Debatts anb Vroctebings in Varliament.

THE ANSWER TO THE ADDRESS.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, the Earl of LIVERPOOL commu- nicated the following answer from the Queen to the Address- " My Lords—I thank you for your loyal and dutiful address. I rely with full confidence on your zealous endeavours to promote the public welfare, and on your cooperation to maintain the high character of the country."

In the House of Commons, the Queen's answer, in similar terms, was communicated by Colonel DAHER.

DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY.

Earl STANHOPE moved, in the House of Lords, on Thursday-

" That this House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, for the purpose of taking into its most serious consideration the present con- dition of the productive classes in the United Kingdom, with the view of pro- viding for their profitable employment, and for the due remuneration of their industry."

This motion he supported in a long and somewhat discursive speech ; beginning with reprobation of free trade, as beneficial only to titled consumers, persons with fixed income, and traders whose peculiar branch of business is exempt from the operation of the doctrine. The system now carried on gives all the advantage to the foreign manu- facturers; and if he wanted evidence how odious such doctrines are to the people at large, he should point to the last general election. He characterized the change of Ministry as "an event most deeply to be deplored" ; for by their conduct Ministers had shaken all confidence in public men ; and while their views are as erroneous as those of their predecessors, there was this difference between them, that they have the power, which their predecessors wanted, of carrying their policy into effect. He asked when Sir Robert Peel had arrived at the conviction that agricultural protection was excessive—before or after the election ? if before, he was bound to have stated so, and to have relieved the electors from the influence of a gross delusion. Hav- ing in this strain alluded to Sir Robert Peel's conduct in respect to Catholic Emancipation, Lord Stanhope came to the "melancholy cir- cumstances under which they were now assembled," the distress of the country ; which, if it continued, must terminate in a social revolution. He adverted to the distress of the hand-loom 'weavers—of the master- manufacturers, suffering from inordinate production—and of the factory workpeople ; and contended that there would be no protection for the last, until they not only had a ten-hours bill, but infant labour was restricted • bolding up to imitation the example of a King of Spain, in 1786, who, issued an edict prohibiting the labour of all Negro slaves in his colonies who were under seventeen years of age. All classes were embraced in the widespread evil of bad trade— Money was plentiful, but only because there was no prospect of finding em- ployment for it to advantage. The mercantile shipping interest, that great nursery of our Navy, was falling rapidly into decay. In the West Indies, owing to the infatuated policy we had pursued, the proprietors of estates were actually being impoverished instead of enriched by their possessions. He him- self knew of two estates, formerly yielding 10,000/. a year, which were now allowed to go out of cultivation. And we seemed to be pursuing the same line of infatuated policy at home. There was the new Tariff, a measure adopted with the utmost rashness and the most reckless disregard of consequences without inquiry or investigation, without giving to any of the parties entitled to claim it the right to be heard in their own defence. He did not move for a Select Committee, because he disapproved of the dilatoriness of such Committees, and of the mode of proceeding— In one respect, the Committees reversed the old fable of a mountain deli- vered of a mouse, for in their case it was a mouse delivered of a mountain ; for, after a gestation of several months, they gave their Lordships a mountain, and a mountain consisting almost entirely of chaff. (Laughter.)

Various measures would be requisite to restore the country to what it was ; but one he thought indispensably necessary as a precursor of every other measure, and that was the repeal of the new Tariff and the repeal of the new Corn-law.

The Earl of RIPON deprecated Lord Stanhope's claim to a monopoly of right feeling ; and asked what security there would be that an in- quiry by a Committee even of the whole House would not result in a mountain of—he forgot what—(A Peer, "Of chaff!")—of chaff. And he objected to it as endless, profitless, and delusive. Lord Ripon went on to combat some of Lord Stanhope's arguments against free trade ; drawing his illustrations from the silk-trade, which has flourished since prohibition was taken off, and extended from London to other parts of the country. Lord Stanhope had lamented the decay of the iron-trade, because in the Tariff there had been a reduction of the duty on iron— His noble friend was aware of the argument post hoc ergo propter hoc : there might be distress in the iron trade, but the diminution of the duty on iron last year could not have produced it, for no foreign iron had come in, and thou- sands of tons must have been imported to produce that effect. Then, with regard to cattle, his noble friend had argued that the effect of the last year's tariff had been to sink' the price of meat. But how many head of foreign cattle had been imported ? just 3,126. Who, indeed, would ever buy an oil- cake, or attempt to fatten a beast, with the prospect of such an immense fin- portation of foreign cattle before him But what kind of beasts were they? He could not undertake to say how the speculators had profited by the im- portation, nor did he know any one who had bought one of those animals; but he believed that some had been bought, and eaten too. (A laugh.) Some of them were, no doubt, good for food ; but there was one class which came from Spain that were fifteen years old, and had been worked during the greater part of their lives. (Laughter.) They were, in short, very unfit for our market. His noble friend appeared to be in great agony about the pigs, and the quantity of barley that might be imported without paying duty in the shape of pigs. (Laughter.) But how many pigs had been imported under the new law? About 315.

Lord Ripon dwelt on the evils of smuggling as arising from exces- sive duties ; and then, adverting more briefly to the main subject, repu- diated the idea that a tax on machinery would cure the undoubted evils that accompany the greater benefits flowing from the extension of ma- chinery; and declared his conviction—for it would be useless not to speak the truth—that no legislative remedy could be applied to the unfortunate condition of the hand-loom weavers.

Lord BEAUMONT regretted that there was no distinct statement in the Speech of the views of the Government respecting the Corn-laws; an omission which was the chief cause of the panic raging in the agri- cultural districts. Alluding to the Anti-Corn-law League, which he called a "giant monster," he said, that "Government would scarcely be doing their duty unless they attempted to crush in its shell this dragon which threatened them"; ; and, looking at their circulars, he suspected that the writers of some of them had violated the law—that some were blasphemous. He called on Government _to stand by their present Corn-law, and things would partially adjust themselves. And he recommended an assize of bread, as gaining for the poor what was lost to the farmers.

Lord BROUGHAM did not know where to direct his wandering eye to discover the free trade which had such terrors for Lord Stanhope ; and after a little counter-argument and a little banter of Lord Beaumones confusion of figures and his "new theory of panic," which he thought the inquiry moved for would allay, Lord Brougham recorded his con- demnation of some of the League's proceedings— "1 desire to express my most pointed disapprobation of the means taken by many of the persons connected with that association ; and, my Lords, I am the more anxious to state this, because I consider that those means are most prejudicial to a good cause, if any thing could retard the progress of their doctrines—if any thing could raise obstacles to the course of improvement in the laws respecting provisions and the general laws which they most justly oppose, it would be the exaggerated statements and violence of some of those connected with their body ; the means adopted by them at some of their meet- ings to excite—happily they have not much succeeded—to excite discontent and breakings-out Into violent measures in different parts of the country : and, above all, I cannot discharge my duty to your Lordships and to my own con- science if I do not express the utter abhorrence and disgust with which I have noted some men—menclothed with sacred functions—who have actually, iii

this very metropolis of a British and a Christian community, and in the middle of the nineteenth century of the gospel of grace and peace, not scrupled to utter words to which I will not at present, for obvious reasons, more particu- larly allude, but which I abhor, detest, and scorn, as being calculated to pro- duce effects—I will not say they have produced them—but calculated to pro- duce the taking away of innocent life. My Lords, your Lordships are aware that I refer to a trial which is pending ; and they who have used those expres- sions will, I hope and trust, be called on for an explanation in the course of its proceedings ; and it is only because it is a pending trial that I abstain from more specially referring to those reverend gentlemen's observations." He did not see how by an assize of bread they should get bread cheaper. The fixing a price beyond which bread should not be sold had never once been tried in any country without producing the most grievous calamity, the destruction of the public tranquillity, and a dearth of the thing wanted. He called on the House not to go into this boot- less, fruitless, endless inquiry ; and approved of the refusal of "his right honourable friend," Sir Robert Peel, to give a pledge on the sub- ject of the Corn-laws : that House had never bound itself to any pledge beyond the length of the session, and he hoped no Government would ever pledge itself to any subject beyond a very short period of time.

The Earl of ILizecoa vindicated the League from the unjust imputa- tion of sentiments with which they had no connexi ; and, opposing Lord Stanhope's arguments, declared that he should vote against him.

Lord BaouGHam explained, that many respectable persons in the League were quite incapable of using the language which some of their agents made use of: and he admitted that the language used by the re- verend gentleman was not uttered at one of their meetings ; but he had alluded to other expressions, and not to that in particular.

Lord ASHBURTON having argued for " moderate free trade," and the Marquis of CLANRICARDE for complete free trade, Lord STANHOPE re- plied, and the House divided ; when his motion was rejected, by 25 to 4.

REFORM OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS JURISDICTION.

In the House of Commons, on Thursday, Dr. Nicaota. rose, in pur- suance of the intimation which had been given in the Speech from the Throne respecting Ecclesiastical Courts, to mere for leave to bring in a bill, the object of which was to carry i^to effect the recommendation of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for England and Wales, and for otherwise altering the jurisdiction of Ecclesiastical Courts in this country. He explained the change which had taken place since the constitution of those Courts, whose temporal jurisdiction related to ma- trimonial and testamentary subjects : marriage rests its validity now on the statute law, and is no longer regarded by the law as a sacra- ment; and personal property in this country has increased to such an enormous extent, that as much as 43,000,0001. has annually to be dis- posed of by testament. The number of Ecclesiastical Courts is four hundred ; and injudicious decisions give rise to endless appeals—some- times about the most trifling disputes, such as the right to hang a hat on a particular peg in a church; while, in point of fact, great part of heir practice has been transferred to the London courts. Under the present system, the custody of wills is bad, and the transfer of probates inconvenient and costly. The Registrars were, in the great majority of instances, sinecurists, and cost the country no less a sum than 28,000/. a year. The Judges of the Provincial Courts also held sinecures to the amount of about 9,500/. a year. These evils would be remedied by the bill which he described— It proposed to divide the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction into the Temporal and purely Spiritual. It proposed to transfer the Temporal or mixed jurisdiction of of the present Ecclesiastical Courts to a Court to sit in London ; of which the Judge should be appointed by her Majesty, and from whom there would be but one appeal—to her Majesty in Council. He proposed that Courts purely Spiritual, such as the correction of clerks and other matters of Church dis- cipline, should be left to the Bishop, to he exercised in the Provincial and Dio- cesan Court, with an appeal to the Archbishop in person, or to Commis- sioners appointed by him, and thence, with certain qualifications to the Queen in Council. This recognized her Majesty's right to be the head of all juris- diction in the kingdom. He proposed to abolish all Courts of Peculiars, and to render the Surrogates subject to the Archbishop of the province, and the Archdeacon of the Archdeaconry. The whole number of Courts under the new bill, including separate Courts for Bangor, Bristol, and Gloucester, would not exceed thirty, whereas now they were four hundred. All officers of these Courts are to be paid exclusively by fixed salaries, and to execute their duties in person; the fees to be paid into a fee-fund : and he thought he could promise the House that this change would effect an important saving. With the excep- tion of the jurisdictions to which he had referred, the jurisdiction in tithes, and on defamation, which would be abolished, and of certain cases which the Bishop might refer to the Chancellor of the province, or to a barrister, he proposed that all matters now decided in the Provincial Courts should be transferred to the Court in London ; all wills, probates, and administrations to issue by authority of that Court, and the powers of that Court to extend throughout England and Wales. But as in cases of small amount it might reasonably be supposed that persons would find it more convenient to resort to the Diocesan Courts to see wills in which they might be interested, it was proposed that when the property was of limited amount, say under 3001., the Diocesan Courts, as branch Regis- trars of the London Court, should have power under a branch seal to give copies of probate and administration. The machinery would be introduced for the purpose of securing as much as possible adequate control over the practice of these branch Courts.

Explaining some further details, Dr. Nieholl said that church-rates were not included in this bill ; but the jurisdiction in disputed points respecting them would of course be transferred to the London Court. Upon the whole, the measure was supported by most subsequent speakers ; but Mr. JERVIS objected to its principle of centralization, and to the distinction respecting property under 3001.; an objection also taken by Mr. ELPHINSTONE. Sir ROBERT Nous objected to its

removing justice from every man's door, and advocated extending to the poor a power now enjoyed only by the wealthy, of obtaining divorce a vineulo matrimonii. Captain PECHELL, Mr. Hums, Dr. STOCK, and Lord Joma RUSSELL, approved of the project ; which was thoroughly Opposed only by Colonel SIBTHORP as a piece of "reform," a thing he detested as he did the Devil. Leave was given to bring in the bill.

DISFRANCHISEMENT OF SUDBURY.

Colonel RUSHBROOKE moved, on Monday, the issue of a writ for the election Of Members for the borough of Sudbury ; intimating that he Made the motion at the request of his constituents, and with a view to prevent the disfranchisement of the borough. The SPEAKER suggested, that Colonel Rashbrooke might attain his object by moving an amend- ment to another Member's motion : but when Mr. Tuntria. moved the

suspension of the writ for six weeks, Colonel RUSHBROOKE made no objection, and that motion was carried. Mr. TUFNELL then moved D. leave to bring in a bill to exclude the borough of Sudbury from s,..aing Members to serve in Parliament. Mr. Bractwrostz objected, that there had been stronger proofs of corruption in respect of boroughs which it was not proposed to touch, and that at all events the House should have fuller information. Accordingly, he moved for a Select Committee to inquire into the alleged corrupt practices at the last elec- tion for Sudbury. Mr. Tstomas DUNCOMBE reminded the House, that the bill carried out the report of a Committee which had already inves- tigated the case, atrd that it had actually been sent up to the House of Lords last session ; only having been thrown out in consequence of the lateness of the period. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that no new facts had appeared to induce him to alter the opinion which he last session gave in favour of the measure. After clearing the House for a division, the amendment was negatived without one ; leave was given to bring in the bill, and it was read a first time.

THE CANADA CORN-TRADE.

Mr. CHARLES WOOD, in the absence of Mr. Labouchere, on Wednes- day, moved for copies or extracts of any communications which have taken place between her Majesty's Government and the authorities of Canada respecting the duties levied on wheat imported from the United States into Canada, or from Canada into the United Kingdom, since the 1st day of January 1842. It was well known that, in October last, an act was passed by the Canadian Legislature, imposing a duty of 3s. a quarter upon the importation of wheat from the United States into our North American Colonies ; and it was understood that part of the inducement to this was the expectation that the Government at home would propose a further reduction on wheat imported into this country from Canada. It was desirable to have the documents on the subject. Lord STANLEY enumerated several documents which he was prepared to produce, and which would be ready in about three days. In the mean time, until these papers were before the House, it would be inju- dicious to enter into any partial statements. Mr. VILLIERS inquired whether Ministers intended to bring in any bill for the regulation of the trade in corn between this country and Canada? Mr. GrzsoN and Mr. EWART also asked questions ; but Lord STANLEY persevered in de- clining to answer until the papers should be before the House.

The motion was agreed to.

PARDON FOR CANADIAN REBELS, In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. ROEBUCK moved-

" That an bumble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that pardon may be extended to all persons transported from Upper and Lower Canada to our Penal Colonies for political offences committed during the late unhappy disturbances in those Provinces."

Aware of the difficulty and delicacy of his task, Mr. Roebuck took pains to convince the House that he was not interfering with the ordi- nary course of justice, nor was he there to accuse. On the first night of the session, Lord Stanley had declared, that if Canada could not be held by the affection of its inhabitants it ought not to be held by a mi- litary force. The conduct of those acting under the present Govern- ment had placed the colony in such a position as it had not stood in for many a year ; and he thanked Sir Robert Peel for it. On the second outbreak in 1838, however, the country was placed under mar- tial law, the ordinary tribunals being suspended ; persons were no longer tried by their peers, but by courts-martial : so that if the House were now to interpose, it would not be interfering with the ordi- nary tribunals of the country. To show the temper of the people before the outbreak, Mr. Roebuck explained, that the French Canadians had for two or three years previously had a notion that they were re- garded as an inferior race, with an irreconcilable enmity to the English : whatever might be the fact, it was their belief that there was to be an " Anglification of the Canadas"—that their language, their institutions, and their religion were to be eradicated : that was called "swamping" the Canadian population. They conceived that they had no alternative but to prepare for a serious struggle with the British Go- vernment, which would otherwise of necessity reduce them to the level of a servile population, and reenact in Canada the old days of Ireland. This occurred among a population remarkable for their peace and quietness, and, even among the peasantry, for their polish. The wise policy recently adopted by Sir Charles Begot effected a total change— The moment it was discovered that the leaders of the Canadian people were to be allowed to take part in the Government, and they were to be raised from a servile condition to one of equality, as was their due, a feeling of triumph at once spread from one end of the country to the other, and there was almost something of the feeling of piety mixed in it. There was a general thanks- giving for relief from an intolerable burden ; but their triumph did not exhibit itself in the least impropriety or want of feeling towards those who had hitherto been their lords.

Recurring to the disturbances, Mr. Roebuck alluded to the case of Mr. Viger, who, at the age of nearly seventy, had been put in prison, on mere suspicion, and detained there eighteen months. In the midst of these disturbances, many of the peasantry had been transported ; though the leaders of the people were now to be seen in the councils, and those who had actually been in arms were to be seen boldly walking about the streets of Montreal. And of those who had been transported, nine in ten had been sent out of the colony by mistake. Mr. Roebuck reiterated his entreaty—

The right honourable gentleman had adopted the new rule in Canada, tha ,

of responsible government, not in name only, but in reality : he had invented no stratagem, nor attempted any means to coerce them and keep them down. He had said, that unless he chose to govern Canada by 14,000 bayonets, the people of Canada must, by their leaders, be of his councils. All he asked

was, that they would put the coping-stone on the arch that was already , erected.

Lord STANLEY would not shrink from the painful task, imposed upon g

him by Mr. Roebuck, of objecting to interference with the prerogative of the Crown. The time and circumstances ought to have weight.

Mr. Roebuck had himself told the House, that the French Canadians were satisfied with the equitable and judicious course which the Govern- ment had adopted ; and Lord Stanley thought it unwise to recur to subjects of dissension, or to interfere with a system which had given satisfaction— When Sir Charles Begot went out to Canada, the instructions given to him on the part of the Government were, that in the administration of the law, and in the selection of those he might think fit to call to his Councils, no distinc- tion whatever should be made as to the origin of persons, but that all persons should, as far as possible, be combined together in carrying out that which was to be the policy of the Government, and forgetting all recent transactions, they should act together for the advantage of that great province, which her /ilajesty's Government had, he thought, wisely united under one government. Be need not say, that in the main, the course of Sir Charles Begot had been entirely and cordially concurred in by her Majesty's Government. Now that, by the union of the two Provinces, all fear was prevented that the British residents would be overwhelmed by a domineering French population inter- posed between them and the sea, he considered it the duty of the British Government to act upon the principle of ruling the Province by a Legislattive Assembly in accordance with the sense of the bulk of the population. But because the French Canadians had obtained a share in the ad- ministration of the country, it did not follow that there was to be total oblivion of the crime of treason and resistance to the constituted go- vernment of the country. If that doctrine were to be admitted, then those who had loyally stood by the Crown, who had sacriced their lives in the repression of rebellion within and invasion from without, would have reason to complain that those who were suffering a moderate and legal punishment for their crimes were placed upon an equal footing with them. Lord Stanley observed, that by the " leaders " who had escaped with impunity, Mr. Roebuck meant the eight persons who had been illegally transported to Bermuda under Lord Durham's ordinances, and taken back to Canada. (Mr. Roebuck assented.) But surely he could draw no such inference as he had from that case. Lord Stanley briefly recapitulated the course of the disturbances, to show that there had been no undue severity— In the rebellion of 1837, there were two persons executed ; and those were taken in open rebellion, under aggravated circumstances. In June 1838, just when Lord Durham had published his amnesty, other disturbances took place in Canada : there was an irruption from the United States of persons who termed themselves "Sympathizers": a considerable number of persons were taken in arms against the Crown and brought to trial; but only one person was executed, and four others, who were taken under aggravated circumstances and sentenced to death, had their sentence commuted to transportation for life. In October 1838, another amnesty was passed, with eight exceptions as before ; and sixty-one persons, who, being called on to come in and take their trials, having refused to come in, were included in the exceptions. Those amnesties were fsllowed, on the 3d November of that year, by a simultaneous irruption and rebellion in Lower Canada; the irruption having been the work of men who had no grievances to complain of, but who, for their own views, plunged the country into scenes of horror and blood and tumult, which be would not then recount. Under those circumstances, after a second rebellion, 855 persons were arrested in Lower Canada, of course with different shades ot evidence as regarded their guilt ; and in Upper Canada between 1,100 and 1,200 persons were arrested. Of the 855 wrested in Lower Canada, only 100 had been brought to trial. The honourable gentleman said that those trials had taken place before a court-martial; but he knew well, that, unfortunately, (as it had been in the case of the murder of Lieutenant Weir,) any other mode of trial would be calculated to lead only to a mockery of justice, and to give an apparent triumph to guilt. The honourable Member appeared to infer that the great bulk of those who bad been arrested and sentenced to punishment were French Canadians: but such was not the case ; for out of 136 persons sentenced to transportation for takings part in that fearful struggle, 78 were from Upper Canada, and consequently could not be connected with the French Canadians; and of those 78 a considerable portion were persons holding no allegiance to the Crown, and having no authority from their own country, who had from them- selves engaged in a murderous, predatory, and buccaneering warfare: and these were the persons whom the honourable gentleman wished to be included in this prerogative of the Royal mercy, applying, as it would, to so many dif- ferent shades of guilt.

Lord Stanley explained, that he had pointed out to Sir Charles Begot different classes of persons engaged in the rebellion,—those who, being under attainder or outlawry, had not come in to take their trial ; those who, being excepted from the amnesty, were not capable of en- tering the Province ; those to whom it might be desirable to extend the mercy of the Crown ; so that all those cases might be taken into con- sideration. The punishments had varied, and in many cases had been commuted. Yet with respect to all those classes indiscriminately would Mr. Roebuck take the unusual course of interfering with the preroga- tive of the Crown ! Lord Stanley called upon the House not to esta- blish that dangerous precedent: while he stated that the Queen was prepared, in each and every individual case, to receive representations in favour of the offenders, he could not consent to a general read- mission, in a body, of all those convicted felons into the now peaceable and loyal province of Lower Canada.

Mr. CHARLES BULLER, concurring with Mr. Roebuck in his object— nay, going further, and thinking that it would be wise and politic to wipe out all trace of the late unhappy disturbances in Canada—yet regretted the motion ; especially on two grounds—because it was an interference with the undoubted prerogative of the Crown, which must of itself, to a certain extent, establish a disposition to doubt the leaning of the Crown to the side of mercy ; and because the principle of non-interfe-ence in the internal affairs of the colony rendered such a motion undesirable except in a case of last resort against an ill-disposed Government. No such case had been made out— Sir Charles Bagot had the choice of two alternatives—either to involve himself, as his predecessors had done, in a course of mischievous opposition to the will and power of the people, speaking through their Legislature, or cheer- fully to acquiesce in such a system as should conciliate their good-will and secure their affection. Mr. Buller was bound to say that he thought Sir C. Begot had chosen the wiser and the safer course—that in a manner which he could never —' sufficiently commend, he had adopted the best course, and in the best possible way. He looked with equal confidence to the future, in consequence of the appointments just made—appointments resulting from no party feeling, and governed only by a desire to select the most fitting persons that could be found in the colony; a guarantee that the government of Canada was for the future 'Charles be conducted upon just and sound principles. And when a man like Sir Charles Metcalfe was sent out to govern a colony, it was only wise and „prudent that he should be left as free and unfettered as possible upon all such 'questions as that which was now brought under the consideration of the House. Mr. ROEBUCK withdrew the motion.

THE SANDAL-WOOD GATES OF SOMNATH.

With a motion for papers, on Thursday, Mr. VERNON Spurn drew the attention of the Hon e of Commons to Lord Ellenborough's pro- clamation addressed to the chiefs and princes of India respecting the recovery of tbe gates of the temple of Somnath. To show that he was not actuated by personal or party feelings, Mr. Smith repeated his ap- proval of Lord Ashburton's appointment to the United States mission

and expressed warm approbation of the choice of Sir Charles Metcalfb as Governor-General of Canada. Be referred to Lord Ellenborough's professions, at a dinner given to him by the Directors of the East India Company, on the 4th November 1841 ; where, inter alia, he praised Lord Auckland, and said, that it was his purpose to restore tran- quillity to both banks of the Indus. Lord Ellenborough had previously been guilty of some public indiscretions ; but Mr. Smith had entertained the sanguine hope that he had sowed his wild elephants before he left England. He referred to the account which Gibbon gave of the spoliation of the temple by Mahmoud the Guznehide, to illustrate the effect wh'ch the proclamation must have on the religi ms feelings of the Indian Mussulmans--

The pagoda of Somnath was situate on a promontory of Guzerat, in the neighbourhood of Diu, one of the last remaining possessions of the Portuguese. It was endowed with the revenues of 2,000 villages; 2,000 Brahmins were con- secrated to the service of the Deity, whom they washed each morning and vening in water from the distant Grnges ; the subordinate ministers consisted of 900 musicians, 300 barbers, 500 dancing-girls conspicuous for their birth or beauty. The faith of Mahmoud was animated to a personal trial of the strength of this Indian deity : 50,000 of his worshippers were pierced by the spear of the Moslem ; the walls were scaled, the sanctuary was profaned, and the con- queror aimed a blow of his own mace at the head of the idol. The trembling Brahmins are said to have offered 10,000,000 sterling for his ransom : it was urged by the wisest counsellors, that the destruction of a stone image would not change the hearts of the Gentoos, and that such a sum might be dedicated to the relief of the true believers. g Your reasons,' replied the Sultan, are spe- cious, strong; but never in the eyes of posterity shall Mahmoud appear as merchant of idols.' He repeated his blows; and a treasure of pearls and rubies, concealed in the belly of the statue, explained, in some degree, the devout pro- digality of the Brahmins. The fragments of the idol were distributed to Guzna, Mecca, and Medina. Bagdad listened to the edifying tale ; and Mahmoud was saluted by the Caliph with the title of Guardian of the Fortune and Faith of Mahmoud."

Lord Ellenborough's proclamation, argued Mr. Smith, would have the effect of bringing one portion of the population of India into fearful collision with another. He called to mind that it had always been the policy of the Indian Government to preserve the institutions of the country intact ; but, in compliance with a spirit of alarm at that en- couragement of idolatrous practices, Lord Glenelg placed the Pilgrim- tax on a right footing, so as to promote tranquillity in India and give satisfaction at home : in a despatch signed by the Directors, he con- tended that there should be a police for the maintenance of tranquillity, but that beyond civil protection encouragement should not go. How could any man with such a despatch before him take the course that Lord Ellenborough had done ? Among the troops that he had appointed to escort the gates from Afghanistan to Guzerat, were British and Sepoys—men of all creeds, Christian, Mussulman, and Hindoo. No- thing was more important than to preserve unanimity among the troops; yet the course adopted by the Governor-General was calculated in the highest degree to endanger that unanimity. No one could avoid expecting that the Court of Directors would give expression to a very strong reproof; that they would reprove, if not recall him, unless they were restrained by the highest authority— He would take upon himself to say that the noble Lord who could issue such a proclamation was utterly unfit to be intrusted with the administration of such an empire as that which we possessed. He said nothing of the designs for ribands which the noble Lord had sent home to be approved of by the Go- vernment at home, and then returned to him, that he might bestow them to commemorate his victories. Of these he should say nothing; but he could not avoid saying that, in common phraseology, the Government of India had quite turned the head of the noble Lord. Mr. BINGHAM BARING complained that Mr. Smith had drawn his charges from the Indian newspapers ; which were hostile to Lord Ellen- borough, because he effected retrenchments in the public salaries, and restricted the communication of information to the newspapers from the public departments. Mr. Baring also referred to history, and retraced the circumstances in connexion with the subject, to show that the gates were regarded by the Hindoos not as religious but as national trophies— The House might perhaps be aware, that, in the year 1831, Runjeet Sing was applied to by Shah Soojah to assist in the administration of the Shah's own country. The application was agreed to ; and in return, Runjeet Sing exacted some concessions from Shah Soojah, which were of a very singular nature. One was, that the Shah should disclaim, both for himself, his successors, and all the tribe of Suddozye, every right and title to that portion of his dominions which the ruler of Lahore had already seized. In the next place, he exacted a tribute from the Shah, and all tributes were looked upon in India as a dis- grace; and in addition he required, "that the portals made of sandal, which have been carried away to Ghuznee from the temple of Juggernaut, shall be delivered to the Maharajah, when the Shah's government is well established." The answer of Shah Soojah was—" Regarding the relinquishment, on the part of myself and all the tribe of Suddozyes, of all right and title to the countries conquered by his Highness, that point may be settled when a meeting takes place and the boundaries of those countries are defined. Regarding horses, &c., I agree to the presentation of them yearly, according to the list given. Regarding the assignment of three lace of rupees worth of jewels for the ex- pense of an auxiliary force, the property of one friend is that of the other. It is a matter of no importance where a close alliance exists." But when he came to the gates of sandal, he said—" Regarding the demand of the portals of sandal at Ghuznee, a compliance with it is inadmissible, in two ways. Firstly, a real friend is he who is interested in the good name of his friend : the Maha- rajah being my friend, how can he find satisfaction in my eternal disgrace ? To desire the disgrace of one's friend is not consistent with the dictates of wisdom. Secondly, there is a tradition among all classes of people, that the forefathers of the Sikhs have said that their nation shall, in the attempt to bring away the portals of sandal, advance to Gbuznee ; but having arrived there, the foundation of their empire shall be overthrown. I am not desirous of that event ; I wish for the permanence of his Highness's dominion." It was evident from this that Runjeet Sing thought the possession of these gates would be a national trophy. He explained, that Lord Ellenborough's precise object in taking the gates from the Afghans was, to blend castigation with humanity— When he sent his forces throughout that country, he had to exact retribution for the assassination of a person invested with a diplomatic character. He wished to deal with the innocent inhabitants only in the most humane man- ner; he had to remove the stain, and to inflict a punishment on the guilty in- habitants. Runjeet Singh had no connexion with the Mahornetans except ruling over them ; and he looked upon the abominations of the Hindoos almost with greater disgust than we did : he could only have sought the possession of these gates as a national trophy ; he could not have had for his object to insult the population over whom he ruled, many of whom formed his army, and several of whom held high situations about his court. Mr. Smith talked as if the people of India were in the same state as they were in eight hundred years ago— Century after century, India had been subject to ravages by the Afghans and Moguls; and never upon any occasion till the late march h of beneral-Nott was any Indian army led in triumph through the country of the Afghans. This was the sole instance of such an exploit ; and it was a subject of pride to the people of India, of which no persuasion of the newspaper press of India could deprive them. They felt a pride when they saw an army under the di- rection of officers ennobled by the conquest of enemies who had ever been their most cruel oppressors, and who were vanquished for the first time. It was on this account, it was with this intention, and it being absolutely certain that the Mahometans of India sympathized with our army, that the proclamation was issued.

As to the mode of conveying the gates, the British troops were not sent to honour the pageant, but, as the proclamation said, to communi- cate with the native chiefs for their safe reception, and to avoid con- fusion on the march- - in short, Mr. Baring was at a loss to find in the words of the Governor- General, any portion in which he showed any disposition on his part to sanc- tion, to give credit to any religious observances, or to treat the trophies in any other light than as records of national success and as proofs of national honour. When Lord Ellenborough had brought these gates to India, what better course could he adopt than to deliver them to the Hindoo princes, to do what seemed to them right ; to recommend their care to the Rajahs through whose territories they should pass; and lastly, to deliver them to the chief of Guzerat, leaving him to deal with them.

Sir ROBERT INGus characterized Mr. Baring's defence as "hopelessly ineffective." He drew attention to the fact that the proclamation destined the gates for "the restored temple of Somnfith "; a phrase, however, for which there might be some colour in the offering which the wife of Holkar made at the temple. But Sir Robert contended, that as the taking away of the gates was effected by a struggle of a purely religious character, so the British Government had violated its neutrality in favour of idolatory. And he read accounts of the temple to show that it had been utterly dismantled and desecrated.

Sir ROBERT PEEL complained that a debate had been precipitated on a motion for documents, that should have been evidence: on which to found a future debate ; the question thus being prejudged. Mr. Smith disclaimed party feelings, but he was a warm opponent of the Govern- ment; Lord Ellenborough had entirely reversed the policy of his pre- decessor; and Mr. Smith might naturally be prejudiced. All, however, 'who knew Lord Ellenborough, must acquit him of any intention to slight the religions feelings of the people of this country : and in proof of it, Sir Robert Peel quoted a letter, in which Lord Ellenborough said, "I enclose for you a copy of a circular letter which I have addressed to all the clergy in India. You see I am not unmindful of the real source of the uninterrupted success which has attended my exertions " ; allud- ing to the request which he had made to them to return thanks to Almighty God for the restoration of the blessings of peace. The Pre- mier laughed at Sir Robert Inglis for turning the advocate of the Mus- sulman ISlahmoud, because he was an idol breaker ; citing authorities in proof of the warlike rather than religious character of the trophies— Gibbon attributed Mahmoud's devastation of Guzerat to his avarice, and the project of discovering the golden and aromatic isles of the Southern Ocean. If his honourable friend had read Mr. Mountatuart Elphinstone's history—a work of the greatest authority and learning—he would find that they were there mentioned, not as an object of religious devotion, but, as he believed Lord Ellenborough intended to refer to them, as a great trophy of war. These gates were also alluded to by Dr. Kennedy in his recent work on the North-west of India : he said that when he was at Ghuznee he could not help recollecting that it was the place where the tomb of Mahnioud was situated; that he had so long resided in Guzerat, where the name of that destroyer was so well recol- lected, that in hearing it it sounded in his ear as a household word. This was the feeling of an Englishman on visiting the tomb of this conqueror. Sir Robert Peel stated his view of Lord Ellenhorough's motives— Ile believed that the feeling that actuated his noble friend the Governor- General was, that as trophies of war, and being recovered in the way in which they bad been, they would prove most acceptable to the people of India. His noble friend never for a moment meant or intended that the matter should be regarded as any manifestation of religious feeling, as it appears to have been in this country. When he spoke of the restored temple, Lord Elleuborough evi- dently was under the impression that the temple which was restored by the 'wife of Holkar was still in existence. He apprehended that all that was in- tended was to hand over these gates to the ruler of Guzerat, that they might be placed in the temple of the place from whence they had formerly been taken as a military trophy. The expression "restored temple" implied that the gates of the former temple should be placed in it ; and it never was contemplated to reconstruct a temple for their reception. He admitted, however, that the attention of Government had been drawn to the subject, and it had been thought necessary to make repre- sentations to India with respect to it. The great question, however, for the consideration of the House, was, whether it was consistent with jus- tice and equity to take one particular act of a public man and make this a ground of censure on his conduct— When the right honourable gentleman brought forward the motion for cen- sure on the conduct of Lord Ellenborough for this proclamation, he would ap- peal to the House on the ground which he had just stated. He would not say that no difficulties were likely to arise from it ; he would not say that no pos- sible danger could result from it ; be would not say that it was a fit and pro- per compliment to pay to the people of Hindostan. He would not take such a course ; but he would say. Do not destroy a public man's character by his conduct in one particular case, but look to his general character, and allow his general conduct and services in five thousand instances to plead against one individual act.

He called upon the House to compare the state of matters on the 9th of February 1842, and the present 9th of February— At the former period, there Was a general feeling of grief and indignation at the news of the greatest disaster that had ever befallen a British army ; which had arisen from the most atrocious treachery, and in which 17,000 men perished. The Governor-General arrived in India at that time; and he found sonic portion of the army dispirited, and a feeling of general despondency pre- vailing at the unhapity events that had taken place. But what was exhibited after the lapse of ten months ? They found the same Governor-General at - the head of an army of 40,000 men, after having effected the evacuation of that country, which had been the scene of such base treachery ; they found that every disaster had been retrieved almost on the spot where they severally had been ex- perienced; they found that their passes, which were so full of the bones of the Se- poys, had been forced by an army which was almost dispirited; and in its place they had now an army full of enthusiasm and fit and ready to meet any troops that could be brought against them. "Then, exhibiting this contrast, 1 will remind you," continued Sir Robert, addressing the Opposition, " of the language you held on this subject at this time last year. I will then ask you whether it is consistent with justice, with decency, or with common sense, that you, whose policy has been reversed, should take this single proclamation, and tell the Governor-General, ' True, you have conquered ; true, you have reesta- blished the British name in Afghanistan ; true, you have created one univer- sal feeling of security throughout Hindostan : but you have issued an unwise, an improvident proclamation ; and the reward of your labours shall be that you shall be disgraced by a vote of condemnation ? ' " (Sir Robert Peel re- sumed his seat amid loud cheering.) Mr. MANGLES having supported the view taken by Mr. Smith, and Mr- HUME having called for evidence as to Lord Ellenborough's general conduct, Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose to prefer more charges— Challenged as he had been by the 'right honourable Baronet, he must say that his objection to the conduct of Lord Ellenborough was not confined to the particular proclamation in 'question. Ile had beard from various quarters, and bad gathered even from the public papers, sufficient to enable him to form an opinion that it would be dangerous to intrust Lord Ellenborough with the sole, undivided command of our immense empire in India. To the military operations and military leaders Lord John awarded praise : Lord Elknborough's share in those operations he would not prejudge. With respect to his conduct in civil matters, it was notorious that towards many men in the civil ser- vice, distinguished by their experience, or distinguished by their long ser- vices in India, the conduct of Lord Ellenborough had been that of disdain and insult. Why was Major Outran removed, only to be replaced in his post ? The proclamation, too, respecting the evacuation of Afghanistan, was studiously dated October 1st, at Simla ; and it conveyed a puerile, foolieh insult to his predecessor. The very first words of the proclamation were a misrepresentation of the motives which induced Lord Anckland to send the army across the Indus. Towards the end of the document was a declaration which was equally absurd and imprudent—namely, that the British empire in India should in future be confined within its natural limits. The natural limits of the British empire in India! why, were not the now called " natural limits" acquired by conquest in the last century ? It eppeared, too, that the Ameers of Scinde were in possession of a certain territory which Lord Ellen- borough thought ought to be added to the Indian empire; and as the Ameers were not disposed to part with it willingly, an army was about to be sent to wrest it from them by force. Now, where was this territory ? was it within the " natural limits" of the British empire in India?

Mr. CHARLES BuLLEa, remarking that Sir Robert Peel would bitterly regret having changed the issue with respect to Lord Ellenborough from the single proclamation to his general acts, moved for documents relating to the Governor-General's financial policy.

Both motions were agreed to.

THE HISTORY OF THE RIGHT OF SEARCH.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord BROUGHAM, in correction of a misstatement by M. Dupin—of whose learning and ability he at the same time spoke in the most friendly terms—explained the real state of the right of search question between the United States and Great Britain in 1823 and 1824. M. Dupla had been "misled to the extent of per- mitting himself to state," in the French Chamber of Deputies, that the Senate of America had refused to touch the question of the right of search, under whatever form it might be presented to their attention— Congress, by an almost unanimous vote, first of the House of Representa- tives and then of the Senate, called upon the President of the United States, who rather differed with them on the subject, and entertained some lingering prejudices with respect to the flag of his native country, to overcome his scruples; and they induced him, in execution of that resolution, to press on the Minister of this country the adoption of the views of America. The pro- position came over, not in the form of a despatch, but of a despatch enclosing a draft of a treaty, a hich had bem previously agreed to by the Senate of the United States; fur in America the Senate, as well as the President, ratifies every treaty. [Lord ASHBURTON—" Two-thirds of the Senate must agree to any treaty."] The proposition laid before the Secretary of State and Mr. Stratford Can- ning was to this effect—" That the cruisers of each party may detain, ex- amine, capture, and deliver over for trial, vessels carrying the flag of either power." "Now," proceeded Lord Brougham, "this was the proposal sent by America, which was adopted by this country, and signed on the 7th March 1824; and this was sent back to America for ratification by the President and Senate. It was signed by Mr. Rush on the part of America, and by Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Canning on the part of this country. It was then ratified, with one alteration : the bounds within which the right was to be exercised were proposed to be Africa, the West Indies, (including the Spanish Main,) and America ; but when this proposal was considered by the President, who had been an old stickler for the independence of the American flag, but whose repugnance was overcome by the unanimous voice of his countrymen, he said, (and I think with some show of reason, advocate though I am of this right,) Why should you have a right to search Baltimore or New York harbour, where nobody pretends the slave-trade was ever carried on, unless you are pre- pared to allow the same right to Americans in the Medway or the Thames ? The principle of this treaty is that of reciprocity, and let us act on it strictly.' The signature and seal of ratification having been then appended to it, the treaty came over to this country ; where it was rejected ; but on what ground? Not peremptorily and finally, but on the specious allegation, "This was your own treaty : you sent us over the convention, which we adopted; and when it goes back, you choose to make an alteration which was never thought of before.' But for that trifling omission, this would have been the binding and authori- tative treaty existing between the two countries from that time to this." But the Americans entered into what Sir William Scott (a strong supporter of the maritime supremacy of this country) called a "universal crusade" in promul- gation of this right Not only did they send their convention here, but to Mr. Everett, (a relative of Mr. Edward Everett.) at the Netherlands, and to their representatives in Russia, Prussia, Austria, and Denmark ; and they even interceded with Columbia. The following was the language held to Mr. Everett. "This pretended commerce bears all the characteristic of piracy— that is, of felony committed on the sea ; and as it has been denounced as a en by the greater part of civilized nations, it ought to fall intothe which tuuf particular elate crimes to which it naturally belongs, and undergo the penalty the law of nations impose upon it. An unanimous declaration of the (Alan_ Powers would inevitably produce an entire cessation of the practice., at public ships of each nation would then be authorized by the law of r was cruise against all persons who might be engaged in it, without regaiPn-,w_ colour of the flag under which they might pretend to he sheltered ; the trade is only treated in each country as an offence against municipal 15.,e it would be lawful for any one nation alone—and this is the foundation of a argument, and the reason why we wish the right of search to be unixt sally conceded—it would be lawful for any one nation alone, by permitk, it, to afford an asylum under its flag to the pirates of all other natices Lord Aberdeen could not have used stronger language. The Americans ct municated with Viscount Chateaubriand, a man of great consistency as weft„ of great genius ; who, though opposed to the slave-trade himself, met their ap- peal with this remonstrance—" Really, it is so very lately we have been at deg- gem drawn with England; it is so very lately that victories have been achieved which we still feel the results of; our territory has been so lately occupied; that there exists a soreness of feeling among our people and our Chambers, and we cannot venture to propose this right of search, as it would be looked on as an additio-.al concession', (the very word now used in France,) and I should very much wish to postpone the matter for the present." "Ii4w you will observe," continued Lord Brougham," how important this declaration is. It utterly re- futes the notion lately set up, that the treaties of 1831 and 1833 were adopted per incurians. It demonstrates, on the contrary, that they were adopted post !item motam. So far were maritime rights and sovereignty of the sea' from being questioned for the first time in 1831 and 1833, that the question said to affect them was agitated several years before; and the right of search was then confirmed, because the jealousies of former years had died away, and the ques- tion was then ripe for such an adjustment." So far, therefore, from having been irreconcilably hostile to the right of search, the Americans had been the patrons, the proposers, the champions, the "crusaders "of the right of search. Lord Brougham moved for the production of the documents, the con- vention, and the despatches to which he had referred ; and which he understood to be in possession of the House.

MISCELLANEOUS.

Lew REFORMS. Lord Corranaem laid on the table of the House of Lords, on Monday, a bill which he had brought forward last year re- lating to imprisonment for debt on execution. All the provisions of this bill were taken from the Report of the Committee of 1841. In reply to Lord CAMPBELL, the LORD CHANCELLOR said, that Government hadinatured three measures,—one for the improvement of the adminis- tration of the law in the Ecclesiastical Courts, (introduced in the House of Commons by Dr. Nicholl, on Thursday); another measure corresponding with that introduced last session for the establishment of Local Courts with respect to claims of a small amount ; and a third connected with the law of Insolvency. Lord DENMAN again brought forward the bill he had introduced last session for amending the law of Evidence, by substituting affirmations for oaths in certain cases. It was read a first time.

CHURCH-RATES. QaeStiCSIS from Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE, OD Tues- day, drew from Sir ROBERT PEEL that he did not contemplate the abo- lition of Church-rates, though he would not preclude himself from legislation on the subject. Curracit-arrEasioN. In reply to MY. HAWES, OR Wednesday, Sir ROBERT PEEL observed, if he were to say that Government did intend to propose a measure upon that subject, it would perhaps be inferred that a very large and extensive measure was in contemplation, and that a large vote of public money was to be proposed. Guarding himself, then, against any misconstruction of that kind, he should say, that he hoped very speedily to be able to call the attention of the House to the sub- ject, with a view to render as available as possible for purposes of church-extension the growing revenue which would be at the disposal of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.

EXTENSION OF THE FRANCHISE. Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD gave notice, that on Thursday 23d February, he should move for leave to bring in a bill to secure a full representation of the people, and to shorten the duration of Parliament.

POOR-LAW. In reply to Mr. WALTER, OR Monday, Sir JAMES -Gassiest said, he would take an early opportunity of introducing a bill for the Amendment of the Poor-law. Mr. WALTER gave notice on Thursday, that he would on Thursday the 23d submit a motion to the House on the subject of the new Poor- law.

PUBLIC MONIES. Mr. WIT 'TAM WILLIAMS moved, OR Thursday, for an account of pensions and other emoluments exceeding in all 1,000L, enjoyed by any person in the last year, distinguishing the amount received by Privy Councillors. A discussion took place on the qcz:tion whether the Privy Councillors should be distinguished. At length Sir ROBERT PEEL promised that the return should be so con- structed as to show every man's receipt of income, including Privy Councillors, who would be distinguished by their title of "Right Ho- nourable." But as no one received a salary because he was a Privy Councillor, there was no more fitness in calling for a classification of Privy Councillors, than of Judges, or General Officers, or any other description of public servants. The return was ordered.

Mr. WILLIAMS then moved for another return, of the proceedings taken to effect the recommendations of the Commissioners of the 8th July 1831, respecting the mode of regulating the public receipts, pay- ments, and accounts. Mr. GOULBURN objected to the difficulty of snaking out such a return ; and the motion, after another discussion, was withdrawn.

DISTRESS IN PAISLEY. Mr. WALLACE moved, on Tuesday, for a Select Committee to inquire into the treatment of the unemployed and destitute inhabitants of Paisley, independently of the parochial poor, between the month of May 1841 and the present time. Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that, considering the long continuance of the destitution and the patience of the sufferers, it would not be proper for the House to refuse the inquiry ; and if the Committee were fairly constituted, he should not withhold his assent.

Consr-Lews. Lord MONTEAGLE has given notice, that in the 23d instant be shall move for a Select Committee of the House of Lords on the operations and effects of the Corn-law of last session.

Sucsa-Duzias. On Monday, Mr. M. Guisoti having asked whether te Government intended to maintain the present prohibitory duty 1‘ foreign sugar, Sir ROBERT PEEL declined to answer the question, aPP—might be asked similar questions as to every other article gove- in winch a treaty existed. to UDICAL CHARITIES IN' IRELAND. Mr. FRENCH moved, OD Tuesday, 'Cheave to bring in a bill for the better regulation and extension of imdical charities in Ireland. The medical profession, he said, were fast anxious for the alteration of a system under which remuneration the medical officer depended, not upon the nature of professional vices, but upon the number of subscribers which he might succeed abtaining to this or that institution. Mr. French detailed several Vises. For instance, in 209 towns in Ireland, each containing a popu- lion of 1,000 to 17,000, there was not a single fever-hospital. At lestcove, in the county of Kerry, the medical officer lived at a distance of twelve miles from his dispensary ; and in other places he was

distant from his dispensary so many as fifty miles. Among other provisions of the bill, were the institution of a central governing board, and the appointment of medical inspectors. Lord Eiamr did not oppose the introduction of the measure, though he gave little hope of its ultimate success ; and leave was given to bring in the bill.

FOREIGN TREATIES. In reply to some questions from Lord PALMER- STON and Mr. LiBOUCHERE, on Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL said that the existing treaty with Brazil would continue in force till November 1844; that if the attempt to negotiate a new treaty should prove suc- cessful, it would of course take effect from the expiration of the present treaty, though it might be arranged so as to take effect from an earlier period. With respect to the Stade-duties, nothing definite had been determined. New proposals for a commercial treaty had within a few days been received from the Portuguese Government ; but Government would soon feel it necessary to break off the negotiations unless they could be brought to an issue. Negotiations had been renewed for a com- mercial treaty with France, and there was reason to hope for a benefi- cial arrangement. THE BOUNDARY QUESTION. On Monday, Mr. HUME asked, whether the Minister intended to produce copies of the correspondence between Lord Ashburton and Mr. Webster respecting the Boundary question. Sir ROBERT PEEL answered in the negative. Sir CHA.RLES NAPIER said, that public attention had been drawn to a map with a strong red line bearing on the question of the American Boundary. Had Minis- ters received any information respecting it? Sir ROBERT PEEL said, no ; but he had received another map showing a different line. Viscount PALMERSTON gave notice on Tuesday, that on the 21st in- stant he would move for the production of correspondence relative to the treaty of Washington. AFFGHAN WAR. In answer to Mr. ROEBUCK and Lord JOHN Rua- SELL, on Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that the vote of thanks which he intended to move was to be confined to the military operations of the troops, and not to extend to the policy of the Afghan war. OPIUM COMPENSATION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL has given notice of a motion relative to the payment of compensation to certain merchants of Bombay for the loss they had sustained by the confiscation of their opium in China.