A NATIONAL FORCE.

THE best suggestion towards the establishment of an effective military reserve has just emanated from a family to whom the public already owe many valuable suggestions—the Hills. Va- rious plans for creating a home reserve applicable to the country and to the wants of the time have passed under our notice, but Mr. Frederic Hill's pamphlet on a "National Force" comes closest to the point.* It reconciles what seem to be incompatible demands.

Events have just supplied more than one amusingly cogent refutation of the assumptions of the pseudo Peace party ; and not a few, who lately scoffed at the notion of war as a possibility, ad- mit dud it has become obviously desirable to maintain the de- fences of the country on the most efficient footing. A rising ex- penditure and a falling revenue demand retrenchment. The menacing state of Europe has drawn attention to manners which have become somewhat ultra-pacific, Englishmen having perhaps too generally forgotten how to use even their fists. Yet the ex- tension of political intelligence has increased the jealousy of standing armies. A regular army is disciplined, manageable, effective, loyal, strictly under responsible use. On the other hand, it is costly, dangerous to liberty, fertile in vice. Perhaps Mr. Hill overrates the mere idleness of barrack life ; a forced idleness which he Anentions, in India, being an exteptional case due to the oppressive climate: but there is to denying that the barrack is a great normal school of vice. A militia constitu- tional," and looks cheap : but its inefficiency makes bad econo- my; the burden of the service, adjust it as you will, falls with very unequal incidence ; and the duties, light as they may be, are an interruption to business. The grand desideratum is to contrive a force that would meet all the requirements and avoid all the defects indicated above; and in this, we think, Mr. Hill has succeeded.

Let us understand more specifically what is the exact thing wanted. It is not something to supersede the standing army. So long as retaliatory aggression forms an essential element of defence, an army of the usual kind, segregated from the popula- tion of the country, reduced to a mechanical perfection of disci- pline and totally free from all obstruction to the p:omptest re- moval, will be absolutely necessary. The thing wanted is, not that we should forego the use of a militia, but that we should de- vise a body capable of all the popular advantages of a militia without its drawbacks. A militia has two great advantages : it accustoms the population generally to some kind of practice in military exercise and habits; it constitutes a force imbued with a truly patriotic feeling in defence of our homes and hearths, which a standing army is not. A militia possesses those advan- tages theoretically rather than practically, because the custom of serving by substitute has in fact converted it into a rude sort of reserve for the standing army—without the civic and patriotic character of a true militia, or the efficiency of a regular soldiery. The thing wanted is such a reserve force as shall fulfil the duties of home defence, and shall realize to the greatest practicable ex- tent the advantages theoretically ascribed to a militia, especially by_preserving some popular familiarity with military duties. One function of a home force is, to act as an auxiliary to the police for the suppression of tumults. This duty is now per- formed by the military ; a force popularly odious from its segre- gation and its presumed devotion to the Executive. Could the same efficiency be obtained without the political segregation, we should have the most valuable kind of auxiliary to the police ; and such a desideratum also appears to be supplied by Mr. Hill's plan.

We eoiry the description of the plan in, the writer's own words.

" National Force. Economical Defence of the Country from Internal Tumult. and

Foreign Aggression. By Frederic Hill, Inspector of Prisons." A shilling pamphlet, Pahlithed by Mr. Ridgway.

" PLAN Proarosen.

"1. A body, say of 100,000 men, to be called the National Reserved Force, to be formed of men chosen from volunteers for the service, and residing, under or- dinary circumstances at their own homes, in different parts of the country.

"2W This body to be regularly drilled in the military exercises, and to hold themselves in readiness to act when called upon, either as a police force, to sup- press internal tumults, or as an army, to defend the country from foreign attack.

"3. The men to receive a small annual stipend, and in addition to be paid for their time when on duty; also to have a claim to an annuity in old age, say from the age of sixty; but this latter claim to be lost if the party do not remain in the Force at least twenty years, or if he leave it without giving proper notice. This latter arrangement would tend to keep out of the Force the needy and im- provident, and persons with bad constitutions.

"4. No one to be admitted into the Force who is below a certain stature, above or below a certain age, (say above thirty or under twenty,) or who has not a good physical development and robust health.

"5. In the selection of the men, great regard to be had to the moral character of the applicant, and to his being strictly sober; and, other things equal, a pre- ference to be given to those who possess some amount of property. Indeed, it is so important that the members of the Force should in general be owners either of a house, a piece of land, a stock of furniture, money in a bank, shares in a public company, or some other kind of property—so that they may have a strong interest in the preservation of order—that if the pro remuneration (together ed with the other inducements which are likely to exist be not found sufficient to cause persons of this class to enter the Force, it would be advisable to increase it "6. No one to be admitted into the Force till he has passed a certain probation, say of three months, and learnt the military exercises.

"7. No one to be_paid for his, time in qualifying himself for admission into the National Force. This will tend to keep away persons who have no intention of remaining in the Force, and to prevent the fraud of first entering one division of the Force and then withdrawing and trying to enter another, with a view of obtaining_ double payment for time expended in learning the military exercises.

"8. The National Force to meet at stated times in such parties as can readily be assembled in the same neighbourhood, for parade and drill, and also at stated times in large bodies, for review. "These stated meetings. for parade and drill should, like those for first in- struction in the military exercises, be so regulated as not to prevent those attend- ing them from following their ordinary avocations during at least the greater part of the same day. This is important, as an interruption to a man's daily work not only subjects bun to loss, but exposes hint to the danger of forming habits of idleness and drinking. " 9. Every member of the National Force, whether officer or private, to reside within a certain appointed distance of his place of muster; always to leave in- formation where he is to be found, and not to go out of his district without leave of absence. Facilities, however, to be afforded for exchanging from one division of the Force to another, in order not to prevent any member of the force from removing to a new place of abode when the interests of his trade or other occu- pation require such a change. "10. The National Force to wear a uniform suitable for the double purpose of police-officer and soldier, and to be famished with the arms, &e., required in either

capacity. " 11. The National Force, like the Army, to be under the general direction of a department of Government. At the same time, it might be well to consider whether, in order to secure a strong feeling of responsibility throughout the whole body, it would not be advisable that the superior officers alone should be appointed by the Crown; these officers having the appointment of the officers of lower rank,, and the captains having the selection of the inferior officers and privates. "12. When called out to suppress internal riots, and not to act against foreign troops, the National Force, like the army, to be under the immediate direction of

the civil authorities." , .

The-most questionable Tart of Mr. Hill's scheme appears to. . . .

us to be the pecuniary estimate. He proposes a learly pay of 5/. each, with an additional pay of 4s. or 5s. a day while on duty; and estimates the whole cost eqUipinent included, at 900,0001: He seems however, to entertain a doubt whether the yearly pay is not too low. To us it appears tolerably certain that 5/. a year would be no " object " for men of the class contemplated. On the other hand, we incline to the opinion that an equal rate of pay is not advisable. The force described by Mr. Hill's scheme would be so 'valuable as the nucleus of a better sort of army, that there is no reason why the utmost should not be made of its ca- pacity. Men so intelligent would enter with some kind of zeal into their avocation ; and we should expect among the members of the National Force not only a zealous discharge of set duties, but also some taste for military studies, and not impossibly a con- siderable revival of chivalrous feeling among the people at large. These feelings would be greatly encouraged by a well-arranged system of promotion in pay and rank : a graduated scale, there- fore, and a higher rate than that suggested by Mr. Hill, would be requisite to elicit the full advantage of the corps. Paid on the most liberal scale, however, there can be no doubt that the institution of such a force; 100/ 040 strong, would enable Government to make a large reduction in the standing army, and a still larger when the plan should be extended to the Colonies ; So that the ultimate effect would be a considerable saving of ex- pense. "Our Army, exclusive of the Ordnance, at present consists of about 120,000 men; of whom from one third to one half, I believe, are generally kept in the country, and the other portion sent to the Colonies. The coat of the Army, in- cluding pensions to retired soldiers is about 6,700,0001. per annum, or, including half the cost of the Ordnance, ;bout 7,800,0001. Supposing that when the organization of the proposed National Reserved Force is complete, the Army is reduced by 25,000 or 30,000 men such a reduction would probably suffice not only to defray the whole cost of the new Force, but to produce a considerable saving; while, instee.! nf 60,000 men at most for the immediate defence of the country, we should, haw, notwithstanding the reduction, a force of 120,000 or

130,000

"As an experiment, the proposed FOrce might first be organized in those coun- ties where an auxiliary police is most wanted, or which are most exposed to foreign invasion. In this case' a small reduction in the standing army would suffice to pay the first expense, and yet leaves saving to the country.'

It is plain that such a force would not be so available as Mr. Hill seems to reckon for "external" or foreign service: the high- ly respectable gentlemen composing it would naturally expect some degree of consideration ; they would have opinions; their obedience would not be blind, their submission to hardships**,

mute : their disobedience, if it were provoked, would not be mu- tiny, but rebellion—and a very formidable rebellion.

But as a home force, it would be invaluable : effective for defence against aggression from Without or disorder within ; and yet placing no dangerous organ in the hands of the Execu- tive, because its members would be citizens, and allied in poli- tics to the great bulk of the community. If some kind of official character tended to make them conservative, a sense of their own importance would tend to make them independent. The National Force would be a great arm of national strength, a great de- pository of loyalty and love of order.