and fifty years, three wars have occurred, each of singular historic interest, and each of about thirty years' duration. The first, the thirty years' war of Germany, was a war of popular passions, of popular principles, and of popular creeds. Again, the great war which broke out in the reign of Louis the Fourteenth, which was opposed to the independence of Europe, arose from the indignant popular spirit of all Europe. And to come to the French Revolutionary war—was that which was

achieved by Napoleon a war of individual, of aristocratic, or of exclusive origin? On the contrary, those three great wars, occupying together ninety years, were wars arising from popular passion, popular prejudice, and the ambition of nations. Mr. Disraeh was glad to hear from Lord John Russell that there was a strong Government in France. After that acknowledgment, it would be but ordi- nary condescension to recognize the Government of France. Lord JOHN RUSSELL--" It is recognized." Mr. DISRAELI was glad to hear it; and he would revert to the question he de- sired to ask. He wished to know what force we have at the present moment in the Baltic and on the German shores of the North Sea. Denmark has been forced in self-defence—so ill have been her most conciliatory conduct and good feeling returned—to declare one of the strictest blockades ever proclaimed; and it would be consolatory to our merchants to know how their interests are attended to It would be gracious if Lord Palmerston would state whether Prussia re- mained an independent nation. The amiable and accomplished Prince Ldningen, a mediatized prince, has become Foreign Minister to the Germanic Confederation: has the King of Prussia also become mediatized; and if so, will he accept office under the Confederation?

Mr. Disraeli also asked what is the state of affairs in the troubled waters of La Plata? He thought the House of Commons had a right to inquire, first of all, why the excellent Mr. Mandeville, our Minister at Buenos Ayres, had not ob- tained the result desired; next, why Mr. Ouseley, who had been sent out by Lord Aberdeen, had also failed; why Mr. Hood, Lord Howden, Mr. R. Gore, five en- voys-extraordinary, had all failed? He understood that Mr. Southern, the sixth envoy, was on his way. It appears that the Government of France is resolved to enforce instantly a stringent blockade of Buenos Ayres. Our merchants in the river Plate trade are already failing; and it is due to commerce that a statement be made of the steps taken. Lord Parsmsasron replied, that while Denmark only does what the law of nations sanctioned, the blockade she has notified is not one which we should be entitled to force: therefore the presence of our ships in the Baltic and North Sea coasts will be unnecessary. With regard to La Plata, we are not answerable for the commencement of hostilities with that country. Our vessels there have been diminished. Mr. Southern has gone to fill the vacant place of Minister at Buenos Ayres; nothing in our relations with General Roses precluding such a step. In answer to another Member's question, Lord Palmerston stated that our African com- manders are now acting under instructions strictly accordant with the law of the land.

Admiral DUNDAB, in answer to interrogatories, stated that the Masters in the Navy will be entitled to retire at the age of fifty with the rank and half-pay of Commander. As to Assistant Surgeons messing in the ward- mom, if they did so, the Mates and half-a-dozen other officers might claim the like. The newspaper complaints on the subject are wholly groundless.

Votes for seamen's victuals, officers' salaries, the Registry Office, and the scientific departments, having been taken, Mr. HcrmE moved, and it was agreed, to report progress; and sit again on Friday.

THE NAVIGATION-LAWS.

On Thursday, the House of Commons having gone into Committee on the laws relating to navigation and the registration of ships and seamen, Mr. LABOUCHERE moved the following resolution- " That it is expedient to remove the restrictions which prevent the free carriage of goods, by sea, to and from the United Kingdom and the British possessions abroad; subject, nevertheless, to such control by her Majesty in Council as may be necessary; and to amend the laws for the registration:of ships and seamen."

He stated, that Government did not intend to attempt the passing of any measure on the subject during the present session; but it was deemed more satisfactory to lay their views before the House and the country in the shape of a bill.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Mr. LABOUCHERE subsequently stated, that although the measure was advanced in the form of a bill, Ministers should not consider themselves precluded from taking advantage of any in- formation or consideration of the subject during the recess, to alter the measure.

Mr. BERRIES said, that as the object of Government was only to lay

their measure completely before the House, he should not oppose the present introduction of the bill; but intimating his continued opposition next session. Mr. GLADSTONE, on the contrary, urged an early intro- duction of the measure next session, if indeed it were not the first bill of the session. Several other Members very briefly expressed sentiments which they have more folly expressed in previous debates; and leave was given to bring in the bill.

REVISION OP TAXATION.

On Monday, Mr. Eweirr raised a discussion on the general revision of taxation, with this motion- " That it is expedient that there should be a revision of our present system of taxation, especially with a view to extend the commerce of the country, and to increase the employment and comforts of the people." He recommended an extension of the system laid down by Sir Robert Peel some years ago. The Chancellor of the Exchequer could confer no greater benefit on the country than by reducing to order and form the crude and undigested mass of indirect taxation. In doing this, he should particularly endeavour to extend the foreign trade; which has been materially affected by the events of the early part of the year. He might begin with a reduction of the duty on tea; at a future period—for the sacrifice can hardly be asked of him at present—he might reduee the duties on tobacco; and when affairs in France have settled down, might lower those on wine. The expenses of the Customs department should be lessened, as those of the Excise have been. Among the Excise imposts, Mr. Ewart indi- cated as the first to be lowered those on soap—no improvement in the making of which has occurred for forty years, under the cramping influence of the Excise re- gulations; on paper; and especially on advertisements. The duty on bricks is exorbitant, and renders them double the price they cost in America. The stamp- duties on conveyances should be lowered, and above all, equalized; for at pre- sent the rates on small sales are cruelly burdensome compared with those on large. It was to be hoped that these suljects would occupy the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer during the recess. He might inquire what taxes could be removed, equalized, or commuted. He might perhaps reduce the tea- duty, the soap-duty, or the brick-duty, abolish the advertisement-duty commute the window-tax, and render the stamp-laws more just and agreeable. If in mak- ing any of these alterations any deficiency should arise, then Mr. Ewart held that the property of the country should come to the aid of its commerce. He desired no sweeping changes, but only the adoption of what was practicable, and was sanctioned by the common sense, as it would be for the common good, of all the nation.

Sir CHARLES WOOD said, he had already felt it his duty to do those things to which he was now invited.

He concurred in the principles laid down by Mr. Ewart, and was only unable to go on at so fast a rate. He could not yield nine millions of present income, and ask the reimbursement of it from the realized property of the country. The re- ception of the measure of increased taxation he had already proposed was not such as would induce him to repeat the experiment. Mr. Huang, Dr. BOWRING, and Mr. COBDEN, spoke briefly in favour of the motion; but, on the advice of Mr. Cobden, it was not pressed to a vision.

VOTE HY BALLOT.

On Tuesday, Mr. HENRY BERKELEY brought on his motion affirming the expediency of a secret exercise of the Parliamentary franchise.

Relying on the prime facie case established by Mr. Grote and Mr. Ward, the able leaders under whom he had served in former campaigns against the present system, Mr. Berkeley limited his speech to a review of the surviving or newly. raised arguments against the ballot. One of the most fashionable of the latter sort is the simple assertion that the deplorable results of the present system are greatly exaggerated. In reply, he called attention to the evidence before the Committee of 1835 on Intimidation and Bribery, to show the state of things then existing; and he adduced a number of facts and instances of subsequent occurrence, to show that the evils of 1835 are in full force in 1848. In regard to the city of Westminster, such was the extent to which bribery and intimidation were carried in 1835, that nearly two- thirds of the electors abstained from voting. He knew, from inquiries, that mat- ters were nearly as bad in 1837; but the transactions of 1841 were within his personal knowledge; and the exertions of the aristocracy then to return Captain lions, as a supporter of Sir Robert Peel, must have been seen to be in the least degr;ie imagined. He would mention two instances, out of many lie could sub- stantiate; the particular names of parties concerned in which he was pledged not to use in public, but would willingly confide in private to any Member of the House.

The first case was one of a tradesman who had a strong opinion on the subject of free trade. He had always been a Liberal, and wished to vote for Sir de Lacy Evans. In the course of the day before the election, six carriages drew up at

this tradesman's door, each with a coronet on the panels. From these carriages descended parties of ladies; and there was no cajolery or artifice to which they did not resort in order to induce him to vote for Captain Rens. In conclusion, they worried the poor man so much, threatening not only to withhold their own custom but to induce their friends to do the like, that although he could not be brought to vote against his conscience, he at last consented not to vote at all. Mr. Berkeley had the curiosity in the following year to call upon this tradesman, and ask him whether he had pleased his customers by abstaining from voting? His reply was, "Far from it; and out of the six parties to whom I referred, four have never set their foot in my house since, because I refused to vote at all." Mr. Berkeley had inspected this tradesman's books, and be assured the House that a dead lose appeared upon them, from the departure of these customers, of at least 601. a year.

The other case was that of an unfortunate publican; and this instance would show the aristocracy and democracy both united in doing the wrong thing. This man was convassed by a lady, who made him very strong promises if he would vote for Captain Rons; when, finding that she produced no impression, the fol- lowing conversation ensued—" Yoa serve my house with beer?" "I do." "I understand my servants also use your house?" "Yes." "Then, if you do not vote as I wish, you shall no longer serve my house with beer, and I will turn away any of my servants who shall dare to come to your house again; but if you vote as I desire I will see what I can do for your son in the Customhouse." (Much laughter.) The man, whether intimidated by the threat or influenced by the promise, got up early in the morning and voted for Rona. Now for the de- mocracy. There were twelve or thirteen tailors who held their Saturday night's orgies at this publican's house: one of these persons, who were all strong Demo- crats of the Coffey breed, was early at the poll, and they discovered that the publican had recorded his vote for Captain Bens. On the next Saturday night the tailors called for their bill, abused him in good set terms, told him he was not only a publican but a sinner, paid the bill, walked out of the house, and said they would denounce him to the whole trade. ("Hear, hear!" and laughter.) Now, ought that man to be denied the protection of secret voting? It is said that secret voting would engender deceit and lying. In 1841, when contesting Bristol, he counted upon 100 promised votes in a populous parish as certain, and said so. The opposite party said—" Certainly, you think so, and you have that number of promises, but tomorrow morning we shall change 100 of those promises." After the election he found that they had kept their word, inasmuch as they had changed 60 votes volunteered for him; and his friends calculated that of those about 40 were intimidated and 20 bought. In conclusion, Mr. Berkeley lectured Lord John Russell against the presump- tion of any doctrine of finality; and he moved—" That it is expedient in the election for Members to serve in Parliament that the votes of electors be taken by way of ballot."

In seconding the motion, Colonel THOMPSON appealed to the manifesta- tion of zeal for order on the celebrated 10th of April, as evidence that there is no rooted feeling among the mumerous classes against those whom they have been used to regard as their leaders. If those leaders would head the movement for the abatement of grievances, the people would still trust to their better opportunities of knowledge, and still follow their guidance. Lord JOHN RUSSELL opposed the motion, upon grounds much the same as those on which he formerly relied.

Reviewing our political institutions, and their development to their present form, he did not find any instance in which secrecy was the rule, or in which, on the contrary, the tendency was not towards a broader and more openly free spirit. While we say that everything else shall be open and public—a feature distinguishing our modern constitution from any of the institutions of ancient re- publics—the more we should be cautious how we make a change by which the ultimate supreme and despotic power now vested as a trust in one seventh of our population, of deciding upon the destinies of this country, should be exercised in secret caprice, uncontrolled by the review of public opinion. Furthermore, Lord John declared his opinion that no ingenious contrivance of carpentry would suffice to secure the secrecy which is promised by the advocates of the ballot-box: means will always exist for knowing, and it will always be known, how electors have given their votes. So that further changes would be demanded as a necessary complement to the first. ("Bear, hear I" from Mr. Cobden.) Lord John found it was admitted the ballot alone would be insufficient. It were better, then, that Mr. Home's combined propositions be renewed, including universal'suffrage. Mr. COBDEN confessed that he looked upon the question of the ballot with less interest than he did twelve years ago; but it is demanded by a large proportion of the electors of this country, and he had never heard rational argument against it.

Mr. PAGE Woon referred to the present moderate and increasingly con- servative elements of the National Assembly of France, elected by the bal- lot under universal suffrage, as an assurance of the tendency of the people to support order and property. Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS adduced a new advantage of the ballot: its establishment would give the wealthy classes the greatest possible interest in the education of the people, in order to promote the election of fit Members.

The other speakers were—for the motion, Lord DUDLEY STUART, (who did not, however, cherish such sanguine expectations as some,) Mr. Tex- caws, and Mr. MUNTZ: against the motion, Mr. PHILIP HOWARD, Colonel SIBTHORP, (who would stand by and leave Lord John to fight his own troops,) Mr. URQUHART, (who protested against tinkering away the institutions of the country till but a caput mortuum of the constitution should remain,) and Mr. HENLEY, (who thought the ballot would increase corruption and lessen the means of its investigation and punishment.)

The House divided—For Mr. Berkeley's motion, 86; against it, 81; ma- jority in favour of the ballot, 5. The result was unexpected, and raised an amused excitement in the House.

Boaorrou CORRUPTION.

On Thursday, the House went into Committee on the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill; proceeding with the schedule.

A long and very rambling debate arose on the question that Lincoln do stand part of the schedule. Colonel SIBTHORP indignantly objected tolhe power of " secret assassination" given to the Commissioners by the bill; but he made no specific motion. Mr. ANSTEY, with much innuendo, chal- lenged Lord John Russell to insert London in the schedule: no less than 32,0001. was spent in promoting the election of the Ministerial candidates in the City; and management, no doubt, had prevented the presentation of a petition against the return. Lord Jolts RUSSELL repelled the imputa- tion: he did not pay out of his own pocket the sum of 32,0001.; ,Isikpaid nothing more than the lawful expenses; he contributed no money for cor- rupt practices; he had not prevented a petition; and he thought he ought not to be subjected to questions respecting rumours which he heard from no one but Mr. Anstey.

On a division, the House decided, by 69 to 13, that Lincoln should be inserted in the schedule.

The insertion of otherjsoroughs was disputed. On the proposal to add Bodmin, the Members, Mr. WYLD and Mr. Lacy, strongly objected. Mr. Wyld complained, that there had been for nearly the whole of the session a series of boroughs in the schedule; and now, at the eleventh hour, the Solicitor- General came down and inserted the name of Bodmin and other boroughs re- presented by gentlemen who had for so many months given Government their best support. The only charge against him was that he had endeavoured to spread geographical knowledge by presenting an institution in Bodmin with a series of maps. Some of the wealthier electors subscribed towards an issue of is. tickets for refreshments to be given to the poor electors and their wives.

Mr. DISRAELI, Mr. BANNES, Dir. TURNER, and other Members, sup- ported the complaint-of Mr. W,y1d; not without some pleasantry on its salve character- Mr. Disraeli especially ridiculing the notion of a Com- mission from London to sit in the Town-hall of Bodmin for tlse purpose of investigating slices of cold mutton and glasses of half-and-half. He moved that the Chairman report progress; but this was negatived, by 116 to 35. Sir JOHN ROMILLY, who had admitted that the case against Bodmin was weak, agreed, in the midst of the discussion, to strike out both that borough and Bolton; which produced a burst of con- temptuous surprise from Mr. HENLEY at the Ministerial vacillation. Bod- min was struck out.

Dr. BOWRING objected to the omission of Bolton. Lord Joust RUSSELL declined to meddle with it; and eventually, on the motion of Mr. FORBES ILiCKENZIE, Bolton was included in the schedule, by 118 to 14. .

REGISTRATION OF BIRTHS, DEATHS, AND MARRIAGES.

On Monday, the LORD-ADVOCATE moved the second reading of the Registering Births, &c., (Scotland) Bill; briefly explaining the existing law in Scotland, and the facilities it affords for irregular marriages. By the present law, nothing more is required for the validity of a marriage than that there should have been an interchange of consent; and this consent needs not to have been given.in the presence of third parties if it be afterwards acknowledged. Written evidence was once deemed necessary, but it is no longer so; and proof of marriage in modes so exceedingly loose and vague is now admitted, that the most scandalous abuses arise.

The law does not exact the presence of a parish priest, as required by the Council of Trent; but many statutes have been passed on the subject of marriage by priests. "By an act passed in 1661, and another in 1695, clergymen were prohibited, under pains and penalties, from celebrating marriage. Under those acts, the Episcopal clergy first assailed the Presbyterian clergy; the latter, when they got the upper hand, used the acts against the Episcopalian and Roman Ca- tholic clergy. These last, with the exception of an act passed in favour of the Episcopal clergy, continued subject to disabilities down to 1833 or 1834, when an act was passed allowing clergymen of all persuasions to celebrate marriage, only there must be a proclamation of the bans. In Scotland, however, the proclama- tion of the bans is -read by the session-clerk, in an inaudible voice, before the service begins, and when very. few persons are present to hear them, and this not on three consecutive Sundays, but on the same day; and it often happens that the bans are proclaimed in a church not attended by the parties, or their friends or acquaintances. If, however, the session-clerk gives a certificate that the bans have been duly proclaimed, you can make no further inquiry."

The present bill proposed to enact, that nomarriage should be valid in Scotland unless duly solemnized by en authorized clergyman, or by a licensed registrar of mar- riages. He did not propose to interfere with the principle of the law of Scotland as far as concerned the ceremony of marriage, but to require that where the par- ties do not choose to go before a clergyman, they should go to the registrar'and have their marriage properly entered. Assuming the population to-be three millions, the total expense of a registration of the whole country would be only 9,5001. Some kind of superintendence of the local registries has been deemed necessary: the expense of the revision would be regulated by an annual vote of Parliament, and conducted in the same manner as in England. Mr. Duscax opposed the bill, as most unpalatable to Scotland.

Only some half-a-dozen petitiont have been presented for it; 239 against, it. All its objects could be better accomplished with less machinery and at less ex- pense. He moved the second reading that day three months. Colonel Tiaomesos wished to put it to the consideration of English and Irish Members, whether it would be politic to shut up the outlet which hitherto existed for a hasty marriage by a journey to Scotland. The question might be solved by an individual Member, if he reflected whether, if some unruly man had positively accomplished the abduction of his daughter, he would prefer the man to marry her in twenty-four hours after it, or to take a fortnight about it? (Laughter.) Practical experience was in favour of the srst-named period; and the lady herself would not, he was certain, make any ob- jection to it. As for himself, he was in favour of the shorter interval of twenty four hours, which would be found more conducive to the peace and honour of families. He recommended this consideration to the serious attention of the House.

A cursory debate arose. The principle of the bill was. approved ; but Members wished the measure to be postponed till next session. Of these views were Mr. Holm, Mr. LocKsianr, Mr. BAILLIE, Mr. F. Scorr, Mr. *GREGOR, Mr. DRUMMOND, Mr. STUART WORTLEY, Mr. EWART, Ad- miral GORDON, Mr. ANDERSON, and Mr. URQUHART. Mr. ELLIOT ap- proved the bill, and hoped it would be pressed at once.

The LORD-ADVOCATE said, he would not make any pledge; at the same time, he would not refuse to take into consideration the suggestions for a postponement.

Amendment withdrawn: bill read a second time, and to be committed on Friday.

The LORD-ADVOCATE then moved the second reading of the Marriages Bill (Scotland); on which Mr. FRANCIS SCOTT moved an amendment, that it be read that day six months. Eventually, the bill was read a second time.

On Tuesday, however, Mr. RUTHERIUS.D stated, that in deference to the representations of Scotch Members, he should postpone the two bills, to be introduced early next session.

AUSTRALASIA: EMIGRATION: COLONIZATION.

In the House of Lords, on Thursday, Earl GREY presented papers on emigration to Australia; with a speech stating the broad results that he drew from the documents.

He began with a caveat against the opinion that emigration to our Australian Colorizes, which costs about 201. per head, can exercise any perceptible influence

in reducing the excess of population at home. Nevertheless, the progress of our settlements in Australia has been surprising; affording a field of employ- ment to the more ardent spirits of the Mother-country, and markets in which our manufacturers carry on a large and lucrative trade. In 1828, we had in that part of the globe only two Colonies—New South Wales, about 800 miles in length and 200 in breadth; and Van Diemen's Land ; the joint population being about 53,000 persons, of whom 23,000 were convicts still in a state of servitude. New South Wales is now 1,000 miles in length by 300 in breadth; and the population of the Australian Colonies is about 300,000 per- sons. The increase of wealth is still more surprising. In 1828, the exports amounted to 181,0001.; in 1845, the date of the last returns, to 2,189,0001. In 1830, Lord Ripon established the sale of lands in lieu of gratuitous grants, and shipowners were induced to furnish passages at cheaper rates. Under the super- intendence of Commissioners, 62,000 persons have been sent out to New South Wales, 10,000 to South Australia, and about 7,000 by the New Zealand Company. Of the whole number, no fewer than 80,000 were provided with a passage out of sums derived from the sale of Government lands. In the case of Individual set tlements, the results are still more remarkable. The great district of Port Phillip in Australia and the colony of New Zealand had been the creation of not more than ten years. Ten years ago, there were in Port Phillip only a few scattered inhabitants of between 200 and 300 in number. In March 1846, the population of that district, according to the last census, was 82,800. The town of Melbourne contained between 8,000 and 10,000 inhabitants. The imports into the colony in 1847 amounted to 205,000L; the exports to 343,00014 and the general revenue was no less than 68,0001.; the territorial revenue, by the sale of land, was 70,0001; making alto- gether a revenue of 138,0001. collected in a district which only ten or twelve years ago had been occupied by 200 or 800 persons. Port Phillip was established without a shilling of expense to the Mother-country. In South Australia the re- salts were almost equally remarkable. Those colonies had not been formed only with the labouring class: there were to be found settled in those colonies retired officers of the Army and Navy, gentlemen who had taken high degrees and ho- nours at the Universities, and many other persons of education and intelligence. Indeed, both in South Australia and in New South Wales there was a very large population of superiorly educated and intelligent men. The art of colonization therefore, is not lost. On the contrary, Mr. Merivele has shown that colonization had never made such rapid progress as it.has in these instances. The population of Sydney, in 1836, was 19,000; in ten years it was actually doubled, and in 1846 was 38,000. Compare this with the old colony of Boston: its population in 1790 (one hundred and seventy years after its foundation) was 18,000. The po- pulation of the city of New York, in 1773, (immediately before the breaking out of the war,) was o .ly 21,896; being 17,000 less than Sydney at the present day. The population of Philadelphia, in 1790, was 28,528. As to trade, the imports of the old American Colonies, in 1773, amounted to little above 1,000,0001.; the im-

ports of the A ostralian Colonies, in 1845, amounted to 2,070,000 The exporits of the old American Colonies, in 1773, were short of 2,000,0001.; the exports of the Australian Colon.,,, in 1845, were 2,185,0001.; or, if a contrast were taken between the value of the trade per head on the population, it would appear that the imports per head for the old American Colonies was 8s. 9d., and for Australia 71 5s. 10d.; and the exports per head, for the former 16a. Sd., and for the latter 71. 14s. 3d.

Lord Grey did not deny that it was the duty of Parliament and of the Govern- ment to give an increased impulse to emigration. That had not been overlooked. In 1845, emigration to Australia was nearly stopped for want of funds: it was re- sumed to South Australia in 1846, and 2,000 persons were sent out: it has been resumed since October last to New South Wales; and the funds have kept pace with the demand for labour. In the present year, twenty-three emigrant-ships have sailed for New South \Vales, with 5,343 emigrants; to South Australia, eleven ships, with 2,736 emigrants: and it is estimated that before the close of the year, forty more ships would be sent out with 10,000 persons. So that within the year 18,000 persons would be added to the population of the two colonies. Lord Grey explained facilities that had been afforded fur persons not coming strictly within the regulations of the Commissioners, to go out on payment of a small ad-

ditional sum: thus, the English workmen expelled from Prance were taken out . on payment of 41. for each adult and 21. for each child. Facilities will also be af-

forded for the transmission of money from emigrants in Australia towards the out- ward passage of their friends from home; a species of remittance common from America, but precluded in Australia by the distance and difficulties. Lord Grey read an extract from the speech of Sir Charles Fitzroy on opening the Legislative Council of New South Wales, in March last, representing a flourishing state of the colony in spite of some commercial depression. The ex- port of wool in the past year had reached to more than 22,000,000 pounds; an in- crease of 5,700,000. The export of tallow was 69,000 hundredweight; an increase of 49,000 hundredweight. Agricultural and pastoral wages are high. The whole debt of the Land and Immigration debentures has been paid; and there is every prospect that the immigration of the season might be effected without the neces- sity of incurring any debt.

Lord MONTEAGLE accepted these accounts as confirming the principles that he had long advocated; but he was dismayed at the small promise held out in Lord Grey's speech. The first act of his noble friend's official life was to introduce this subject to the House of Commons; and on that occasion he said—" Before any measure could be introduced for the permanent relief of the poor in Ireland, it would he absolutely necessary to relieve that country from its superabundance of popula- ' tion. The transfer of a part of our superabundantlabourers to the Colonies would be equally beneficial to all parties." On Mr. Charles Buller's motion, in 1843 Lord Grey declared it " of the greatest importance that emigration should be en- couraged to a much greater extent than at present "; and he demanded more "progress," and "much greater extension." Now, was there on the present occa- sion any approximation to the enlarged and systematic scheme of colonization which was shadowed forth in the extracts just read ? Lord Monteagle cited the address ca ried by Lord Lincoln for colonization in aid of Ireland, and the official reply promising inquiry; and he asked whether any step had been taken on • Ise subject.

Lord GREY—" Hear, hear I " Lord MoserzaosE—Let despatches on the subject, then, be produced. Either there had been no inquiry, or the information had been withheld from Parliament. This was a very serious charge, and one which ought to be seriously met. The conduct of the Colonial Office on this subject, he confessed, created great mis- trust in his mind, because it showed that speeches and motions might be ac- quiesced in for the purpose of avoiding an inconvenient subject, and escaping those obligations which a due consideration of the question could not fail to im- pose upon them. The noble Lord had escaped altogether from the consideration of the case of British North America. The fact was, that his noble friend had done something to obstruct and check emigration to North America. He had recommended the hospital-tax to defray the expenses caused by the Irish fever among the emigrants. The United States followed the example; but the tax imposed by the British North American colonists upon their fellow subjects was actually higher than that imposed by the United States upon foreigners. The effect had been to turn the tide of emigration from the British Colonies to the United States. The May emigration to British North America declined from 7,760 in 1846 to 3,866 in 1848; while to the United States it increased from 13,254 to 22,672. Lord Elgin stated his conviction, that an enlarged system of emigra- tion would greatly benefit the North American Colonies: why, then, not confer with him in order to the adoption of some practical scheme? There was nothing in Lord Grey's statement to show that he had considered the subject with reference to any principle of systematic continuous colonization. Earl GREY denied that he had altered his views. As a positive means of reducing the numbers of the population, he never believed that emigra- tion was of any value: a sudden and violent diminution of the numbers by artificial means would inevitably be followed by a greater rapidity in the rate of increase. He thought it more prudent to assist and direct sponta- neous emigration.

NAPLES AND SICILY.

On Tuesday, Lord STANLEY put two questions to the Marquis of Lans- downe, on the subject of our relations with the King of the Two Sicilies. Lord Stanley opened the statement with which he prefaced his quotations by

urging the importance of the maxim, that in the event of a civil contest going on in an independent state, it is the paramount duty of every foreign state to main- tain a strict and most absolute neutrality. On that principle we have uniformly depressed here the manifestation of public feeling on the sanguinary contests be- tween Russia and Poland; have abstained from intervention between Austria and her revolted provinces; have condemned intervention by Prussia in the Holstein- Schleswig affair; have remonstrated with King Charles Albert on his invasion of Lombardy; and have cordially approved the answer given to misguided men from Ireland by the Provisional Government of France. If there is any nation in the world on whom the strict observance of this doctrine is incumbent, it is England —England with Ireland at its side, and a large proportion of the inhabitants too happy to shake off what they have been taught to consider the baneful domination of the mother-country.

Lord Stanley sketched the order of events in Sicily during the revolution: the outbreak, at a time when our Minister (Lord Palmerston's brother) had left his most comfortable post at a most luxurious capital; the chance presence at Rome of Earl Minto, then on his roving commission of Minister-General to every state in the • South of gurope; his invitation by the King of Naples; Lord Minto's journey to Naples, his advice, and the rejection of his advice; the success of the Sicilians, and their election of the Duke of Genoa to be their King. Lord Stanley had been credibly informed that immediately before the final decision of the Assembly at Sicily to offer the crown of the country to the son of the King of Sardinia, the Porcupine was despatched from the British Embassy at Naples, having on board a gentleman attached to the mission at Naples named Fagan, who was instructed to state the pleasure of England that they should choose not a Republican but a Monarchical form of government, and as the head of that government should select the eon of the King of Sardinia. Lord Stanley asked whether it was true that Mr. Fagan had received and fulfilled such instructions?

He also found it reported, that while the King of Naples was .preparing a

force in the Bay of Naples for the reduction of Sicily to his authority, her Ma- jesty's fleet in the Mediterranean, in the execution of orders, had appeared there; the: hey surrounded the vessels which were being prepared to transport the Nea- politan troops to Sicily; and that, although there had been no intimation given of an intention to prevent the enterprise, the British fleet held a menacing position. Had there been this or any interference with the authority of the King ? Lord Stanley moved an address for copies of all the correspondence upon the subject; but said he would not press the motion if the papers could not be produced without inconvenience to the public service.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE declared himself quite willing to give ge- neral information on the character of our interference, if interference it could be called, between the King of Naples and a portion of his subjects.

Throughout the intervention, a position of amity towards Naples had been

maintained; and the whole object of the mission of Lord Minto to Naples—under- taken at the solicitation of the King himself—was to produce and promote the adoption of healing measures; and if Naples had subscribed to his advice, she might have then retained her power over Sicily. But changes took place in her councils, followed by the almost complete success of the Sicilian arms. Mr. Temple's absence from his post at Naples was unconnected with these circum- stances; and no country was ever represented at Naples with more ability, assi- duity, and skill, than this country had been by Lord Napier.

At first the British representative tried to maintain the union of the Two

Sicilies. But the time came when it was manifest that Sicily would no longer remain part of the kingdom of Naples; and it afterwards became still more mani- fest that the union of all classes and orders of her people was so perfect, and her military power and skill so great, that she could maintain the independence she had declared. In this new state of things a new step was to be taken by us; and this country successively endeavoured to promote the institution of Monarchy rather than Republicanism, and to direct the choice of the Sicilians in electing a Sovereign for their island, first to a Prince of the house of Naples, and afterwards to some Prince from some other of the Italian states. But advice was the whole influence employed; and it was unaccompanied by anything like a condition, or a threat, or the semblance of a threat; and no assurance had been required that the Duke of Genoa should be chosen.

With regard to the proceedings of Sir 1Villiam Parker at Naples, Lord Lans- downe assured Lord Stanley, that they had no reference to the circumstances al- luded to, but referretlto an entirely different subject. He hoped the motion would not be pressed.

Lord STANLEY thought the answers given by no means satisfactory; though he was aware that Sir William Parker's fleet had appeared in the Bay of Naples in consequence of a ground of complaint against a Neapo- litan vessel.

The sole cause of the offence which had led to the appearance there of a British fleet was, that in the open sea a Neapolitan vessel chased a Sicilian vessel; and,

for the purpose of coming within distance, she hoisted British colours; but pre- viously to firing she lowered the British colones and hoisted the Neapolitan. No doubt, such a matter properly called for diplomatic correspondence and explana- tions; but it was wholly improper and unbecoming to permit the intervention of a powerful squadron concerning it. The Earl of Mraro corrected Lord Stanley.

The Neapolitan vessel had hoisted British colours, not in the open sea, but in the waters of Corfu; where a number of Sicilian refugees were taken on board. They were brought over to Naples; and as access to them was refused to the Ad- miral, who wished to know what their ground of complaint was, there could be no doubt but that a sufficient or more than a sufficient ground existed to justify a very peremptory demand on the part of this country. Lord Minto assured the House, that his object throughout his mission to Naples had been to maintain the connexion between the two kingdoms; but he had felt that the connexion ought not to rest solely with the Neapolitan Government, who offered terms which they shortly afterwards withdrew from. He agreed with Lord Stanley as to the general principle of noninterference; but he could not agree in thinking that there were no circumstances in the previous connexion between this country and Sicily which Imposed upon England very serious obligations towards that country. On a fitting occasion he should be perfectly prepared to enter fully into this question.

The Duke of ARGYLE regretted the haste shown in recognizing the independence of Sicily: he felt strongly that the true interests of Italy lay rather in a consolidation than a division of her power.

The Earl of MALMESBURY reiterated in plain English a plain question, not yet answered—Was the fleet of Admiral Parker to interfere, or not, with any expedition that his Neapolitan Majesty may send against his revolted subjects of Sicily?

The Marquis of LawsoovniE said, he had already stated that he would not give an answer to that question, because it would not be conducive to the public interest to do so.

ITALY AND AUSTRIA.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, replying to Mr. Pmr..ir How- ARD, Lord PALMERSTON made this statement respecting the war in Italy-

" I can assure my honourable friend, that her Majesty's Government are deeply sensible of the great importance of seeing a termination put to that unfortunate warfare which is now waged in the North of Italy; and, though I have perhaps no right to speak for other Governments, yet I may assure the House that that desire is equally shared by the Government of France. (Cheers.) Her Majesty's Government are therefore about to engage—indeed, I may say are already enga- ged—or at all events are about to take steps, in conjunction, I trust, with the Government of France, to endeavour by amicable negotiation to bring the present warfare to an end."

COMBINATIONS IN IRELAND. On Thursday, the LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of the Unlawful Oaths Acts (Ireland) Continuance and Amend- ment Bill. The bill continued and extended the powers of existing acts for the suppression of secret societies and conspiracies • enabling the police to enter the place where meetings were held and search for books and papers. After a short conversation, without the slightest objection to the purpose of the bill, it was read a second time; to be committed on Monday.

EMIGRATION. On Monday Lord ASHLEY inquired, whether Ministers were prepared to take the subject of emigration into consideration during the recess, with a view of affording information to those who wished to emigrate, but with- out any view of assisting them by grants of the public money. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, that the Government would be very happy to take any steps for the purpose of diffusing the necessary information. It would not be advisable to propose any very large grants for the purposes of emigration. Those desirous of emigrating ought to consult amongst themselves, and decide for themselves as to their own resources.

Paulen EMIGRATION. On Tuesday, upon the motion to bring up the report of the Poor-law Union Charges Bill, Colonel Inompsosi succeeded in inserting clause to empower the expenditure of union or parish funds in procuring, emigration of chargeable or irremoveable persons.

SIR WILLIAM MOLESWORTH'S MOTION. On Tuesday, Mr. VERNON SMITH observed that Sir William Molesworth, after making an able Colonial speech—and printing it too—had wisely gone out of town: what was to become of the ad- journed debate on his motion? [fixed for that night.] Mr. COBDEN stated that the care of the motion had been confided to him: Sir William had considered that it had received the acquiescence of the Government, and be took no farther con- cern in it. Mr. Cobden was in the hands of the House to resume the debate or not when the order came on. Lord Joens RUSSELL said, he should not oppose Sir William Molesworth's motion, but thought that after the able speech of Mr. Hawes, it was unnecessary for him to take part in the debate if it were resumed. The debate now stands in the Votes as " Deferred till the 22d of August."