&hafts frith Vratraing5 in Varliniunt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEER.

Horan OF Leans. Monday, May 6. Ecclesiastical Patronage; Archbishop Sum- ner's Explanation—Administration of Criminal Justice Improvement Bill, read a second time.

Tuesday, May 7. Annual Indemnity Bill, read a third time and passed—Process and Practice (Ireland) Bill, reported—House adjourned over Holy Thursday till Friday.

Friday, May 10. Lord Lucan's Bill to enable Irish landlords to distrain on grow- ing crops—Mr. Ryland's Compensation case ; Ministers defeated by 22 to 19. House or Conmoxs. Monday, May 6. Australian Colonies Bill, reported ; Sir Molesworth's Motion to recommit, negatived by 165 to 42 ; Mr. Gladstone's Motion to add an Ecclesiastical clause, negatived h' 187 to 102—Distressed Unions Advances and Repayments of Advances (Ireland) Bill, read a third time and passed —Registration of Deeds (Ireland) Bill, passed through Committee—Public Health (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Petty Sessions (Ireland) Bill, read a first time. Tuesday, May 7. Lord Chancellor Cottenham's Health ; Question and State- ment—Show of Industry by All Nations ; Question and Statement—Mr. Lacy's Extramural Interments Bill, thrown out on second reading—Repeal of Adver- tisement-duty; Mr. Ewart's Motion negatived by 208 to 39—Journeymen Ba- kers ; Lord Robert Grosvenor's Motionfor a Committee, negatived by 90 to 44—Irish Packet Service ; Select Committee moved by Sir R. Bulkeley, and assented to by Go- vernment—Benefices Plurality Bill, amendments considered.

Wednesday, May 8. Cabinet Tactics: Talk about "a message to Mr. Cobden and Mr. Bright "—Irish Fisheries Bill (Mr. Ansley's), thrown out on the second reading, by 197 to 37—Extramural Interments Bill (Mr. Lacy's), thrown out on the second reading, by 123 to 4—Borough Gaols Bill, read a second time.

Thursday. May 9. Police Improvement (Scotland) Bill, Court of Session (Scot- land) Bill, Railways Abandonment Bill, and Elections (Ireland) Bill, passed through Committee—Benefices in Plurality Bill, read a third time and passed—Weights and Measures Bill, read a second time—Sunday Fairs Bill, to repeal an exception in an act of the 27th Henry VI. authorizing Sunday fairs; leave to bring in.

Friday, May 10. Manchester Rectory Division Bill, as amended, considered- Stamp-duties Bill; sir Charles Wood's Explanation; Bill to be withdrawn, for a new one—Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, read a third time and passed—Elections (Ireland) Bill, Court of Chancery Bill, Fees (Court of Common Pleas) Bill, and Police and Improvements (Scotland) Bill, as amended, considered—Ecclesiastical Resi- dences (Ireland) Bill, Churches and Chapels (Ireland) Bill, and Clergy (Ireland) Bill, brought in by Mr. Napier, and read first time—Sunday Fairs Prevention Bill, read a first time.

TIME-TABLE.

The Lords.

The Commons.

Hour of How of Hour of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday foh 6h 45,n Monday 4h .... 12h SOm Tuesday 51; Sam Tuesday — 8h 15in Wednesday

No Sitting.

Wednesday Noon .... 5h 59m Thursday No Sitting. Thursday 4h .. lh m

yrhisr

3.5m Friday

Si MMtleit.• niNke, sh 58m Sittings this Week, 6; Thne,36h 44m 9111 lihn — this Session, 64; —494426m

AUSTRALIAN rOoLostrs Rum.

• On the bringing up of the report of the Australian Colonies Bill, Sir Wrr.- availing himself *rim understanding with Lord John Rummell when he waived the discussion of certain objectionable clauses in Committee, now moved tisesecommitital of the iaill, in order to take the sense of thelfouse on 1i sdheme !sr depriazing the Colonial Office of power to interfere with the local administration of the Australian Colo- nies, and for giving those Colonies the uncontrolled management of their own affairs.

The Government bill raises two questions ; the special one—what ought to be the constitution of the Australian Colonies; the general one—what amount of self-government ought our Colonies to possess, and to what ex- tent ought they to be subject to the controlling power of the Colonial Office. The first question had already been discussed, and settled ; the other was undiscussed ; yet upon the answer to it depends whether our Colonial em- pire shall last long or speedily perish. What are the !towers given to the Colonial Office by this bill ? The Colonial Office may instruct every Colo- nial Governor as to his conduct in all Colonial matters—may order him to " reserve " certain bills and send them home, and may annul every act of a Governor or a Colonial Parliament. Thus it may upset the vaunted powers given to the Colonies to amend their constitution, arrest their attempts at reducing expenditure, and prevent all money appropria- tions it may dislike, withhold its consent for two years to the most important bills, and at last utter a disallowance which may not reach the colony till three years after the bill has been in force. In fact, if this bill pass unamended, there is not one single act which a Colonial Go- vernor or a Colonial Parliament can do without the express or implied con- sent of the Colonial Office, nor one act which may not be reversed by the Co- lonial Office. To whom are such vast powers to be intrusted ? To gentle- men able and laborious, without doubt, but who have never had ocular ex- perience of the condition of a colony—who have no personal interest in the wellbeing of the colonists—who are obliged to trust to secondhand and par- tial information—who are necessarily ignorant and generally -misinformed with regard to Colonial affairs—and who, consequently, with the best in- tentions, cannot fail to commit numerous and grave errors in their manage- ment of the local affairs of the Colonies. Sir William recalled the memory of numerous instances of this necessary ignorance: the mistake of one Co- lonial Secretary, whose imagination that the fierce and warlike Caffres were a aceful pastoral people of Arcadian simplicity, cost us at a low estimate 5,111,0001. in the last twelve years; the notion of another, that the size of farms in South Africa must be about that of farms in this part of the world, under which we drove the Dutch Boors to abandon Natal and migrate to the centre of Africa, and then fallowedafter them with troops to reduce them anew to subjection ; the rashness and indiscretion which last year consulted the Cape colonists about transporting convicts thither, and simultaneously effected the transportation ; the minute vexatious interference which vetoes the appointment of an agent here by New South Wales, and which hin- ders the accomplishment of a vitally necessary sanatory improvement for the local health of 50,000 inhabitants in the town of Sydney. Instances even ludicrous may be quoted. Statistical reports from Coylon during several years running stated the deaths, births, and marriages, to be identical : the Colonial Office never a moment suspected what was the foot, that the same report was sent again and again with the simple alteration of a date. "It Will be said that similar errors will not be committed, and that in future these powers may be safely confided to the Colonial Office ; and the honourable gentleman the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies will, without doubt, repeat for the hundredth time, that he has been positively instructed by the noble Earl the Secretary of State for the Colonies to assure the House, most solemnly and most distinctly, that the noble Earl will in Mare exercise those powers in the wisest, most judicious, and most liberal manner, and in fact will only exercise them for the undoubted benefit of the colonists, and for the purpose of guarding against the errors which he will tell us the Colonial Parliament would be sure to make in the manage- ment of the local affairs and private interests of their constituents, were it not for the great wisdom and superintending intelligence of the noble Earl. I will not presume to dispute any statementef facts made by the honourable gentleman ; but I must observe that that statement, which I have heard repeated so often, contains the argument which the courtiers of every despot have from time immemorial used in defence of the powers of their master; and to that argument I will reply, in the words in which the Em- peror Alexander replied to Madame de Snibl, that a good despot is a 'lucky accident.' We cannot expect lucky accidents to be of frequent occurrence; and to legislate under that expectation would be the height of absurdity. Omitting, therefore, entirely from my consideration the individual merits of the present functionaries of the Colonial Office, I must next observe that they are irresponsible for their management of the local affairs of the Colo- nies ; for they are responsible (and in theory only) to those who are them- selves irresponsible, and who know little and care little about the Colonies. The Colonial Office is said to be responsible to us. That responsibility every one knows to be a farce, for the majority of us take little or no interest in Colonial matters. But suppose it a reality: to whom are we responsible for the management of the local affairs of colonies ? To our constituents ! Why, that responsibility is a still greater farce ; for they know less and care less about the matter than even we do. But suppose it a reality : to whom are our constituents responsible for the management of the local affairs of the Colonies ? To no one ! Therefore, in ultimate analysis, the Colonial Office is ir- reponsible. For, in the language of our constitution, the only meaning of the word responsibility is the responsibility of the rulers to the ruled. We distin- guish between despotism and free government by this test alone. So do our co- lonists. And therefore, according to strict constitutional logic, they term the power of the Colonial Office a despotic power, because for the manner in which it is exercised neither the Colonial Office, nor the British Parliament, nor the people of Great Britain—that is, none of those who rule—are responsible title colonists, who are ruled over. Our colonists pride themselves on being Eng- lishmen ; and, like all true Englishmen, they loathe distant and irresponsi- ble government : when weak, they murmur and obey ; as they wax stronger, their murmurs become menaces ; their menaces, if unattended to, are fol- lowed by rebellion ; and rebellion leads to independence. In proof of all this, I ask the House to reflect on the history of our plantations in America. Re- member also how, a few years ago, Canada rebelled and obtained responsible government ; and how, the year before last, the threats of New South Wales compelled the Colonial Office to abandon its projects. See how the menaces of the Cape forced the Colonial Office to submit, and to bestow upon that colony representative government. Listen to the murmurs of New Zealand, as yet too weak to threaten. Thus, in the eyes of the Colonies, our Colonial Office is a despotism, tempered by menaces and rebellions ; tyrannizing aver the weak, cringing to the powerful, universally hated, and generally despised. A Government hated and despised by its subjects is doomed to destruction.; and our Colonial empire will perish if our Colonial system continue =re- formed."

The only remedy is to give to the Colonies "the greatest amount of self- government that is not inconsistent with the integrity and wellbeing of the British empire." How can this be done ? R is to be regretted that the House last year refused its assent to a motion for a Royal Commission to in-

quire. Without that advantage, Sir William thus attempts to answer his own question.

In the British empire the powers of government may be classed as Impe- rial and Colonial—general and external, or local and internal. It is the right of Englishmen in our occupation of coloniesto enjoy all the political rights of Daglishmen in England, which cannot be proved to be irreconcileable with their station as colonists or their duties as subjects : the Colonial Parliament ought therefore to possess powers corresponding with those of the British Parliament in all respects except the Imperial powers. The limitation may . he fixed by sn Imperial statute enumerating either category of rights and :powers : as the Colonial powers concern fewer topics, they are fittest to be numbered : with the exceptions enumerated, the law should give to the '10olonial Parliaments within their respective colonies all the powers possessed hy the British Parliament in the 13ritish Islands. The chief powers of Government are enumerated by Blackstone, as includedin whatere called the prerogatives of the Crown ; and according to Blackstone, thereis no difficulty an the definition and enumeration. He writes—s" The second great political right of every Englishman is the limitation of the Queen's preregative by hounds so certain and notorious that it is impossible that she should either mistake or legally exceed them without the consent of the people en the one hand, or without,: on' the other, a violation of the originalcontract, which in all states impliedly, and in ours most expressly, subsist between the prince and the subject." The prerogatives of the Crown respect the nation's external relations or its . domestic affairs. Among the former, are the right of sending and receiving . ambassadors, making treaties, proclaiming war, issuing reprints, and grant- ing safe-conducts All these, as evidently Imperial powers, should be re- ,served to the Crown ; the Colonies should be restricted fromieuching them. In:domestic affairs—firstly, the Quemeis a constituent part of the Supreme Legislature, and has a veto on all new laws. With regard to the Colonies this veto is exercised through the agency of the Colonial Office, which in some eases -exercises it through the agency of the Governor : it should be 'transferred entirely to the Colonial Governor. "I propose virtually to trans- port the Colonial Office, with all its powers,. to the Colonies. For instance, my -object would virtually be aecomplished if the noble Earl the Secretary of State for the Colonies were transported to New South Wales and made G-o- .svemor of that colony, or if the honourable gentleman the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies were made Lieutenant-Governor of Western Austra- . lia, and both of them were, as far as their reepetteressalcalies-were concerned, to retain all the powers of the Colonial Office. Without doubt, we should deeply.grieve to lose the valuable services of the noble Earl and the homer- . able gentleman. in Downing Street; but I am satisfied that they would ren- der far greater services to the Colonial empire in the colonies to which I have referred. For every one will -admit that they are ,gentlemen of good -abilities and much industry : therefore, residing in the Colonies, with per- 'Bonet experience ofthe condition of the colonists, with the means of imme- diately-ohtaining accurate and impartial information on all Colonial matters, it is not impossible that in a year or so theywoffid pewees considerable know- ledge of Colonial affairs, and become useful servants of the Colonial empire of Great Britain." Secondly, the Queen has supreme military command of fleets, armies, forts, &e. These are evidently Imperial powers, fit. to be re- served, and unfit to be touched bythe Colonies.Thirdly, she is the fountain 'of justice and mercy. By three of her powers in this character she may ap- point judges, establish courts, and grant reprieves and pardons. She should retain to herself in 'Council all power of dete • • e Imperial causes and of establishing Imperial courts ; she should vest the power of reprieve and pardon in the Governor, unsubject to any power of restriction by the -Colonial Legislature. The power of appointing judges -.should be given to the Governor generally, subject to alterations by the Colonial ture. Fourthly, as fouutain of honour and dignity, the Queen ould reserve her power to grant titles of honour and nobility, and -appoint to Imperial offices; but should transfer to the Governor the power to appoint all Colonial officers:, subject to any alteration by the Colonial Legislature, who paythem. Fifthly, as arbiter of commerce, she should reserve tie power of eommg. Eixthly, the -Queen is head of 'the Church : as there should be no national church in the Colonies, there would need no reservation -in that %respect. Lastly, there are the fiscal prerogatives ; including the disposal of 'waste lands, minerals, fines, forfeitures royalties, and revenues from the post-office. The transmission of letters iy sea should be reserved, as Im- perial; all other fiscal prerogatives should vest in the Governor to be :ex- ercised x- ercised according to acts of the Colonial Parliament for these are un- doubtedly Colonial powers, of great importance to the colonists. Of the pre- rogatives above reserved, those which touch the management of common concerns of the whole empire—such as making treaties, commanding armies, Ise.—have been reserved absolutely ; those which need to be exercised in the 'Colonies have been vested in the Governor, to be exercised by him as an Imperial officer, bound to obey instructions from the Imperial 'Government, mad paid by the Imperial Government. The prerogatives not reserved' would he vested in theGovensor, to be exercised isy h ass local officer, not under the control 'of the Imperial Government. In' theory, it would be better to separate the two characters ; but the form-ofgovernment has already been settled in Committee. In the Governor's double character, he would be re- sponsible for the exercise of Imperial powers to' the Imperial Parliament, and for the exercise of Colonial powers to the Colonial Parliament; and remove- able in each character by address to the Crown from the Parliamentary body to which in the particular matter he would be responsible. In the Colonial instance, two-thirds of the whole Parliament should concur in the address. Supplemental restrictions would be necessary for maintaining the supremacy of the Crown and the unity of the empire, 'to prevent the Colonial Parlia- ment—first, from passing any'law affecting the dignity of 'the Crown or the allegiance of the subject; second, from interfering with'the foreign relations of.the empire, and the laws w regulate those relations both in peace and war; • from interfering with the command of the general %forces of the empire i fourth,from conferring any exclusive privilege on any portion of the subjects of the empire; „ fromviolating certain fundamental and sacred principles of British policy—for instance, that there shall be no slavery in the British dominions. It might happen that a Colonial Parliament should attempt to contravene restrictions. .A Supreme Court should be established, to determine questions relative to the validity of a Colonial law. The judicial system and judicial rules of the United States of America give a model. Every State there has a separate constitution, -and separate courts; and there is the Federal consti- tution, which is supreme law, and the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court can make void a law of any State which contravenes the constitution of that State or of the Federal constitution ; and moreover, it can make void any law of any State, or even of Congress,'which contravenes the imperial con- stitution of the United States. By far the most numerous and the most difficult cases have been questions regarding the powers of Congress : similar tmestions could not arise concerning our Imperial Legislature, as there is no legal limit to be put to the powers of Parliament as between it and the Co- lonies—whieh are not independent states, like those of America. The expe- rience of the Supreme Court in America shows that the constitutional ques- tions which could arise here would be of rare occurrence and easy decision. Similar in principle and machinery, and-subject to.less stress of work- ing, it is fair' to infer that it would work as well as the system which has done so well in America for seventy years. "Sir, it seems to me that there is a striking analogy between the system of govern- ment of the United -States and what ought to be the system of' go- vernment of our Colonial empire. For the United States is a system of states clustered round a central republic. Our Colonial empire ought to be a system of colonies clustered round the hereditary monarchy of England. The hereditary monarchy should possess the powers of government, with the exception of that of taxation, -which the central republic possesses. If 'it possessed less, the Empire would cease to be one body politic ; if it continue to possess snore, the Colonies will be discontented at the want of self-govein- merit, and on the first occasion imitate their brethren in America."

For carrying into effect the complete system developed in his speech, Sir Willi= Molesisesrth had prepared a detailed scheme of clauses, which were printed several weeks ago with the Votes of the House.]

The motion having been formally seconded by Mr. ADDERLEY, it was op- posed by Mr. LsmovenEnE ; who contended, very briefly, that the scheme and machinery by which Sir William Melesworth proposed to apply his principle would produce certain discontent in every part of the Colonial empire. It is impossible to define with sufficient precision the distinction between Colonial and Imperial interests, and still more the prerogative of the Crown. A difference between the Mother-country and the Colonies would not'be discussed in a spirit of compromise, but decided on judicial, it might be on technical grounds, without regard to the consequences that might ensue. To suppose that this would conciliate the Colonies, was one of the wildest imaginations that ever entered the mind of his ingenious friend. A refined policy, says Burke, is ever the parent of confusion ; and ao this scheme would be either disastrous or inoperative.

Mr. AHDERT.EY complained of the offhand manner in which the ques- tion was treated,--a reply of ten minutes thought sufficient to meet the elaborate and statesmanlike speech of Sir William Molesworth. It is objected that the prerogative may not be defined—that one must not attempt to define it : now Mr. Adderley had always understood it to be one of the most important privileges of Englishmen to define the preroga- tives of the Crown. From the days of Edward to these days, statutes have been passed for no other purpose. (Criss of "Divide r) Sir GEORGE GREY repeated Mr. Labouchere's objeetions, with even ,greater brevity than Mr. Labouehere ; apologizing to the mover, though he was sure he need not apologize to the House, in its present temper, for not speaking half an hour. Mr. Giaussroxe would not assert in too strong tonne that it would be found quite possible to draw the line of demarcation between Colonial and Imperial powers ; but he was sure such an object was second to none in importance in a sound Colonial policy. Enough had been shown to jus- tify having the question carefully examined. The vague opinions glibly explained in debate were no sufficient answer to a motion contemplating the ,attainment of a great practical object. The House divided, and negatived Sir William Molesworth's motion to recommit the bill, by 165 to 42.

ECOLESLASTICAL ■CONSTITUTION FOR AUSTRALIA.

Mr. GLADSTONE then brought his proposal of an ecclesiastical constitu- tion for the Australian Colonies under the attention of the 'Mouse.

The system of established religion does not prevail in Australia for any useful or intelligible purpose. If it prevails there at all, it does so only as -an encumbrance, vexation, andimpediment to law and order. Our fellow Cluistiaus in those lands find themselves divested of every advantage which we possess by law, and divested at the same time, or deprived, hin- dered, and barred, from every, advantage which the' Dissentingcommunities in virtue of their civil rights and privileges as Engliahnietr. In the

est Indies, the Church is a quasi-establishment, possessing almost every privilege of the Church at home ; in the North American Colonies, she a possesses some features of establishment; but in the Australian Colonies there is no religious preference worth a straw, from one end of the Colonies to 'the other. The Church is simply, like the sects, a stipendiary church. Yet the power of appointment to benefices practically lies with the -Governer. There are no ecclesiastical courts for the maintenance of discipline ; all Alia- eipline must emanate from the Prerogative Courts of the Province of Can- terbury, at the other side of the world. The Bishop is powerless, unless ho act with arbitrary despotism, and without any forms of judicial procedure at all : and if he do this, the right of appeal to home is a right upon paper alone. It is proposed, inasmuch as the Colonial Church is thus excluded 'from the rights and privileges of establishment, to untie its hands from all disabilities, and let it .fall back on its original freedom. With this object, 'Mr. Gladstone moved the following clause, the unlimited effect of which ho somewhat restrained by five provisoes, added in deference to jealousies which 'he wished to avoid provoking- " And whereas doubts hare existed as to the rights and privileges of the bishops, clergy, and other members of the United Church of England and Ireland, in re to the management of the internal affairs thereof in the said [Australian] Col es Be it enacted, that it shall be lawful for the Bishop or Bishops of any diocese or dio- ceses in the said Colonies, or in any colony which her Majesty shall by order Council declare to be joined to them for the purposes next hereinafter described, and the clergy and laypersons, being declared members of the Church of England, or being otherwise in communion with him or them respectively, to meet together from time to tune, and at such meeting, by mutual consent, or by a majority of voices of the said clergy and laity, severally and respectively, with the assent of the said Bishop, or the majority of the said Bishops if more than one, to make all such regu- lations as may be necessary for the better conduct of their ecclesiastical affairs, and for the holding of meetings for the said purpose thereafter." Mr. LABOUCHERE entertained the strongest possible oliection to the principle of the proposition to engraft upon this bill an ecclesiastical sys- tem involving points of the greatest difficulty and importance.

unfortunate position, which neither the Imperial Government nor the Colonial Government nor the Church herself understands. The reference to the local Government is extraordinary : the majority of that body may be totally adverse to the Church of England.

Mr. ROEBUCK saw that the object sought is to have a Convocation sitting side by side with the English Parliament: " we have already put down that at home, and do not intend it ever should be revived " ; but now it is sought to be revived by a side-wind in our Colonies.

Were the members of the Church in Van Diemen's Land to divest them- selves of the character as members of the Church of England and Ireland, and to place themselves upon a perfect equality with the Jumpers? Mr. GLaD8TONE—" Yes."

Mr. BOEBUCK—" If that were so, then the first and foremost thing would be, strike out altogether the name of Church of England and Ireland : they would be no longer members of that sect, but would simply form a body or bodies of Dissenters, who chose to meet together for the purpose of promoting their own objects; and in that case, what necessity was there for the Im- perial Parliament passing any measure about them at all." Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER maintained that Convocations are not opposed to anything in existence, and that it is as much the constitutional right of the Church to hold its Convocations, for the discussion of spiritual mat- ters, as it is for Parliament to discuss temporal matters.

The statutes passed in the time of Henry the Eighth, defining the consti- tution and royal prerogative, distinctly lay it down, that the constitution of England has always consisted of the temporally and the spiritualty ; and the latter is represented in Convocation. The Convocation was constantly con- :suited down to the time of George the First ; the Crown then interfered, and it has not met again from that day to this. They had seen the great Wes- leyan body rise in numbers and importance ; had seen dissensions, which at the beginning might have been accommodated, grow formidable; had seen the efficiency and: charity of the Church ever diminishing : if the Church be still prevented from developing and adjusting itself to the wants of so- ciety, it will sink lower and lower. In the Colonies, there is a large heathen population for whom the liturgy and services of the Church are not adapted, but there is no power to modify them for the heathen population. While every sect of Dissenters may adopt the most effective developments, that Church alone which Parliament professes to favour is bound hand and foot.

Sir GEORGE GREY remained unconvinced that the members of the Church of England in Van Diemen's Land or New Zealand labour under any disability as compared with any other religious denomination. If the Bishop chose to summon the clergy and laity, they might make the same voluntary arrangements which other denominations make ; which would be binding over themselves inter se, although not having the force of law over the whole community. If other powers are given to the mem- -hors of the Church of England, they ought also to be given to other com- munities, which in the Colonies stand on a footing of perfect equality. The Arrommr-Ginanna, contended that the Colonial Church already poJsesees adequate power to regulate her internal affairs : she has the

wer of doing everything which might interfere with the prerogative of the Crown except in respect to the nomination of Bishops. To trench on the latter power, would be a dangerous principle to introduce in a colony. The statutes of prannunire have no reference to the matter ; they are ter- ritorial enactments, not applicable to the Colonies at all.

Mr. WALPOLE stated, that under the statute of Henry the Eighth, no clergy could meet to make arrangements such as Sir George Grey refer- red to, without the consent of the Crown, under the penalty of imprison- ment and fine.

Mr. GLararrons endeavoured to clear misapprehension. He asked for the Church of England no powers not at this moment possessed by other religious bodies in the Colonies : any limitations or phraseology to secure that alone he would adopt : if Government would pledge themselves to examine the state of the law, and to give equality of rights and powers, he would withdraw the clauses.

The House divided—Mr. Gladstone's main clause was rejected, by 187 to 102, and the other clauses were negatived without division.

CABINET TACTICS : MESSAGE TO MR. COBDEN AND MR. BRIGHT. Mr. FEARGITS O'CoNsTon begged to ask a question of the Home Seen- tary—

lle understood, though he did not say it upon an authority which the rightlonountble Baronet could not contradict, that it was the intention of the noble Lord the Prime Minister to make the proposition [about slave- grown sugar] of the honourable Member for South Essex a question of con- fidence or no confidence in the Government. It was also rumoured, that a message had been sent from Downing Street to the honourable Member for the West Riding and the honourable Member for Manchester, requesting that they would not leave town for Manchester until after that question had been disposed of.

Sir GEORGE GREY replied indirectly—

If the question was, whether any private communication had passed be- tween the noble Lord the First Minister of the Crown and certain Members of that House, that was a question upon which he could give the honourable Member no information. His noble friend was not in the habit of commu- nicating to him the contents of his private letters. He could only say that he had never heard of any communication of the kind referred to before. As to making the motion of the honourable Member for South Essex a vote of confidence, he had not even heard the subject mooted.

Facronres BILL.

The House of Commons was to have considered the Factories Bill in Committee on Thursday ; but at the desire of Lord ASHLEY it was de- ferred till Monday. Lord Joan MANNERS, one of the Members whose name is on the back of the bill, stated his intended course with reference to the announcement publicly made by Lord Ashley. He agreed with his noble friend, that the framework of the Government bill is more likely to produce a beneficial result than that of the measure which he and his noble friend introduced. He would therefore accept with him the improved machinery offered. But beyond that his concurrence with his noble friend did not go; and *Afore, on the bringing up of the report, he would move that "haR-pasCikit'ne substituted for " tux o'clock" in the evening—an alteration wIddit would make the proposal of the Government an efit-ctive ten-boars 101.

IRISH Exxon= Lew.

In Committee on the Elections (Ireland) Bill, Mr. Mermen O'Cost- NELL moved that the following words be inserted in clause 1—" And that at all such elections, in future, the votes be taken by way of ballot."

Mr. O'Connell was developing his arguments in support of this amend- ment, when the Cakrastart stopped him with a radical objection : the bill under notice was " a bill to shorten the duration of elections in Ire- land, and for establishing additional places for taking the poll thereat" ;

but the amendment in question had reference to the taking of votes,-a matter not within its scope. Mr. Mermen O'Coxsana, hardly liked to be thrown over in such a manner; and hinted that courtesy might have caused an earlier intimation of the objection, as he had been prevented from introducing the clause into the Parliamentary Voters Bill : ' but he submitted. Mr. BERNAL excused himself : he really had so many things before him, that he had not time to notice the scope of the motion. Mr. AGLIONEY suggested, that the motion should be proposed on the third reading, as a separate clause ; and the bill would then be put as "a bill to shorten the duration of elections in Ireland, for establishing addi- tional places for taking the poll thereat, and for taking the votes thereat by way of ballot ' : in which shape he would cordially support it. Mr. Hums concurred. Mr. HENRY BERKELEY thanked Mr. O'Connell for his proposition, and called on all friends of the ballot to be present at the third reading. The O'Gonstan Merlon seconded this appeal, especially as addressed to Irish Members; who would thus have a last opportunity of rallying for the Irish constituencies, and ultimately of benefiting the electors of England through them. Mr. M. O'Connell's motion was withdrawn; and the clauses were agreed to, with a few alterations con- ceding additional polling-places requested by individual Members.

IRISH FISHERIES.

Mr. ANSTEY moved that his Irish Fisheries Bill be read a second time pro formil, to introduce several suggested amendments, which would not affect the principle. The act of 1842 repealed all the existing laws re- lating to Irish weirs, and substituted some provisions which, being alto- gether general, do not meet local circumstances, and have created endless difficulties. The Select Committee of last session on the subject attri- buted the decline of the fisheries greatly to the solid weirs, and recom- mended their abatement on giving compensation to the owners. He pro- posed to found a Commission, on the model of the English Tithe Commis- sion, to carry out those suggestions. He would define more clearly pub- lic 'rights, enact more practical penalties, and establish private rights where they exist. Mr. CONOLLY moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months ; not as averse to amendment of the present law, but as opposed to the establishment of a new, inquisitorial, and unconstitutional trium- virate. Mr. SCULLY seconded the amendment, on behalf of the invaded milling interest. Mr. Nemsa. and Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD opposed the bill. Mr. FAGAN and Mr. GROGAN approved of its principle, but would much alter its details. Colonel DUNNE, Viscount Nees, Sir Joan YOUNG, Mr. LAWLESS, and Mr. M. O'CoNNELL, supported the bill. Sir Wimulat SOMERVILLE believed legislation necessary, but must vote against the bill, because he must oppose the principle of its 180 clauses if it should ever reach Committee. On a division, the amendment was carried, by 197 to 37; so the bill was lost.

CONDITION OF JOURNEYMEN BAKERS.

Lord Ronsirr GROSVENOR moved for a Select Committee to inquire whether any measures can be taken to improve the sanatory conditimi of the journeymen bakers. When formerly he moved for a similar Com- mittee, he was met by the objection that full materials for legislation were already before the House. When afterwards he brought in a bill, those who resisted him contented themselves with stringing together a certain collection of plausible phrases, in which they prophesied all the imaginable evils and grievances, always foretold in the House of Com- mons when any attempt is made to remedy the wrongs and sufferings of the working classes. He had a right to ask for a Committee to inquire whether such objections are fairly to be urged against his remedy: if they are not, the journeyman bakers, whose hardships nobody denies, will have great cause to complain of its rejection. Lord DUDLEY Sruanr seconded the motion, and mentioned, that among the sixteen thousand persons interested in its fate, are a great number of mere lads. Sir GEORGE GREY said, he would have been glad to assent to the motion if he could believe that beneficial effects would flow from it : but his views remained unchanged—that it is inexpedient to sanction such special in- quiries, unless the House had a clear and distinct conception of the legis- lative measures intended to be founded on the report of the Committee. The evidence of the baking trade is already before the House, and a Com- mittee would not add to it; the state of facts is still unchanged : the evils and hardships are not denied, but the proposition is opposed to every sound principle of political economy, and suggests a remedy which it would be impossible practically to enforce. The only legitimate redress is an arrangement between the employers and the journeymen. The benevolent motives are to be admired, but the proposal is at variance with those principles to which the House has on so many recent occasions pro- fessed its adherence. Mr. STAFFORD prophesied that this reject Lion of the respectful supplications of a numerous and industrious body —this sacrifice to the cold fictions of political economy—would tell at future elections. Such treatment of the people may be politically philo- sophical, but it is socially unsafe. Mr. BRIGHT opposed the motion, as Communistic. He quoted articles from the Baker's Gazette and General Trader's Advocate, and asked the House to judge whether there is any- thing in the projects which Robert Owen or the Socialist leaders agitating the mind of France have put forward, that more partakes of Communism than those articles. He would be ashamed to be the mouthpiece of a brawny, stalwart race of men—of Scotehmen too—who notwithstanding they have sufficient intelligence to make their cause known to the public through the medium of a newspaper, come to the House to remedy their grievances. It would be endless work for the Government to mtke these dens comfortable, if these grown-up men could not do it for themselves. Mr. GEORGE Tama:non repudiated Mr. Bright's doctrine, and felt bound to separate from him altogether if he had no better arguments for his principles than these. With Mr. Smauterr CB.AWFOE.D, he could not re- fuse inquiry. The House divided, and negatived the motion, by 90 to 44.

THE ADVERTISEMENT-DUTY.

Mr. Ewerr's motion, "That it is expedient that the Advertisement- duty be repealed," was succinctly enforced by the usual arguments founded on the restrictive operation of the tax, on its injustice in prin- ciple, and on its insignificance as a fiscal resource. It is a tax on trans- actions, on intercommunication, and on all the business of life. It presses with glaring inequality on the poor ' • and it is levied with glaring partiality, as it only affects news periodicals. Its produce is but 157,0001. a year. This income is purchased at the cost of limiting our advertising practice to one-tenth, and our newspaper literature to one-third of the amount which exists in the United States of America. Seeing how con-

siderable are the evils, and how large a proportion the benefit would bear to the sacrifice, Mr. Ewart pressed earnestly for the boon which he asked. Mr. Mirstra GIBSON seconded the motion. It was opposed by Mr. TRELAWNY, reluctantly, because he had a motion to appropriate two millions a year in time of peace to the reduction of the National Debt ; and was withstood by Sir CHARLES Woon, for the usual reasons against such a "pull on the exchequer." The House divided, and the motion was ne- gatived, by 208 to 39.

SCOTTISH POLICE IMPROVEMENT : RAPID LEGISLATION.

On the motion for going into Committee on the Police and Improve- ment (Scotland) Bill, Mr. Hiram stated that no fewer than 377 of the 390 clauses of this bill were delivered only that very day (Thursday) : the Lord Advocate, however, had paid such attention to suggestions that all material objections had been removed, and he intended to offer no obstacle to the progress of the bill. The House went into Committee, and dis- posed of the whole of the 390 clauses with scarcely any discussion. Mr. ANSTEY congratulated the House on its wonderful despatch and una- nimity. Mr. HUME wished that every bill came into the House as well considered beforehand ; a vast deal of time would then be saved to the country. Mr. CHARTERIS inquired when the Lord Advocate would issue invitations for a white-bait dinner at Blackwell or Greenwich, to celebrate the harmony of their proceedings ?

EXTRAMURAL Iirmaatiar.

The second reading of the Extramural Interments Bill was moved by Mr. LACY; and supported with arguments chiefly directed against the practicability of the plan proposed by the Board of Health and embodied in. Sir George Grey's bill. The Board pointed to a great national cemetery down the river, of 400 acres in extent : if 60,000 persons die yearly, 4,000 instead of 400 acres would be required. That site is said to be singularly dry : on the contrary, 1,500,000 gallons of water daily flow out of the hill. Mr. Lacy proposes that the railway companies be em- powered to buy waste lands on the margins of railway, and on those lands establish cemeteries.

Mr. Lomucitzaz opposed the bill, on the single ground that it is con- trary to all principle to allow railway companies to embark in any de- scription of traffic different from that which is the real and legitimate object of such companies. Even the transmission of passengers by steam- boats is considered a departure from the proper functions of a railway company. In all his consultations with persons connected with railways, including railway directors, he had not met with any one who did not altogether repudiate such a measure as this. He moved as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day six months. On a division, the amendment was carried, by 123 to 4 ; and the bill was lost.

THE SHOW OP INDUSTRY BY ALL NATIONS.

Mr. ARKWRIGHT put to the President of the Board of Trade these ques- tions—Did he intend to ask Parliament to interfere in any way with re- spect to the Exhibition of 1851 ? and would he give an assurance that no advance of public money shall under any circumstances be sanctioned by Government ? Mr. LABOUCHERE did not anticipate that he should have to ask any interference with an exhibition which in its origin had been, and to its end would be, he hoped, purely supported by voluntary contri- bution; unless, perhaps, he might ask for legislation to protect from piracy unpatented inventions that might be exhibited. As to any grant, nothing could be further from the intention of the Commission than to ask for it ; nor would the Treasury, he believed, if asked, be willing to make a grant. No other than the ordinary expenses of a public commis- sion will be incurred ; and beyond these the public will not be asked to contribute a single shilling.

ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE : DR. SUMNER'S EXPLANATION.

The Archbishop of CorruminitY explained a personal transaction, to which reference was made in the House of Commons last week— It was imputed to him that he has nominated his son to a valuable rever- sionary sinecure in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. " My Lords, the case is so as regards the reversionary office ; the case is not so as regards either the value or the sinecure. In the session of 1847, an act was passed which placed the Prerogative Court of Chancery under the control of Parliament in respect to all future nominations ; and the office of Registrar, if ever held by my son, which is very uncertain, not to say improbable,. will be performed in person, and its salary regulated according to the duties and responsibilities of the station. The value, according to the doctrine of chances, would be scarcely equal to the stamp on which the nomination is recorded. It was not until the close of the autumn of 1847, a few months before the death of my vener- able predecessor, that the act passed which took away the sinecure. It took away the sinecure, and it limited the value ; but the office must remain, and must be filled : wherever there is a diocese there must be a registry, and where there is a registry there must be a registrar And I trust that in no- rain' ating, prospectively, that registrar, I 1 in the judgment of your Lord- ships, have exercised a privilege to which I was both legally and morally en- titled, and have done nothing which, when explained, can subject me to the of nee (ism; an imputation which I hope neither has bftn nor ever wchilanee the characteristic of my official career." The Bishop of LONDON felt himself bound to relate an instance of the Archbishop's disinterestedness, which came within the Bishop's personal knowledge-- - The office of Registrar of the diocese of Chester was one of very great value, amounting to many thousands a year. A former Bishop of Chester appointed his own son to it when he was only six months old, or certainly not more than a year or a year and a half; and he held the office for seventy years. This office became vacant after the Bishop of London left the diocese of Chester, in which he was succeeded by Dr. Sumner; • the Most Reverend Pre- late did not fill it up, as he might have done, with a son not of age to take it; but he appointed a person totally unconnected with him, upon the single condition that he should perform the duties of the office in person. He had not upon that occasion given to one of his own family a valuable office ; and he had upon the present occasion given to one of his own family a reversion not likely to be valuable.

Pommies/mum PUBLICATIONS.

Report from the Select Committee on the Oaths of Members.

This Committee was appointed on the motion of Mr. Page Wood, with the more immediate object of searching the journals of the House of Commons for precedents relating to the admission of Jews into Parliament. The in- quiry was made to include the case of the Quakers, as also the mode in which oaths are administered to Jews in courts of justice and elsewhere ; but the main point had reference to Baron Rothschild, and the words which exclude him from taking his scat in the House of Commons. Four witnesses were examined. Mr. Ley, the Clerk of the House, spoke to the circumstances under which Mr. Pease was allowed to take his seat in 1833, by making an affirmation; Mr. Pease himself narrated all which occurred; Mr. William Samuel Jones, of the Crown Office, described the practice of the Court of Queen's Bench in cases where oaths have to be taken by .other than Chris- tians; and Mr. David Salmons mentioned the manner in whioh the con- scientious Jew can alone take an oath. Acts of Parliament, the journals of the House, and the evidence of the gentlemen mentioned, make up the data upon which the Committee found their report As presenting in a con- nected form an historical precis of Parliamentary oath-legislation, the report is of some general interest; but as regards the admission of Jews into Parlia- ment, the inquiry is fruitless in so far as the discovery of any precedent is concerned. The Jews were proscribed and banished in the reign of Edward the First ; they returned in small numbers in the time of Cromwell ; but it was not till the Restoration that they deemed their footing in Elngland secure. Since the Restoration, they have gradually taken root; but the de- sirableness or profit of a seat in Parliament does not seem to have occurred to the most enterprising of the race till our own time. The commencement of the oaths dates from the 5th of Elizabeth, cap. 1 ; and the 3d of James the First, cap. 4, introduces for the first time the words "upon the true faith of a Christian."

Return of the number of Windows in each class, charged with dull

return, in England and Scotland, in the year ending 5th April 1849. (Mr. Brotherton Sir George Pechell's turn, noticed in the Spectator of the 7th ultimo, gave the number of houses (487,411) charged with window-duty, the amount collected (1,813,6291), and the number of houses charged in the twelve English provincial towns which paid the largest amount of duty. Mr. Brotherton's return is still more minute, and presents the number of houses charged to window-duty in each class. Houses of 8 windows are chargeable ; and the list includes houses containing as many as 179 windows. All above that number are described as inns of court and colleges, and these are charged at almost a nominal rate. It is worthy of note, that of the various classes the largest aggregate amount of duty. is paid by houses of 12 windows ; and. that one-half of the whole duty is paid by houses charged for 8 windows, 9 windows, 10 windows, and so on up i to 20. Houses of 40 windows and in- creasing to 179, are not so productive n revenue as the classes which range from 8 to 12 windows.

Return of the number of Vessels now in Ordinary, but which never performed any service in Commission, number of Vessels broken up or sold since 1828, without having performed any service in Commission, &c. (Mr. Hume.)

The vessels in ordinary which have not been commissioned are 72 in num- ber : the time of building extends from 1812 to 1849. A few of the older ones are employed as convict-ships; and as regards the "condition" of all of them the report is favourable enough. The Redoubtable of 74

built in 1815, is the only vessel that has been broken up since 1828 witghtunilligt having performed service in commission.

Estimates (No. I. to VI.) for Civil Services, for the year ending 81st March 1851,

The question of increase or decrease as compared with the previous year (1849-50) stands thus— (1850-51)

No. 1, Public Works and Buildings 5552,170 £89,433 increase.

No. 2, Salaries and Expenses 1,030,887 52,844 decrease. No. 8, Law and Justice 1,184,169 12,645 decrease.

No. 4, Education, Science, and Art 409,552 11,863 increase. No. 5, Colonial, Consular, &c. Services 441,527 19,824 increase.

No. 6, Retired Allowances, Charities, &c 188,790 11,862 decrease.

Total 3,806,601 43,269 increase.

In Estimate No. 1, the only item which has an appearance of newness is a sum of 14,7621. for removing the marble arch at Buckingham Palace, making an ornamental enclosure, and forming a public garden in front of the edifice. The expense of removing the arch is put down at 10,17W., and the other branches of expenditure at 4,5001. In No. 2, the decrease has been occasioned by reductions in the number of the employes. As the superannuation allowances fall in, the money saving will become much more considerable.

In No. 3, there is a considerable decrease in the estimate for prosecutions at Assizes and Quarter-Sessions.

In No. 4, the increase is occasioned by a vote of 100001. to be asked for towards erecting a National Gallery at Edinburgh. It is proposed to con- tribute 25,0001. in all ; and if the 10,000/. be voted, 15,0001. will remain to be provided for. The threatened vote towards the erection of a gallery for

the Royal Academy does not make its appearance in this class of Estimates. For additional accommodation and furmture at the British Museum, 38,5691.

is proposed to be voted, besides 2,0001. towards Mr. Layard's excavations, and 1,0501 for the purchase of Ibraham Pacha's collection of gold coins : and all this in addition to 45,3291., required to defray the annual expense of the establishment. Altogether, an expenditureof 86,9481. is anticipated for the purposes of the British Museum; being 6,2451. more than was asked for last year.

In Estimate No. 6, the chief items of increase are a sum of 10,0001., the purchase-money of certain forts on the Gold Coast, belonging to the Danish Government; and an arrear of 21,0001. in the New Zealand expenditure: .

Commissariat Estimate for 1850-51. Civil Contingencies for 1850-51.

For the Commissariat department the estimated expense is 499,6821. ; being a reduction of 32,190/. as compared with the estimate for the previous year. For the Civil Contingencies the estimate is 100,000/. ; the actual expendi- ture for the previous year was 51,6531.

Accounts relating to Trade and Navigation for the Month ended April 1850. (Pre- sented by command.)

The exports continue to show progressive increase. For April, the de- clared value exceeded that for the corresponding month of last year by 400,000/. If the test of three months be taken, the result is a declared value of 14,655,1531. for 1860 and 12,822,0331. for 1849. As to imports, the cereals show a large decline over 1849.

Chicory: Copies df Memorials and Papers on the subject of the Adulteration of Coffee. (Mr. Anstey.)

The, memorialists are the Ceylon Chamber of Commerce,. and merchants and planters of Ceylon ; Messrs. Baring Brothers, and other influential firms engaged in the production of coffee in the Colonies, and in the sale of it in this country. The averments are these. The consumption of duty-paid coffee in England, instead of increasing, has actually diminished ; an ano- maly to be accounted for by the extensive use of chicory and other sub- stances as adulterating ingrelients. The calculation is that one-third of what is sold in the ground state as coffee is compised of chicory ; and the reasoning is, that if the 43d George III. c. 129, which prohibited any such adulteration, but which was suspended by Treasury order in 1840, were again brought into operation, a quantity of genuine coffee equal at the least to one-half the quantity of chicory now used would be consumed ; thus benefiting the coffee-grower by increasing the de- mand for his produce, as well as adding some 180,0001. to the revenue. In 1848, 37,106,262 pounds of coffee paid duty for home consumption ; and it is believed that 12,368,000 pounds of chicory were mixed with it and re- tailed over the counter. According to the memorialists, the work of adul- teration goes bravely on. The honest farmer kiln-dries the genuine root, and adds quantities of-pareni white-carrots, reddish, andother roots, which in the process of drying ccurrl up and readily pass,muster for chicory. The wholesale merchant, to whom this is sold superadds in grinding, quantities of pules, acorns, and chestnuts ; and the retail grocer adds something still lees digestible. So by the time the "toffee" reaches the consumer, the pro- em of analyzatiore would be difficult. It is not often that a culinary hint. can be drawn from a Parliamentary paper, but Me. Anstey'e supplies one : buy the coffee in the roasted state, grind it at home, and applythe chicory youmelves, taking care that it is genuine.