THE MAGAZINES,

IN the Nineteenth Century prominence is given to War Finance. Mr. Jennings advocates a Currency Loan with a view to securing

the employee's contribution to the Loan on a generous scale. To reconcile two seemingly irreconcilable propositions—to enable the employee both to eat his pudding and have it—he would pay him the whole or part of his due in War Loan vouchers, making them legal tender currency in the same way as the Treasury notes are now :—

"Every recipient of these vouchers would be able to go to his butcher and his baker and buy goods with them as easily as with sovereigns. His household budget of ways and means would not be affected to the extent of the smallest fraction. The Se. vouchers would do for him exactly what the and 103. currency notes do now, with this advantage, that their denomination being smaller there would be less difficulty about getting change. All that is necessary is to make Mr. MoKenna's appeal (for payment of salaries to be made in paper) compulsory instead of recommendatory, and to supplement the Currency notes, or substitute for them, new War Loan vouchers with Parliamentary authority making them legal tender."

Mr. Jennings calculates that the possible income of the employees of the United Kingdom is nearly £1,000,000,000, and if these figures are anywhere right, the Chancellor of the Exchequer could, by the plan outlined, get 2300,000,000, or £500,000,000, or £1,000,000,000, according to the proportion of wages paid by war vouchers, from this employee class alone.—Mr. Ellis Barker in his survey of "Britain's War Finance and Economics Future" does not mince his words in criticizing our lavish and wasteful expenditure, but finds salvation in the incentives to industry and inventiveness which the vastly increased demands

of the tax-collector will provide. We must, he urges, Americanize our industry and speed up the productivity of labour to the American level, which is, man for man, three times our own. To enable us to achieve this end, however, the Trade Unions

must abandon their policy of restricting output and their hostility to improvements in organization and machinery, and the Government must, without delay, encourage economy among the masses, partly by taxing worthless amusements and partly by organizing thrift among the workers.—Under the heading The Role of the Squaw" Mr. Charles Johnston, an American citizen, endorses Sir Oliver Lodge's stinging indictment of the ignoble neutrality of the States. Indeed, he even goes beyond it in his denunciation of the cowardice and spiritual degeneracy of his compatriots. Mr. Johnston approved of Mr. Wilson's nomination for the Presidency, and voted for him, but he has no hesitation in saying-

" that President Wilson has led the American nation into the path of dishonour ; that he has, owing to the bent of his own mind and to the enormous opportunity for personal action allowed him by the American Constitution, ranged the land of Washington and of Lincoln on the side of Pilate—to accept Sir Oliver Lodge's com- parison. I am convinced that, as a State, America's action hal been Mean and shameful, notwithstanding the supposed ' eon- oessions,' hypocritically yielded by the German Government through Count Bernstorff. And I am convinced that this present dishonour

—and especially our bland' acquiescence, as Sir Oliver Lodge calls It, in the abominable violation of Belgium—has rendered this nation, as a nation, permanently unfit to lead in the moral life of humanity ; an honour which, if we ever possessed it, is now in worthier hands than ours."

Mr. Johnston frankly admits that the American people does not desire war with Germany, and that in this President Wilson does faithfully represent the feeling and the will of a great part of the nation. But this is the really grave indictment of American opinion, that it prefers security to honour:—

" It is true that we succour the wounded and help the suffering. It is true that we provide supplies and munitions of war. But in the last analysis, this 3£1 what women are doing in France and England, not what is being done by men. Our feminism, our love of comfort, our gospel of stalled cattle, have brought us to that. In the greatest fight for liberty the world has ever seen, the world's greatest Republic, the vast nation founded on declarations of liberty, is playing the part, not of the warrior, but of the squaw. Perhaps, in the long run, this will be best for us. On the one hand, what could we do, in an effective way, to aid the Allies, if we did go to war ? With our negligible army, our out-of-date equipment, little enough in all conscience. Not much more than we are doing already, perhaps, by our supplies Possibly a diversion of these might ditninish, not augment, our effectiveness as helpers in the War. And when the victory of the Allies comes, as surely good is more potent than evil, we might plume ourselves unduly on the prowess of others, on the sacrifices of others. The Spanish War made us vain enough. Humiliation—for so we shall one day see our attitude of Cain to be—will be safer for us. And is there not cause of humiliation enough, bitter, gelling, salutary humiliation in this : that, in this great War for the liberation of humanity from brutal tyranny, and not less from fraud and lying, in this vast struggle for the spiritual principles that exalt mankind towards the angels, in this conflict of principalities and powers, that will set its seal on all future history, determining the fate of humanity for ages to come, we shall have to face the fact that not only little Belgium and little Serbia played a far more heroic role than ours, but that the Goorlduta of the theta- layan valleys, the negroes of Senegal, the Mantis, the Siberian nomads shed their blood for mankind, while we, the great American nation, the spiritual heirs of Washington and Lincoln, stayed at home among the squaws ? "

—Mr. Francis Gribble in his interesting paper on "Germany from an Internment Camp" traces the gradual growth of mis- giving as to the final issue in the mind of the average German civilian. He may not realize yet that he is going to lose, but he has certainly no confidence that he is going to win. "At the best he looks forward to what he calls' an honourable peace,' meaning thereby a stalemate and a draw."—Mr. J. A. R. Marriott discusses "The Problem of the Adriatic : Italy, Austria, and the Southern Slays," with special reference to the case put forward for Italy by Signor Gayda and for the Jugo-Slavs by Dr. Seton-Watson, and outlines the basis of a modus vivendi which should satisfy their conflicting claims.—Mr. W. F. Bailey gives a picturesque account of Belgrade before the war, and Mr. Hilton Young, M.P., enlarges on the valour and endur- ance of the Serbian soldier in action.—We may also notice an excellent paper on "The Morale of the French Soldier" by General Berthaut.

Dr. Dillon's article in the new Contemporary on "Greece and the Allies" resolves itself into an ironical eulogy of the considerate, blameless, and confiding statesmanship of the Entente and a bitter study of the career and psychology of King Constantine. As against the plea that "the heart of the Greek or the Bulgarian people is in the right place, and that it is only their rulers who have gone astray," Dr. Dillon replies that one cannot make any such distinction between leader and led. The case in Italy last May was in many respects on all fours with that of Greece, Roumania, and Bulgaria, but there the whole nation rose up angrily, imposed its will on the Legislature, and overthrew Giolittism, with the result that "the frightened law- givers either slunk away or abjured their heresies penitently. A like turn might have been given to the crises that preceded the decisions of the Balkan States had there been any real disagree- ment between the rulers and their peoples, but there was none." Dr. Dillon frankly excepts M. Venezelos from his censure, and gives him credit for having done all in his power to regenerate Greece and guide her in the right paths. He traces the King's ascend- ancy to the wholly unwarranted belief in his military prowess engendered by the Balkan War ; to the sudden growth of the legend that he is "the greatest living strategist," and his consequent hold on the Army ; above all, to the fact that Greece is an autocracy and her people deaf to the voice of duty and honour. "The one steady element in the King's character— one which may be said to amount to a mania—is fiery enthusiasm for German militarism." As for the Ministerial smut-awes of benevolent neutrality, it is well to weigh against them the circumstance that "Greece is represented not by Ministers or

Cabinets, but only by the King, and that the woof and warp of his mind are worship of the Moloch of War and obedience to his prophet, Wilhelm." Some of the points in the indictment are palpable hits, but others are at least plausibly answered in the King's message in Tuesday's Time-s. Fear is, at any rate, as effective an explanation of his policy as imitative admiration.— Mr. Lindsay Rogers, an American and staunch supporter of the Allies, anticipates that, in spite of Secretary Lansing's' dear and unhesitating answer to the Austrian protest, reiterating the arguments used in previous letters and statements, a vigorous fight will be made in Congress to lay an embargo on the export of war munitions, but finds a balance of arguments against it— economic and moral "Those who desire an embargo do not come with clean hands. . . . But in the last analysis the question will be finally answered by our sympathies. . . . Above all considerations of loyalty, above, in fact, our own interests, for they are not vitally affected, the United States is willing to take sides in the controversy, and it is unwilling, through an embargo, to assist Germany to a successful outcome of her conspiracy against the peace of the world."—Professor Simpson analyses the answers received from six hundred corre- spondents in different districts of the Government of Kostroina with regard to the results of vodka prohibition, recently pub- lished by the Statistical Bureau of the 'Grundy° of that Govern- ment. The net effect, as his quotations abundantly prove, is a very interesting human document. The 'subject was recently dealt with in our leading columns ; we may content ourselves hero with noting that the majority of correspondents are agreed in principle as to the possibility and desirability of permanent prohibition.—Amongst other articles of interest, we may mention Miss Adler's informing paper on "Women's Industry during and after the War," and Professor Gregory's striking article on "The Geological Factors Affecting the Strategy of the War." To take only one instance, Germany has the practical monopoly of the potash supply of the world, and the maintenance of that monopoly depends on the continuance of the present Franco-German frontier.

In the National Review the editor returns to his congenia task of attacking the vagaries of Downing Street, or "Downing Strasse " as he now terms it, and the iniquities of lawyer-poli. ticians. The tone of the number is best expressed in the opening sentence of the editorial article beaded" The Haldane Scandal " "With all the virility of the nation at the Front and senile vanity in control at the Back, politically we are in a parlous plight."—A propos of President Wilson's recent Proclamation referring to Thanksgiving Day, Mr. Maurice Low in "American Affairs "quotes the comments of Mr. James Beek,the well-known lawyer, in the New York Times :—

" I venture to say in all reverence that the Cod of nations will be better pleased on the coming Thanksgiving Day—which also should be one of penitence and humiliation-4f we do a little more in fact as well as in words to safeguard the rights of humanity. Our initial blunder was in turning away the Belgian Commissioners, when they first presented the wrongs of their crucified nation, with icy phrases as to a mysterious day of reckoning in the indefinite future. An act of justice now will be worth a thousand future ' accountings ' after the long agony of the world is over. Now is the accepted time, now is the day of salvation.' Let our nation begin with the case of Edith Cavell, read demand of Germany the dismissal of the officers who flouted, deceived, and mocked the representative of' the United Stales. That concerns our honour as a nation."

Mr. Low's own comments on the President's attitude are far more severe than anything he has yet written. After observing that Mr. Beck's hopes will not be gratified, he adds that, while the President's position is correct, a majority of Americans "frequently wish he would at times be less technical and more vigorous in assorting the 'rights of mankind.' . . . The dead of the Lusitania ' are still unavenged," but "it is evident that nothing will be done to cause Germany the slightest incon- venience." Meanwhile England is paying for American pros sperity. As a distinguished American recently said to Mr. Low :— "While England and France are fighting our battle, fighting for liberty and democracy against absolutism, fighting to protect the world against the hideous menace of Germany, we arc sucking your blood ; we are battening off your misfortune. . . . While men are suffering and dying we are oounting our gains It is un- avoidable, I suppose, yet I wish some country other than the United States could make these profits ; I should like tg see the United States touched by the war, knowing some of the misery that England and France have borne so courageously. It might not be good for us materially, there might be fewer motor-oars and not so many diamonds sold, but what a splendid thing it would be for us spiritu- ally I We have lost our sense of values and we no longer have ideal's." Mr. Masefield's dramatic poem "Good Friday" in the Fortnightly raises the question how far it is possible to amplify the narrative of the Gospel without producing the end of mere dilution. The verse, which is rhymed, is restrained and digni- fied, and there is no exaggeration or undue emphasis of any

kind. The action of the poem all takes place at the " pave- ment " outside the Roman citadel in Jerusalem. We rise from reading this poem, which is full of reverent feeling, with the thought that perhaps Bach's Passion Music is the only possible artistic amplification of the theme, because it does not aim at reconstruction, but at providing a beautiful and appropriate frame.—Mr. Archibald Hurd in his reflections on "A Visit to the Grand Fleet" states his conviction that our incomparable

weapon has not been used to the full advantage. His view is that a fleet is not at its highest power when fighting a short-

range campaign. When it is at its maximum of strength it is delivering unexpected blows in remote quarters, the Falkland Islands battle being an instance of this. When we had once obtained command of the sea, it was possible for us to launch blows with secrecy which fell at the utmost parts of the earth. Where the now blows should fall Mr. Hurd of course refrains from discussing. His final sentence is this : "History shows that there is no war so costly and tedious as that pursued at short range and with frontal attacks. We possess a weapon with which we can, if we will, hit our enemies unawares, and bring them to the dust."--Writing of Roumania, " Politicus " traces the difficulties of the present situation to the influence of Bismarck, who was anxious that a strong State which might embarrass Austria should not grow up. He therefore got Russia to take Bessarabia, hoping thereby to disgust the Roumanians with their neighbour for ever. But this policy has to a certain extent boon counterbalanced by the way in which the Roumanians in Transylvania have been treated by the Magyars.

" Politicus " estimates the possibilities of a united Roumanian people, and places the population at thirteen millions. It is

this which makes the Hungarians determined to leave no stone unturned to prevent the forming of so large a State in the mountains

overlooking their plain, where they have only nine millions of Magyars. Curiously enough, Roumania stands in the same way towards Austria as do Belgi )ni and Holland to Germany. It is rich in minerals, extremely fruitful, and holds the mouths of the great rivers. Constanza, Galatz, and Braila may become the Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Antwerp of South-Eastern Europe. When Roumania has all the lands her people can legitimately lay claim to, "the Motherland will have room for thirty million inhabitant!. When the vast Roumanian resources are adequately exploited, Roumania may become one of the

great nations of Europe." What part is this country going to play now ? Caution has been the characteristic of her diplo- macy. Roumania cannot be reached by any of the Allies except Russia, and if her stock of munitions is exhausted how is she to be supplied ? Russia herself MA short in the past. Perhaps the Allies' diplomacy was at fault, when the Russians were crossing the Carpathians. Probably the statesmen of Bucharest are waiting for the most favourable opportunity :— " In the interest of Roumania it is to be hoped that she will have taken the great step which would determine her future before it is too late, R0111.113.11itell future would be compromised, perhaps irretrievably, should she be told at the critical moment : You have waited too long. We need you no longer. You have remained neutral so far. Now your help is not wanted.' Our military arrange- ments are complete, and so are our political ones.' "

Blackwood contains an interesting and detailed account of the part played by H.M.S. 'Cumberland' in the taking of Duala, and its wireless station in the Cameroons in September, 1914. It in impossible here to record the intricate preparations

and incidents, which show a knowledge, a forethought, and an efficiency which we are so apt to deny to ourselves. Nothing

seems to have been forgotten. The town of Duala was out of reach of the cruiser's guns, sixteen miles up a river. This river was protected by sunken ships and mines and by considerable land forces. Nevertheless, by a systematic organization of' all the available forces a complete victory was attained. The barrier was blown up by divers, and in the creeks the German tinned boats were searched out and destroyed by our light steamers armed for the purpose. The booty captured

amounted to 0,000,000. Characteristically, the Germans had so maltreated the natives that they were only too willing to help us, and a local King was most useful as a guide to the creeks and swamps. Also, in all the miscellaneous and improvised sea and river fighting the Germans were no match for us.—

We are perhaps inclined to regard the despatch rider as one who rides over perilous roads at break-neck speed to deliver important documents, a target for bullets which he cannot return. The following passage from the "Tales of a Gaspipe Officer" (military cyclists, it seems, are known as " Gaspipe Cavalry ") will correct the impression :—

" It was a famous Company. Before Mons it had pedalled in triumphantly from a successful little affair of outposts. It had waited for the Germans when some of the squadrons of a famous regiment had ridden through it in despair. Every day and every night of the Great Retreat it had kept unwinking guard on the rear of the Division. The men of the Company had never tired and had never been driven in. Then the Division advanced with the cyclists merrily ahead of it. On the Marne they had rounded up 150 German Guardsmen, and brought in eighty, although shelled by their own guns—they were then not sixty strong. On the Aisne they were out patrolling a sensitive sector of the line, and, near La Bassee, held as a mobile reserve, they were twice thrown against the Gorman attack, and they stayed the attack. The Division went north. Every man was hurled into the firing lino for the defence of Ypres. The cyclists were put into the trenches at Hooge. . . . It was a famous Company."

Here is the writer's comparison of London and Paris.: "In Paris the fact and thought of war have become an actual part of life. It definitely flavours everything. London is at war— Paris is in the war."

The most important article in the United Service Magazine for December is "The Capture of Tsing-Tao," from Japanese sources. Very curious and interesting is the account of the stately ceremonies which, after the raising of the white flag, marked the handing over of the fortress by the Germans to the Japanese conquerors:—

" There was no plundering, no rapes, and no cruel and immoral actions. It was quite natural that the Germans in Tsing.tao, upon seeing how well the Japanese conducted themselves, could not but be dumb with astonishment. . . . May the enemy learn a lesson from the Japanese is the hearty wish of all who live in the Orient."

We can imagine the pleasure it must have given our Japanese authors to point out that they did not make a Louvain of Tsing-tao.