illattrop olio.

The political friends of Lord John Russell met on Monday, at the Hall of Commerce in Threadneedle Street, to adopt measures for securing Lord John's reelection for London. Among the many influential persons who attended, were Sir George Larpent, Baron L. de Rothschild, Mr. S. J. Loyd, Mr. A. W. Roberts, Mr. J. A. Smith, M.P., and other leading merchants in the City; Sir William Molesworth, M.P., and other Members for the City and Metropolitan Boroughs; Mr. H. A. Aglionby, M.P., Mr. W. Williams, M.P., Mr. A. Elastic, M.P., Sir James Duke, M.P., Mr. George Moffatt, M.P., Mr. hi. Forster, M.P., Mr. Sergeant Bosanquet, and Mr. J. Manning; Mr. Alderman Wood, and other civic dignitaries. On ,the motion of Mr.

S. J. Loyd, Mr. Roberts was called to the chair. •

The proceedings were exceedingly complimentary to the new Premier. His claims to support were placed on the broad basis of a life *devoted to the advancement of liberty, social, religions, and commercial, crowned by the support of commercial reforms brought forward by his:political rival. These were the resolutions, passed unanimously- " That the recent reforms of our commercial system have afforded the greatest gratification to the electors of the city of London.

" That the independent and steady support given by Lord John Russell to the commercial measures of Sir Robert'Peel gives him an additional claim to the con- fidence of the city of London.

"That Lord John Russell having accepted the office of First Dbrd.of the Trea- sury, and thereby vacated his seat in Parliament, this meeting pledges itself to use its most zealous exertions to secure his reelection as Member for.the City of London."

The speakers were Sir George Larpent, Mr. M. Forster, Mr. T. Ilankey, Sir William Molesworth, Baron Lionel de Rothschild, Mr. J. Dillon, Mr. G. F. Young, Mr. Gregson, Mr. D. Salomons. A few of the more pro- minent points in the speeches may be selected.

Sir George Larpent spoke of the personal gratification he felt in finding that the main principles laid down in the petition presented to the House of Commons in 1820, in the preparation of which he had assisted, had now been practically adopted by Parliament. The main object advocated in that petition was the abo- lition of all restrictive duties on trade, except those that were necessary to the revenue; and that object they now saw was all but finally attained. The question, in fact, was now qettled; in the words of Lord John Russell's letter, the conflict might be considered past, and now it was only their duty to see the great princi- ples of free trade carried out honestly and fairly in every other. shape. He could have wished that the new Administration had been placed on a broader basis; bat circumstances bad prevented Lord John Russell from doing more than he had done. He bad, however, appointed to the more subordinate offices in the Admin * istration men whose love of popular principles afforded a guarantee that Lord John would be able to carry out his measures on the plan he had announced in his address.

Mr. Forster remarked., that the new Government had a glorious opportunity of laying the basis of a claim to the gratitude of the country by undertaking the re- form of the Colonial system. Colonial interests had, unfortunately, been much neglected, and left as objects of distress and difficulty. .Unfortunately, no reform had hitherto been obtained in this country without agitation; but he trusted that the present Administration would undertake reform without being goaded and driven to it by those agitations, which not only interfered with the business of the country and injured individuals, but sowed the seeds of those dissensions which it was always so desirable to avoid. He had reason to know, that had it not been for the recent change in the Administration, a Colonial League was about to be established; and that it would have been established but for the prospect which the new Ministry held out of Colonial reform without the use of such an objection- able measure. He had the greatest confidence in the noble Earl at the head of the Colonies; and there was also a gentleman in the Colonial Office who byshis own and family connexions was commercially connected with the city of Louder], and had their entire confidence—he meant Mr. Benjamin Hawes. He considered that these a intuaents afforded a sufficient pledge that Colonial reform would not be delay . Sir William Molesworth coupled with the approval of Lord John Russell's con- duct in supporting Sir Robert Peel's measures, an emphatic recognition of the merits of Sir Robert Peel himself; and not of him only, but of the great thinkers ....Adam Smith, Ricardo, Mill—who first taught the doctrines of Free Trade; and of others—particularly mentioning Mr. Villiers, Mr. Cobden, and Colonel Thomp- son—by whom the cause had been conducted to its present triumphant position in Parliament and the country. Mr. J. Dillon, in referring to the previous election of Lord John Russell, re- marked that he was only returned by a small majority; a circumstance which he regarded as a stain on the City; and he hoped the electors would now wipe away that stain by an unanimous return. But the noble Lord was not the same Lord John Russell whom they then returned. He was nowmore matured in thought and in experience, more statesmanlike, more enlightened in his mind and more enlarged in his measures, than when he formerly presented himself. He was then at the head of the Whig party, but it was not in that capacity that he now appeared before them. Party had received a mortal stab from Sir Robert Peel. As a party, men could not trust each other; because their leader might be more libe- ral, more honest, and more enlightened than themselves. But the secession of a leader could only be injurious to the Conservative side; itwas a valve that opened only one way. Lord John Russell might leave the Whigs if he pleased; and if 'he became more liberal he might come to the electors of the city of London and they wouldaward him a pardon. /dr. George F. Young had during a great part. of his life been in opposition to Lord John Russell on many subjects, and particularly in regard to free trade; and the question now was, what were he and others to do who had hitherto sup- ported the principle of protection? As the principle on which the commercial policy of this country was to be carried on had been, as he conceived, irrevocably settled, he conceived that it was the part of a wise man to deal with facts as he found them, to accommodate himself to circumstances he could no longer resist, and not to prolong a hopeless straggle for what, to use the words of Lard John Russell in his letter, was not worth the struggle. This was the comae he meant himself to Adopt, although he believed that in doing so he was somewhat in advance of those with whom he had acted for many years: but he did so in the full belief that they ought not to prolong strife, but at once turn their attention to those branches of public policy which imperatively demanded it. In one question he was especially interested, that of Colonial reform. He believed that he spoke the sentiments of ninety-nine hundredths of the mercantile interests of every community in Eng- land, when he said that there was no department of our public institutions that was held in such universal dislike (irrespective of the persons who might fill the offices from time to time) as the administration of Colonial affairs. Its abuses were intolerable; and he believed the public mind was quite ready-for an effectual reform in this department. Lord John Russell had given a guarantee that he was prepared to effect it, by the appointment to the bead of the Colonial Office of a statesman who, next perhaps to Mr. Charles Buller, was best adapted to grapple with the evils of our Colonial system, because he beta, understood them—he meant Earl Grey. Look at the position in which the West India interest was placed by the measure of free trade. Could it be supposed that the fantastical attempt to draw a distinction between slave-grown and free-grown -sugar could be much longer persevered in? It was an outrage on public opinion to suppose that it would not be at once swept away. Then came the question of the discriminating duties -between Foreign and Colonial sugar. Of course, the sugar-producing in- terest•ought to have full time to prepare for such a change as the equalization of those duties; and he thought that there was every reason to believe that-Lerd John Russell would act with due caution in that respect. If-there was to he free trade in produce, there must also be free trade in the labour that produced it. In this case also he believed Lord John Russell to be the man to grapple fully with the difficulties of the case. On one point he believed that too sanguine expecta- tions had been formed. He did not believe that foreign nations would eeciprooate as it.was expected they would; but he believed that if the resources .ef our Co- lonies were fully developed, markets for anew- produce would be ultimately found. In order to accomplish this, there must be an efficient system of emigration; end emigrants who left this country, with all the free thoughts and habits of English- men, ought to be allowed self-government in the Colonies, instead of being sub- jected to the despotic authority of an arbitrary Governor. If that principle were but adopted unflinchingly by statesmen, they would see the redundant capital of this country flowing forth in a full stream to the remotest parts of the world, like charity "blessing him that gives as well as him that takes"-' and he confidently expected that such a -line of policy would be pursued by EarlGrey„backedliy the sagacious mind of Lord. John Russell Mr. David Salomons expressed the great obligations under which Lod.John Russell had placed the persuasion to which he belonged; andeferveutlyhopedthat, knowing the state of public opinion in this gauntry as regarded religious liberty, he would take care to put the apex on thatgreat pyramid he had already reared, so that not a single individual in the country worthy Folfacigoloresentieg them, and

likely to be honoured by their confidence, should be so as that he weld not come forward and accept the honours conferred upon him.

The nomination and election of Lord John Russell took place on Wad- nesday, at the Guildhall, in the presence of.at least three thousand persons. On entering the hall, in high spirits, Lord John met with a -reception of the most gratifying kind. The platform was occupied by many ofthe gentle- men who attended the preliminary meeting of Monday.

The post of nominating Lord John Russell was confided to Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd— lie would avail himself of the opportunity to renew, before the assembled con- stituency of London, his solemn adherence to the great, principles the triumph of which had led to the present meeting. At their last meeting in that hall the cir- cumstances were very different. They were then entering, with all the firmness and determination which Englishmen feel, upona great and remarkable struggle; and had the final conflict been against them, he should indeed have despaired of his country. "But a battle has been hardly fought, and a victory has been nobly and effectually won. The banner of Free Trade now floats over both the branches of the Legislature; it has been sanctioned by our gracious Sovereign; and I trust the time is rapidly approaching for its beneficent shade to extend itself over every interest of this empire. To us, there remains but the cue solemn and gratifying duty of now tendering to it our last and final salute of congratulation. Ilopour. be -to that great principle?

To Lord John Russell the country was indebted for placing free trade in a position which,secured its ultimate triumph/3y rendering it impossible for any man to pretend to govern this country upon the system of protection. " I tarn now to the subsequent conduct of the noble Lord; and may I here venture to introduce a classical allusion? There is an ancient story, which I read in the days of my youth, when I could enjoy the Ituotry of classical literature. Ulysses laid claim to a large share of the military virtue of Achilles, became he had been the

means of detecting the hero when concealed in female garb. By throwing before him, mixed with female attire, a sword and helmet, he at once brought out the manly virtue of the latent hero, and sent him to war: ' therefore, said be, 'his deeds are mine—I slew the mighty heroes that fell at the foot of Achilles.' 'Gen- tlemen, the sword and the helmet of the noble Lord were the Whig Budget. Me:

threw them down before the Tory Minister; who endeavoured to reject them, and for a time did reject them : but his real strength, his true confidence, was in his deep knowledge of the principles upon which the country must be governed, which had then been so pushed forward that it was impossible any Minister could longer repress them. What did we see in consequence, and in proof of this? What the noble Lord has told us in his address—that from the hour that a Tory Government was introduced to power, every successive session was marked by in- creased measures for removing our restrictions upon trade, and forgradually ap- proaching to that final consummation which we have witnessed in the present session of Parliament." Lord John Russell's conduct towards his political oppo- nents had been in keeping with his manly character. " What did he do, when those very measures which he produced, and for which he was struck down, out of place and out of power, were proposed by his opponents? Why, he gave to them a support truly English, because truly honourable--a support not less effectual because it was generous, because it was disinterested, because it was given under the suppression of many of those feelings which are common to our nature, but which it is our pride and honour to subdue." He had also used his influence to smooth down opposition in the House of Lords. As the head of a new Administration, Lord John Russell has declared that his first duty will be to carry out to all its legitimate consequences the principle of Free Trade. Free Trade, however, is only one branch of a great moral and civil principle—of that great principle which calls upon a Government and Legislature to sacrifice all pnvate interests, whether they be the interests of individuals or those of banded classes—to sacrifice them all to the great universal interest of the public god. In adopting that principle, Lord John has announced several sub- jects towards which it is to be applied. First, Mr. Loyd talked of Ireland in a liberal strain. Then, of national education. " We can none of us retire to our closets,-and say, as the citizens of a free state, we have done that duty which we owe to one another, and especially to those whom Providence has placed in a situation less advantageous than our own, until we have, in spite of every religious obstacle and of every political prejudice, insisted that every human being born under the sway of the British constitution shall be an educated being." Another important measure was the improvement of the sanitary condition of the people; a subject of great difficulty, but still of great necessity. After expressing his confident belief that Lord John. Russell will continue to act with fidelity to his opinions and his constituents, Mr. Loyd called upon the electors to replace into his hands the solemn trust of representing them in Parliament.

Mr. Samuel Gurney seconded the nomination=

With such a cause and such a candidate, little in the way of recommendation was required from him. He could not help referring, however, to two subjects— national education, and the extinction of slavery—m the advancement of which Lord John Russell had rendered willing and distinguished service. On one ques- tion arising out of the slave-trade—the Sugar-duties—a difference of opinion may exist between himself and Lord John Russell; but he had confidence in Lord John's judgment and his feelings, and would willingly leave the matter in-his judicious hands. He desired that his fellow-citizens should have all things good and sweet, cheap and abundant; but if that goodness and sweetness were to he purchased with the lives of the poor, the oppressed, and the wretched, it was his opinion that the people of England would be willing to forego them.

No other candidate having appeared, Lord John Russell was declared to be duly Elected. He then addressed the Livery-

" Gentlemen, on Monday hat, her Majesty was graciously pleased to desire that I should kiss her hand.as First Lord Commissioner of the Treasury. Today yon have done me the distinguished honour of electing me as Member for this grast city, the metropolis of the commerce not of this empire but of the world.Such honour,gentlemen, while it fills me with gratitude, at the same time inspiras me -with awe. Gentlemen, I cannot aeneure to say that I can adequately dis- chargeahe duty which has been imposed rpm me; but, at all events, on looking hack to Abe measures which I have proposed, to the principles which I hare asserted, and to the votes which I have given, I can say that I stand here to carry into effect those measures, and to give Meta those principles by which I have been hitherto actuate/ Gentlemen, when you did me the honour to invite me to become a candidate for this city, I declared at the first meeting of the elec- tors, that, as I conceived, the whole principle of levying duties for the sake of protection was vicious and unsound. I stated to you that as we had a great debt of which see have honestly to discharge the interest—as we hadgreat establish- ments of the-Navy and the Army to support, as well as others of a judicial and civil nature which it was necessary for this country to maintain—it was right mad lawful to impose taxes for the purpose sif discharging those obligations, and of

meeting those exigencies; but that i

at taxes which were imposed for the purpose of paying one class at the expense of another—that taxes of which the income doss not go into the Exchequer but into the pockets of individuals—that such taxes could be defended on no principle, that is, they were utterly nnjnst; and that the eotently-being already heavily burdened -by taxation, was all reason the more wig such taxes should not be imposed. I likewise put -to you the case of a man in the country who was employing his ingenuity and skill in fabricating a piece t cloth, and a farmer in Americaavith a-Inlaid of wheat to dispose of; and I said it was unjust not to allow those two men to exchange their products, so that one might obtain food and the other clothing of the best quality and at the cheapest rate. Such were the principles of which I was then the advocate, and on the triumph of which I am now happy that I can congratulate you. Gentlemen, I have never attempted, nor shall I now attempt, to assume to myself, or to thole who have acted with me, the merit and the honour due to those who have taken part in this great struggle. I shall not be backward in giving applause to those men in the-House of Commons, and to Mr. Villiers at the head of them, who have brought forward for- the consideration of Parliament, and in an unanswerable summer, the principle on which the question should be decided. I shall riot refuse that houour which is most justly due to those in the country, and to Mr Cobden at the head of them, echo have brought down the philosophy of free trade from the heavens, and have exhausted their strength, and all their energy of mind and of body, impenetrating the whole people of, this country-with the great truth. Nor shall." be churlish in refusing any particle of that honour which or due to. Sir Robert Peel, in bringing forward the commercial measures he has been from time to time the author of, and in acknowledging the energy, ability, and firmness with which lie has persevered in carrying them threogh.Parliament. I will net say what is due to those who in le39, in 1840, And lastly in the Budget of 184l, endeavoured to embody these pthiciples . aces Porliaeneut that I than leave to others to say, to whom at will belong with more propriety to do so : but there is one thing which I cannot omit, and it is, that no efforts of statesmen in Parliament—no efforts of orators at the meetings of the people—no efforts made in the Houses of Parliament-,would have been e f- factual , -had it not been for the intelligence of this great people, which hue finally decided the conflict. And, gentlemen, when I recollect that which wee passing in this country ocly six months and one year ago—when I recollect the great meetings which were held in this country, the fervid speeches which tyro madeat those meetings, the excitement that prevailed, lied the invective whieli was used, and see how quietly the great measure of the repealof the Corn-laws has been discussed in the House of Lords and in the House of Commons, and that by a majority of those two bodies it has- bean carried into a law, I do but the mere admire that which is supposed by some to be the object of superstitious worship to me—I mean the spirit of the English Constitution. It seems tome to resemble that which you will see in the great iron-works in this country, where you may behold large cauldrons full of melted iron, apparently enough to destroy and set on fire the building, but yet, by the skill of those who are engaged in its

manufacture, carried into certain determined channels, and conveyed thence into its destined receptacles. Thus this great body of fire, moving rapidly along, yet injuring nothing—becoming perhaps the wheel in the factory or the ploughshare in the field—apparently so dangerous in its heat, is finally the means of extending agriculture and manufactures and spreading comforts, benefits, and plenty, over the world. Gentlemen, I do trust that this principle of free trade will be carried on by the councils over which I shall have the honour to preside, and carried on safely and beneficially for the community. " I will not touch on those subjects on which my friend Mr. Gurney chose to address you, as I may shortly have to address the House of Commons upon them: but I do say, as a general pnnciple, that while it may be necessary to keep up certain duties for the sake of revenue, which may indirectly have the effect of protection, that we ought to keep up no duty which is solely for protection; that Is to say, we should impose taxes for the benefit of the whole community, and not for the advantage of any class. I do trust that this principle will prevail here in some short time; and I trust that it will be no long time before it is adopted by the other nations of the world. There are two especially with which we have the greatest relations. The one is an immediate neighbour—the kingdom of France —ruled over by a prince of the most enlightened mind, who has contributed, by his sagacity and foresight, to the peace of Europe, and who I trust will find his Chambers concurring with him in renouncing the errors of the commercial system which now prevails in that country. The other country to which I allude is the United States of America; from which we have lately received such gratifying intelligence. I do rejoice that while at one time so much angry feeling was ex- pressed in that country, the wisdom of the Senate of the United States has over- ruled all those angry sentiments, and has decided in favour of that peace between them and us which I trust may endure for ages. Among them, likewise, I do trust that the principles of commercial freedom will soon prevail, and that our intercourse may tend to the happiness of both nations.

"I have spoken, gentlemen, in the address which I had the honour to direct to you, of the task which remains for me to do—of a task which will, I am sure, be rendered more easy when we have given up the unprofitable task of attempting to direct the industry of the country better than the industry of the country can di- rect itself—for this, in fact, is the principle of free trade. This principle is not, as some choose to represent it, a new-faagled system—it is no strange, fanciful theory, as has been said—it is nothing but saying, humbly and modestly, i There are questions of legislation which we are competent to decide; but as to directing the industry of the country, or directing the markets of the country, or telling the people how they must apply their labour, or telling them what to buy and what to sell, that is a subject on which legislation can do nothing: that is a subject on which the wisest House of Lords and the most virtuous House of Commons cannot do so well as the butcher, the farmer, and the artisan, in their own markets and in their own shops.' "If we can get rid of those futile attempts, there are the great questions of public health and of public education, in which I think it behoves the Government and the Legislature to attempt to improve the condition of the people. I mention no particular plan, I allude to no scheme; but I will say this as regards education of the people, that no plan can be good or worthy the adoption of Parliament which does not sanction and maintain the principle of religions liberty. Gentlemen, re- ligions liberty has been the object of many contests. Our ancestors fought for it, and gave their blood to obtain it; and it is not in this day that we are to cripple or restrain it. It should be an object rather to carry this principle to its fullest extent, and maintain, that whatever civil laws we may enact, man shall worship God according to his own belief, and not according to the belief of others, but ac- cording to his own conscience. And now, gentlemen, having addressed these sen- timents to you, in regard to the manner in which I have been proposed and elected Member for this great city, I must express again unfeigned fears that my powers may be insufficient for the task I have undertaken: but, gentlemen, if they were at all commensurate with my wishes, then should I hope to see peace, liberty, and commerce, flourish among us to all genemtion.i." (Much cheering' at the dose as throughout the speech.)

A vote of thanks to the Sheriffs drew from Mr. Sheriff Laurie a congratu- latory speech in acknowledgment: he especially thanked Lord John Rus- sell for the prospect of reform in criminal discipline. With this the pro- ceedings terminated.

The Tower Hamlets election takes place today, at Stepney Green.

Mr. Benjamin Hawes's appointment of Under Secretary for the Colonies does not vacate his seat.

The Protectionists have had a private muster and review of their forces at Greenwich. It was announced, rather ostentatiously, that Lord Stanley and Lord George Bentinck were to be entertained at dinner, on Wednesday, by a party "limited to one hundred—fifty Peers and fifty Members of the House of Commons." The feast-day passed, but there was no report of the speeches! And on the second day afterwards the Morning Post supplied a minimum of information. The names of the convivialists were displayed, but still no oratory. Lord Stanley is said to have made " a speech replete with statesmanlike views, and distinguished alike for the pungency of its wit and the brilliancy of its eloquence"; but neither wit nor eloquence does the Post report. Lord Stanley, it seems, pointed out the " controlling power" possessed by the Protectionists, which they are "to exercise for the general benefit of the country." The only measure specifically hinted at is negative—for Lord Stanley "strongly insisted on the absolute necessity of maintaining in its full integrity the Established Church both in England and in Ireland; and exclaimed, Wo to the Minister who dares to interfere with either!' " Vce victis. He vouchsafed this marvellously precise defi- nition of the principles that guide the party—" the same in 1846 that they were in 1841." .

An address of thanks to Sir Robert Peel was voted on Thursday by the Vestry of St. James Clerkenwell.

Some alarm exists among the electors of Marylebone that an extensive disfranchisement may take place, through the neglect of a tax-collector. By the Reform Act, all poor-rates and assessed taxes should be paid before the 20th July. The Assessed Tax Collector of a populous district of St. Pancras recently died; and although the Commissioners have appointed his successor, that person, through neglect, will not have his books placed in his possession until the 17th or 18th; thus leaving him but two days to collect the taxes of 1,540 electors. The- matter underwent discussion at a public meeting on Wednesday, and was brought before the Vestry of St. Pancras on Thursday; wheli a eleputation was appointed to wait upon Sir Benjamin Hall and request him to accompany them to the Commissioners of Stamps and Taxes, in the hope that means may be found to avert the threatened disfranchisement.

At the Central Criminal Court, on Tuesday, John Farr, who pleaded guilty last sessions to charges of stealing luggage on the South-eastern and Birmingham Railways, was brought up for judgment- At the same time, Mary AnoeNewland, who cohabited with Parr, pleaded guilty to receiving the property knowing it to be stolen. The man was sentenced to be transported for three several terms of seven years each, for three robberies; the woman, who if she had been married'

to Farr would have escaped altogether, was ordered to be imprisoned, with hard labour, for six months.

At the Mansionhouse, on Monday, George Marriott, alias Charles Metcalf, was charged with defrauding Messrs. Neville and Company, warehousemen, in Gresham Street West, of goods to the amount of 1341. The fraud was effected by a deeply- laid scheme. Marriott applied for the goods to send to his sons in South Aus- tralia by a certain day; he produced a card which purported to be his and was inscribed—" George Marriott and Son, wholesale ironmongers, 16, Trinity Lane "; and he gave a reference to a firm in Austinfriars. Messrs. Neville applied to this house, and received an excellent character of their new customer; the Austinfriars people were going to supply him with a number of urns. On the 16th May, Marriott earned away the goods in a cart;—not, it afterwards came out, to ship, but to sell, them. He then disappeared. The respectable referees also vanished. The accused was arrested at Stockton, where he had taken a large house. Mar- riott tried to persuade the Lord Mayor that the transaction was quite regular—it was a mere debt.

Another charge was now made: the prisoner had obtained from Mr. Wilson, a hatter, goods to the value of 1121 He was remanded.