HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY'S SECRETARY OF STATE IN LONDON.
Preicars it was not necessary, though it may have been eonveni- entsto communicate officially to Parliament the setting up of " the Empire " in France. But in making such a communication, as everybody knows, it is desirable to limit Was much as possible to the bare fact, without deviating into criticism or inference. The humblest officials would know haw to perform that rigidly formal duty.
It has been the policy of this country to recognize Governments established de facto, and the Government:now set up for the time in France comes within that rule. We do not, however, imagine that there is any man qualified for the post of Minister who would be disposed to make himself responsible for the conduct of the Government in France; and if Mr. Disraeli or Mr.. Walpole were asked to be so responsible, we have no-doubt that he would shrink from it as instinctively as Lord John Russell or Sir James Graham.
With much surprise, therefore, the public has received Lord Malmesbury's speech iit announcing " the Empire," not a simple announcement, but a speech of exposition, commentary, and assur- ance. Lord Cam:ling-asked him in what form the-communication of the fact had been made,--whether in the shape of a despatch from the English Ambassador in Paris or a note from the French Minister in this.cotmtry ? lord-Malmesbury slid not seem able to eer this plain question; perhaps 'bemuse le had taken alarm at Lord Canning's deprecation of comment : but at all events he could only say that the communications were " perfeetly official, and satisfactory to her Majesty's Government" • for " they could not be more satisfactory than when made by tin: FrenclArabassa- dor verbally in London, and repeated by the Emperor himself in his speeoh to the Chambers." From this reply we are led to con- dude that the authority for Lord Malmesbury's statement rests upon a conversation, and upon what he has read in the newspapers.
Lord. Malmesbury assures Parliament that " the Prince-Presi- dent" has adopted the title of " Napoleon III " without any in- tention of donning hereditary right from the first Emperor. If Lord Malmesbury's assurance of this fact is based upon the speech in whieh.Louis Napoleon simply says that he recognizes past Go- vernments, and dates his awn reign. as Emperor from 1852, our Foreign Minister must have deceived himself ; because in that same speech. Louis Napoleon expressly declares that he derives his title from the first and second Napoleon. Lord Malmesbury him- self insists.that there were two sovereigns of that name, and that they reigned "according to French law." In this passage he seems desirous to place himself in opposition to the Times and other English writers, who have impeached the historical fact as to the lawful proclamation of "Napoleon II," otherwise the Duke of Reichstadt. It is true that Lord Malmesbury has on his side the speech which is so satisfactory to him, the Moniteur which Napoleon edited in 1815, the Pays which Napoleon III now edits, and M. A. de la Gueronniere. He may also count amongst his authorities the vote of 8,000,000, upon which our Fo- reign Minister dilates with a confidence and an eloquent unction quite peculiar to himself. He explains to as why it is that the French people had not chosen the .same chief earlier. It was be- cause Paris alone was consulted—Paris alone " determined the fate of Charles X. and Louis Philippe " ; Paris -established the Ilepublie in 1848 ; but when " the whole body, the mass of the French people, were consulted as to the form of government," then "the magic of the name " exercised its sway, and Louis Napoleon was chosen by " almost, the entire adult male population ofFrance." Thus Lord Malmesbury vouches for the authenticity of that vote, and of the two previous votes; as by implication he applauds the mid- night surprise and subjugation of Paris. He ascribes the removal of diffienities to the "good sense" of the Emperor; he boasts of the " cordial and frank relations" subsisting between. France and England,—her Majesty's Government " cordially accepting and recognizing this new constitution selected by the French people for their government." In this wholesale and vehement advocacy, we have an innova- tion on the practice of announcements respecting foreign affairs. We say nothing as to the extremely recentrusurpationwhiel is the subject of it, though this consideration does aggravate the inde- corum. of the _manner. But a practical question soggests itself. From the arguments which he advances, and still •more from the tone of his advocacy,* it would seem that Lord Malmesbury is a hot Bonapartist, and partisan of universal suffrage in the highest of all political acts ; and it is desirable for • the publie to know in what relation he has plated us with other parties abroad. How do we stand, for example, with the upholders of legitimate government generally Are we to be understoodsas taking part in. the esta- blishment of this non-legitimate Empire ? The question is the more reasonable since Lord Malmeshury alludes to the past as proving the cordial relations between French.and English Govern- ments. We are not to suppose, indeed, that Lord. Derby's Ministry has been or is become Bonapartist and Democratic ; but what rela- tion, then, has Lord Malmesbury to the rest of the Ministry? Do they dictate the policy, or does he ? Lord Malmesbury has notoriously entertained opinions favourable to the recent and successful conspiracy in France; for when he entered office, Louis Napoleon's creatures. congratulated France on having an affection- ate correspondent of their: chief in the English Cabinet. Now itmay be asked, how a person entertaining these opinions, and so little versed in the usages of English officiallife, came into Lord Derby's Cabinet? It could hardly be.by the voluntary choice of a Conser- vative statesman. What arts, then, were practised.? Is it possible that the admission of Lord Malmesbury to the English Cabinet has been one of the concessions extorted by the formidable audacity of Louis Napoleon? Has the new Emperor, late "Prince President," appointed a Secretary for ForeignAffairs at the Court of St. James's?
* A.full-length version of Lord hialmesbury's-extraordinany speech will be found at page 1177; copied verbatim from the report in the Times.
Previous page
