Debaus anir lproutbings In Varliament

RAILWAY LEGISLATION.

At the second reading of the Sheffield, _Buxton, Leek, Potteries, and Crewe Railway Bill, in the House of Commons, on Monday, Mr. Wasp mentioned that he was intrusted with a petition from some of the share- holders, setting forth, that in the present state of the money-market it was not likely that the calls would be paid, and praying that the bill might not be proceeded with. Viscount SANDON thought the presentation of that petition afforded a favourable opportunity for asking the Government what course tliey would recommend as to the manner in which railway bills should be treated, with the view of postponing the passing of any considerable number ot them this session?

The present condition of the money-market is very different from what it was when those companies were started. There is now a great desire on the part of many of the shareholders to abandon their schemes: but notwithstanding that desire, it is a question whether by the roles of the,iiouse they are at liberty to do so. The necessity for the immediate interference of the House is shown by the stagnation which exists in the channels of trade, from the deposits being locked up, and from the apprehension also that many of the bills may, pass, and conse- quent liability to pay up the calls. In fact, the prospect of a bill passing through the House is no -longer deemed an advantage, but the reverse. Lord Sandon quoted from the circulars of Messrs. Collman and Stolterfoht, and of Messrs. Trueman and Cooke, to show the extent of the embarrassment in mercantile affairs arising from railway. speculation. As a means of preventing the evil of bills being passed in opposition to the wishes of the great body of shareholders, he thought an assurance might be given, that if a petition should be presented, pro- perly supported by shareholders praying that any undertaking should not be carried further, the House would listen to such a prayer and reject the project.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said, he had witnessed the extent of the railway spe- culation of last winter and the preceding autumn with great regret: it was one of those speculative fits from which this country had in many instances suffered so severely— One would have thought that the failure of former speculations would have taught a useful lesson; but he now almost despaired that experience would pre- vent the periodical return of such speculative fevers. "Now, so far as indivi- duals are concerned, I confess that I have no great pity for these railway specu- lators. With all proper sympathy for the innocent parties involved in their saf ferings—and the families of these speculators are innocent parties—as far as they individually are concerned, I should deprecate any interference, if relief to them was the sole object in view." Interference, however, was called for by a regard to public interests. There had been a great chLge in circumstances since the schemes were originally proposed. The competition is greater than was anticipated; the prospect of profit is less. The difficulty of raising monçy has much increased: it could then be obtained at 2i per cent; it can now scarcely be obtained at 5 per cent. All these circumstances have necessarily caused a diminished appetite for speculation.

Looking at the nature of railway enterprise and the powers which it asked

from Parliament, he thought that either House had a right to interfere and check undue speculation. Still, a feeling against interference prevailed; and it was ex- hibited by the Committee to whom the subject of railways had been referred at the commencement of the session. He was not surprised that the Committee should come to a decision adverse to direct interference; but now the question did arise, whether, without applying: any invidious rule of selection, the House should not afford means to the individual speculators themselves to check and limit the amount of capital which should be embarked in their schemes. It was the opinion of the shareholders of many of the schemes that the works could not be completed with the prospect of yielding a profit; and therefore they were anxious to dissolve the concerns. He did not think it was desirable that Parlia- ment should sanction any scheme likely to involve loss: but what was the best test to take of the probable profitableness of a company 2—Certainly the opinion of the subscribers themselves.

Sir Robert submitted a sketch of the provisions of a bill, which he thought

should be introduced with as little delay as possible, to enable shareholders to cm.. solve their companies; giving the following instances as showing the necessity for such a measure. "I know the case of a Scotch railway, the shareholders of which, so far from contemplating the prospe-t of success with joy, were alarmed at mak- ing out their case: they held a meeting of the subscribers, nd a resolution was agreed to that the company should be dissolved. But that is not the strongest case. I know another case in which the subscribers paid 100,0001.; of this 10,0001. was expended in the preliminary proceedings • so there is 90,0001. left invested in Exchequer Bills: the directors convinced that the scheme will not answer, wish to dissolve the company; and., 'under these circumstances, the engineer failed in his plans, and the bill was rejected. But the 90,0001. still remains: the directors want to disolve the company; but a few of the shareholders will not consent; and

as matters stand, there is no power to control the minority however insignificant it may be." What Sir Robert proposed was, that where persons holding more than half the amount of stock represent to Parliament that they are not desirous of pc- ceeding with their schemes, the Legislature should decline to pass the bills. With the view of protecting the interests of creditors, he proposed that the original par- ties to the engagement should continue responsible for debts actually incurred. Ile thought also it might be desirable to have some officer, such as an official assignee or trustee, to take possession of the property and appropriate it to those who have claims. Considering, however, the state of public business in the House of Com- mons, Sir Robert hoped his noble friend [meaning Lord Dalhousie] in the other House would undertake the bill.

The proposal met with the unanimous approval of those Members who took part in the discussion; though some suggestions were made with the View of rendering the measure more efficient. Mr. Lai:towns= thought that Sir Robert Peel might have gone further, and

E°:that the House should say to the shareholders, "We will not pass these neicliess you tell us you are desirous they should pass." Mr. WARD thought that this distinction was immaterial: the great object was to afford a way of re- heat for railway speculators. Allusion had been made to railway directors; but

as to that unhappy class, he did not think that one of them would be alive three years hence ! Mr. W. PA'TTEN suggested, that SS great expense was incurred in the Committees, it would be well that petitions presented by shareholders before the passing of the proposed bill should be referred at once to the Committee in charge of the project. Mr. P.M. &Tavares suggested, that it should be com- pulsory upon the scripholders to meet and express their opinion at a certain stage of their bill, say before the third reading, whether it would be desirable to

any further proceedings upon it. Mr. Cuanixs BULLER considered that the most advisable course would be for Parliament to adopt a resolution declaring to the public what coarse they intended to pursue.

In reply to questions, Sir ROBERT PEEL stated that it was not the original shareholders, but the present shareholders, whose wishes should be consulted.

On Tuesday, the Earl of DALHOUSIE directed the attention of the Lords to the same subject; going more minutely into the facts than Sir Robert Peel, and sketching more definitively the provisions of the proposed bill—

In the previous session, 248 railway bills were introduced into Parliament; a number looked upon as utterly unprecedented, and Members thanked their stars that such a number of bills was not likely to occur again. "Speculation, how- ever, had waxed more hot and fiery every day: it pervaded every class, high and low, rich and poor, young and old; and I am sorry to be obliged to say that it ex- erted its influence upon one sex as much as upon another." The result was, that before the 81st of last December upwards of 1,400 schemes had been provisionally registered. On the 30th November, upwards of 800 plans had been deposited with the Board of Trade. By the 81st December, nearly 700 of that number were deposited in the Private Bill Office; thus showing that no great diminution had taken place up to that date.

The attention of Government was early attracted to the probable evils to arise from such excessive speculation-' but they did not deem it advisable, in the ab- sence of distinct knowledge as to the actual number of schemes which were to be pushed forward, to make any distinct proposal. Then came the appointment of a Committee by each House to consider the general question. The evils spring- ing from excessive railway speculation had become obvious. Every description of trade had been injured; the prices of materials of all kinds likely to be used in such works had been and wool:rat:ill be more enhanced; and the cost of labour bad also greatly increased. To an advance in wages he should be the last man to object, if it was likely to be permanent; but as the increase under existing cir- cumstances could only be temporary, he thought the augmentation would tend more to the injury than to the substantial good of the working classes. Great scarcity of money was another consequence; and this is operating most unfavonr- ably on the legitimate trade of the country. Railway companies themselves suffer from the same cause. Old established companies could not add to their works, from the difficulty of raising money; and still greater inconvenience was felt by those companies who had only recently obtained their bills. Matters are still worse in Ireland. Representations had been made to Government by two of the best and most promising lines—the Waterford and Limerick, and another in- tended to connect the towns of Newry and Enniskillen—setting forth that the works are at a stand-still. In the latter case, so great has been the deterioration in the value of shares, that many of the shareholders have got rid of them at 2s. 6d per share. Government had been anxious that the Irish railway bills now before their Lordships should be passed as speedily as possible, in order that em- ployment might be given to the people; but that and other useful objects were Itiely to be defeated by the evils .Lord Dalhousie was pointing out.

He contrasted the present aspect of matters, in which the prospect of a railway hill passing into a law is regarded as a misfortune, with the time when expresses and carrier-pigeons were employed to communicate every advance which a bill was making to all parts of the country, in order that profit might be made of the chance of its passing into a law. He next adverted to the anxiety which had been displayed by the shareholders of many of the schemes now before Parliament to dissolve the companies, and to the 'difficulties which existed in the way of their doing so. As the law stands, any single shareholder, if he has a mind, can prevent all the others from winding up a concern. In fact, although the concern were wound up, every debt paid, and the balance of deposits repaid to the shareholders, it would be in the power of a single member, who had withheld his consent, to require all the parties to re- those funds in the original state. Such a state of the law being not only

politic but most unjust, Government had resolved to introduce a bill after Eas tar with the view of making some alteration. It could not be introduced now, as acme time would be required in its preparation by the highest legal ability. "We propose, by a machinery to be prowled that means shall be given to those who are the actual shareholders of stock in railway companies, to call a meeting of the proprietors and determine whether the affairs of the company shall be wound up or not: that the meeting shall decide by a majority—the proportion of numbers probably being the number of shares possessed—whether the company shall be wound up or not: if the proposition to dissolve shall be negatived, the bill, of course, is to be proceeded with; if the determination shall be to wind up, then a certain machinery will be applied; an official assignee, as it may be called, will act as trustee of the funds of that company to satisfy all the demands of the creditors On that fund; and, after every creditor shall be satisfied, the remaining sum will be divided among those who are entitled to a share of the deposits. If there should be a deficit, which is not likely to occur, but is a possible event, it is not proposed that there shall be any exemption to the parties now by law liable for the payment of all the expenses that may be incurred." With regard to a/1 the bills in progress, he should propose that after Easter the House pass a resolution declaring that where a majority of shareholders shall present a petition praying Parliament to suspend the progress of their undertaking till such time as the measure giving facilities for the winding up of railway affairs has been adopted, then the progress of such undertaking shall be stayed. He was anxious that the intentions of Government should be indicated previous to the Easter recess, prin- cipally in order that time should be saved, and likewise that the. parties affected by the bill might_be enabled to consider the matter, that they might not be sur- prised, and that they might have the full opportunity of taking whatever prepa- ratory step they might think proper.

Lord MONTEAGLE expressed satisfaction that an effort was to be made

to correct an obvious evil; but he apprehended, that the measure as just sketched would prove imperfect— Lord Dalhouaie had alluded to the gambling mania in those railroad shares: but he would say, that so long as they allowed money to be raised for railway ..;r.u. in shares of a very small amount—(" Hear, hear 1" from the Duke q( ellington)—so long would such a mania again and again 'swan Money ought not to be raised on shares' of less value than 501. or 1001.: but they were, in fact, permitted to go down to 101., and to measure the deposits not, by pounds bat by shillings. That had been the groundwork of all gambling and speculation in these undertakings: and no one could deny that the tendency of such a spirit was to the destruction of public morals. (" Hear, hear/ " from the Duke cfid of Wellington.) They could not encourage too much honk investment of capital in railways; but neither could they restrain too mu that " little go" speculation—for such it was—of which he had spoken, and which enticed into its vortex the humblest classes of the community. It was unquestionably in their power to guard against the evil, and to convert such a speculation into a means of producing both public and private benefit. Lord Monteagle complained that Ministers had not introduced a corrective measure earlier: it might have tended to prevent or mitigate many of the evils which now existed. He com- plained also that the measure was not presented in a shape which admitted of its being fully and minutely considered. Had it been introduced, printed, and cir- culated, the very circulation of it would have facilitated its passing hereafter. He thought that the application for the dissolution of companies ought to be limited to those schemes which, up to the time of making the statement, had been engaged in obtaining such a dissolution. If this limitation were not made, where there were two rival-and competing schemes, one would endeavour, by purchasing shares, to obtain a certain interest in the proprietary of the other, in order to throw its affairs into confusion.

Lord Witeasoussz suggested the propriety of inserting a clause in all railway bills rendering them subject to any regulations which Parliament might hereafter adopt.

Lord DALHOUSIE said, the suggestion would be acted upon. He de- fended the Government from the charge of unnecessary delay. He should move, after the recess, a resolution :similar to that of the House of Com- mons, postponing the further progress of railway bills till the 27th of April.

On the same day, the two following resolutions were moved in the Com- mons by Lord GRANVILLE SOMERSET' and agreed to-

" That all proceedings on railways before Committees and in the House shall after Thursday next be postponed until Monday the 27th day of this instant April. "That no railway bill be read a third time before the 27th day of this instant April."

The subject was resumed in the House of Commons on Wednesday. Mr. LA.BOUCHERE impressed upon Sir Robert Peel the necessity of adopting some means to make known to parties anxious to abandon their railway schemes the course they should pursue: without this, the interval between the rising of the House and the 27th, when the Railway Committees re- assemble would be lost.

Sir ROBERT PEEL felt obliged to Mr. Labouchere for calling attention to the subject—

No time would be lost by the Board of Trade in considering the provisions of the bill. In the course of yesterday, some of the highest legal authorities con. nected with the law of property gave the subject their consideration. Consider- ing, however, how precious time was and how important the interests concerned were, it would be unwise to stand on official etiquette. He thought the best coarse would be for the Board of Trade to issue a circular to the heads of compa- nies, containing not the minute details of the measure proposed by the Govern- ment, bat its general principles; and to notify that if the holders of half the shares by however small a sum that is exceeded, express a wish to withdraw their bill, the Government will advise the Legislature not to proceed upon it.

PACIFICATION OF IRELAND.

The obstructive tactics of the Irish Repeal Members to the first reading of the Protection of Life Bill were again brought into play on Monday, the day fixed for resuming the debate.

Sir ROBERT PEEL, in anticipation that a division would not take place that evening, made an earnest appeal to those Members who had notices on the paper for Tuesday, to allow the adjourned debate to proceed with- out interruption.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, Mr. JOHN O'Costxxtz, and Colonel RAWDON, renewed their assurances, that while they would afford every facility for going on with the Corn Bill, they would obstruct by every available means the progress of the Coercion Bill. Lord MORPETII, with the view of showing the necessity of proceeding as rapidly as possible with the Corn Bill, read an extract from a letter which he had received from a manufacturer in Yorkshire, representing the dis- tress of the working classes as extreme, arising from depression in trade occasioned by the delay in passing the new commercial measures. After the tendering of much advice to Ministers to postpone the Coercion Bill and take up the Corn Bill, and a threat from Colonel RAWDON to divide the House on a point of order, the debate was formally resumed.

Mr. R. S. CAREW opened against the bill; the O'CoNon Dols spoke on the same side•' Mr. MONCICTON MIXES supported the bill; Mr. DILLON BROWNE opposed it; Lord DIORPETH supported the first reading, but would not pledge himself to the details; Mr. POULETT SCROPE opposed the bill as altogether insufficient to cure the evil; Lord GEORGE BENTINCH approved of it.

Mr. R. S. CAREW said, that if Ministers had come down with other meaning to ameliorate the condition of the peasantry, the case would have been very dif- ferent; but the present bill was at once unconstitutional and inadequate to pro- duce any good result. He advocated an adjustment of the landlord and tenant law, a modification of the Irish Church, and some other reforms, which if passed would do away with the necessity for coercion bills. As to the Church, which he described as the monster grievance of Ireland, the longer a satisfactory adjust- ment was delayed, the more rigorous would be the terms exacted. The O'Corioa Dox said there had been no attempt to establish any connexion between the bill and its object: so far from improving matters, he thought it would render them a great deal worse. Mr. Mos:caws; MILNES would assent to the bill solely as a measure of imme diate relief against a pressing evil. Mr. DILLON BROWNE lamented the existence of a predial excitement of a most dangerous character; but the way to remove it was not by coercion bills. Speaking of the Established Church in Ireland, he ridiculed the notion that the Church could not now be dealt with because of a compact entered into at the time of the Union: did the Duke of Wellington, who made use of this argument, mean to say that one race of men could make laws binding on all succeeding .es ? He praised an article in the Times of that morning on the subject of the Gerrard estate ejectments; and asked if a state of things which tolerated such atrocities did not call for correction? Lord George Bentmck had told the House the other night about an attack perpetrated upon an old lady; but he could read him twenty cases of women murdered in England in one year. Mr. Browne did so; reading a list of forty women who had been murdered in England in 1845.

Lord MORPETH agreed with what had fallen from Lord John Russell on the last night of the debate concerning the general policy of Ireland; but as to the measure in question, his past experience of Irish affairs would impose consider- able check and caution upon him out of office; for his recollection was too strong Of the difficulties of those who have to govern Ireland ever to allow him to wish without the most urgent necessity to increase the difficulties of those who are charged with the same responsibilities. He could not efface from his recollection the murder of Lord Norbm.; and he mentioned the circumstance not on account of the rank of the murdered person, but because, at the time he held office, it was the first of those mysterious crimes, caused by no provocation and attended with no clue, Which had occurred. "In the face of such acts, although I am anxious to limit the 'period of protection to the period of danger, and although I should have preferred that measures of permanent redress of evils had been antecedent to or concomitant with this measure of coercion, I cannot bring myself to resist the proposition of giving, for a very limited time, to the Queen's Government some extraordinary powers, which seem absolutely necessary for the safety of human life." He agreed with Mr. Dillon Browne that there was a large amount of crime in England; but it is not so much the number and the character of Irish crimes, as the system and the consequences, which create a general sense of inse- curity amongst all classes, that calls for intervention on the part of the Legisla- ture. He had been particularly struck by the statement made by the Secretary at War, that in eighteen months, 2,320 threatening notices had been given: what was each of those threatening notices but a sword suspended over the head of the unhappy person to whom it was sent, exciting a constant sense of fear and misery? He doubted whether the details of the bill were such as he could ap- prove; but this could be considered in Committee.

He adverted to certain measures of reform which he and the party with whom he acted had attempted to carry through Parliament; noticing at the same time certain other things which ought now to be undertaken. "Into the general policy of Ireland I am as willing to go as any man. I was a party to the introduction of the memorable Appropriation-clause; and I said then—and it is an opinion from which I have since seen no reason to depart—that that clause which you refused, was due to the Irish people with regard to church property. I frankly state, that it does not seem to me that we have sympathized with the Irish people up to this moment. We proposed to place the Municipal Corporations of Ireland upon an equal footing with those of England: we were baffled in that proposition; but I still think that all the franchises in Ireland, Municipal and Parliamentary, except where there are special circumstances, ought to rest upon the same bases as those of England and Scotland. Then we introduced a poor-law into Ireland; and I still think that the relation between Irish property and Irish poverty would be benefited by a farther adjustment. It seems to me that the matter most es- pecially called for is a law which shall regulate the relation of landlord and tenant; and I do venture to hope, that the means will be found to correct the evils that exist, and enactments devised that shall meet those ends to which all sound legis- lation ought to be directed." He thought that ample and profitable employment could be found for the in- dustrious population in reclaiming the waste Lends and bogs which prevail to so

great an extent in Ireland. He thought that this resource for augmenting the wealth of Ireland and supplying employmentito her population had been too much overlooked.

In conclusion, he said—" Assuming for the present that the bill is destined to be read a first time, a considerable interval must elapse before it can make much further progress. If there should be any material improvement in the state of crime—if the exercise of the ordinary powers of the law should prove sufficient to maintain the peace of the country—if the active efforts of the military and the police suffice to bring about tranquillity—if the courts of justice discharge their functions successfully—then, perhaps, the tone and temper of our legislation might be advantageously softened; and the prospect of this might do more than any other species of policy in disinclining the people of Ireland to those crimes which are al- ways spoken of in the unanimous language of abhorrence, as well by the Queen's Government as by the ministers of the gospel and the popular leaders in Ireland. If, then, the overruling hand of Providence shall have effected such a change as that to which my observations .point—if security to property and life be restored— I do say that the Government ought to meet this in a corresponding spirit, and to dispense with this measure in whole or in part. If, however, the result should prove to be different from that which I anticipate, then we must bow to the ne- cessity of the case. I remember that in the first speech which I addressed to this House, when seconding a motion for a repeal of the disabilities which in those days affected the Roman Catholics, I said we had made England great, and it now became our duty to make Ireland happy. The greatness of England has not even yet, perhaps, reached its culminating point; but we have long laboured under a vast amount of indebtedness to Ireland, and there still remains for us much to accomplish before it can be said that we have made Ireland happy." Mr. POULEIT SCROPE said that the measure required was one of a remedial character, to show the determination of the Government to grapple with the grievances of Ireland, and put an end to that insecurity of life and property which drove men to commit such crimes. He pointed to the ejectments on the estate of Mr. Gerrard, as showing the necessity of prorhptitude in devising and applying the required remedy. Dispossession of land was not the only source of crime; dispossession of employment operated also. The poor-law had proved altogether insufficient to convey to the people an assurance that provision existed against absolute want. No one had a right to say that it was an impossibility to give food and employment to such a population in such a country as Ireland; they had never tried the right means. In France, Prussia, Austria Poland, and most states of the North of Europe, the peasantry had been freed from the oppression of their landlords; and, with these examples before them, did the House think the demands of the Irish peasant would not increase? He would not consent to the introduction of the present measure, which would merely skim over the evil with- out going to its root and extirpating it to its core.

Lord GEORGE BEN'TINCE said that the honour and good faith of the House were pledged to give the bill a first reading. This course did not pledge any Member to support the details. He could not see in what way the extension of franchises could cure the evils complained of; but there was an urgent call to re- adjust the relations between landlord and tenant. Absenteeism was a fruitful source of injury to the country; and he thought that, connected with the levying of poor- rates in Ireland, some plan might be devised by which absentees should be made to pay more than others. Lord George concluded with taunting Ministers as to the inefficiency of their Free-trade measures to meet the evils of Ireland.

Mr. JOHN O'BRIEN moved the adjournment of the debate: negatived by 120 to 74. Sir ROBERT PEsL then moved the adjournment of the debate till Tuesday; when he should state his intentions relative to the further progress of the bill. On this Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE moved as an amendment, that the debate be adjourned to that day three weeks. The amendment, however, was withdrawn; and the debate was adjourned till Tuesday.

BUSINESS OF THE MOUSE OF CO3IMON8.

On Tuesday, Sir Roemer PEEL stated his intentions as to the duration of the Easter recess, and the mode in which he intended to proceed with the more important bills before the House—

No one looked with more joy than he did towards an adjournment,• but, seeing the state of the public business, he could not propose a longer period than from

Thursday to Friday in the following ?reek. [Wednesday was afterwards substi tuted for Thursday; Mr. Smith O'Brien and Mr. John O'Connell, who had notices of motion for Thursday, having agreed to withdraw them.] On the reassembling of the House on Friday week, he should take the adjourned debate on the Irish Protection of Life Bill; and if it was not finished on that day, of course he should proceed with it first on the following Monday, instead of taking the Corn Bill. After the Irish Bill had been read the first time, be should go on with the re- maining stages of the Corn Bill and the TarifE On Wednesday, the state of publics business in the House was again adverted to, in connexion with the increasing scarcity of food in Ireland. The only satisfactory point which came out in this somewhat recriminatory discussion was, that Indian corn is rising daily in the estimation of the eaters.

Sir JAmEs GRAHAM said, that as frequent attempts had recently been made to discredit the fact that scarcity in Ireland is progressing, he would lay on the table the report of the Scarcity Commissioners for March; and when the parti- culars were printed, it would be seen that distress in that country had not only been progressive, but that there is every probability of its continuing to increase. Mr. MCARTHY remarked, that on the day in which the distribution of Indian corn had taken place at Cork, a great and beneficial fall in the price of potatoes had been the consequence. Sir JAMES GRAHAM was happy to confirm that statement: in several instances the sale and distribution of Indian maize had an immediate and a most salutary effect on the price of articles the first necessaries of life. Sir ROBERT PEEL wished to be excused for taking that opportunity of men- tioning a subject of immense importance. " I believe that a great revolution is taking place in Ireland by the introduction of meal made of Indian corn; and that there has been created a new taste for a better and more generous descrip- tion of food. We find from the example of workmen on railways, who are sub- sisting for the first time on an article of foreign produce on which they have never before been accustomed to live, that they are able to work much longer, and are much better, than when they subsisted on that watery food the potato. Notwith- standing the prejudices which have existed against this meal, but which are in the course of removal, there is an immense demand for the publication pointing out the way in which the meal can be cooked and dressed in the most approved manner in Ireland. Indian corn, however, is now admitted by a sort of sufferance under an order of the Treasury.. What is wanted is the decision of Parliament. It would, Sir, give increased confidence to the importers if the law were settled, and if those engaged in those speculations in the United States could have the guarantee of an act of Parliament instead of an order of the Treasury." He wished the House to bear in mind that a heav duty was still levied on foreign wheat, oats, and bar- ley. He believed that considerable quantities of oatmeal would be imported from foreign countries if it were known for certain that it could be brought in at a duty of is. At present there is no Treasury order except for Indian corn and buck- wheat. He hoped the returns now submitted showing the scarcity of food would be carefully considered by the Irish Members. "If those honourable gen- tlemen could reconcile it with their sense of public duty—under any protest as to fu- ture opposition on any stage to the Irish Assassination Bill—if they could allow the decision of this House to be taken on the first reading of the Coercion Bill, and then proceed with the Corn Bill, they would confer a great benefit on many

districts even of their own conatry. I do not wish to provoke any discussion. I speak, after reading these reports, under the strong impression of the distress ex- isting in many districts of Ireland; and I only ask honourable Members to read these reports, and then to form their own decision."

Mr. laWFB joined in this appeal. He was equally opposed with the Irish Members to the passing of the Coercion Bill; but he earnestly requested them to consider whether they could not allow the debate on the first reading to be shortened.

Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN said, be could not answer the appeal to the Members for Irish constituencies; and he should not feel authorized to do so even if he were disposed. It is in the power of the Government to postpone, if they please, the adjourned debate over Friday next, and thus enable the House to pronounce finally on the Corn Bill. After that decision the Minister could resume with perfect good temper the discussion on the Irish Coercion BilL With regard to Indian corn he believed there would be no objection to the passing of a separate bill to introduce it. He was hound to corroborate the statement that Indian meal had proved a very valuable auxiliary in the present circumstances of the country. He asked Sir James Graham if he had any objection to communicath to the House information to show the extent of the applications for aid under the Public Works Act, and also to what extent the County Presentment Act has been carried into effect?

Sir JAstEs GRAHAM said, the applications under the Public Works Act had been very numerous; and he was glad to say that in general they had been favour- ably entertained. As to the Presentment Act, he was sorry to say that an indis- position had been exhibited by Grand Juries to avail themselves of that remedial measure.

Mr. FiNcri thought the statement of Sir Robert Peel threw an imputation on Members on both sides of the House, and was made on the presumption that the Corn Bill was likely to pass; whereas that WAS very doubtful, and it was more likely that it would not. He agreed with Mr. Smith O'Brien in thinking that the best. course would be to bring in a bill for the purpose of liberating Indian corn, and any quantity of wheat which the necessities of the season required.

Sir ROBERT PEEL said that Mr. Finch had misunderstood him. He threw out no imputation against any Members, on any side. "If the belief of the honour- able gentleman be correct, and the Corn Bill is to be defeated, depend upon it, it will be infinitely better that the decision of the Legislature should be known at once. I never inferred that the Corn Bill is certain of success; I said nothing of

the kind: but even if the honourable gentleman's impressions be correct, he must see that the sooner the determination of the Legislature upon such a subject shall be known, the better it will be for all parries in the country."

Mr. THOMAS BUNCOMBE and Mr. PouLErr SCROPE said, that the responsi bility of any delay in proceeding with the Corn measure rested with the Govern ment.

Sir ROBERT PEEL repeated, more emphatically than before, the course he in- tended to pursue—" In order that there may be no misunderstanding, I beg to

state, that I propose in the first instance to proceed with the debate on the first reading of the Coercion Bill When that bill has been read a first time, it is our intention to proceed immediately with the Corn Bill; and not to bring forward any other business, of any kind whatever, till the sense of the House has been defi- nitively taken upon that measure."

LEGISLATION FOR TOWNS.

On Tuesday, Mr. Humn brought under the notice of the Commons a subject bearing on legislation for towns; and an advance towards a practi- cal benefit was the result.

In particular towns it often happened that there was one bill for supplying „

water, another for parine and other bills for other purposes; all causing incal- culable expense, and leading to the establishment of separate boards, without the existence of any person to attend to the public interests. He thought that all these establishments ought to be under one control and management In the case of water bills, the necessity for interference was particularly glaring. By a paper on the table it appeared, that in 1844 there were forty-seven water-work bills; in 1845, seventy-twoi and in 1846, one hundred and thirty-four. He was of opinion that no water-work company ought to be established until a Govern - merit Inspector had reported that it was necessary, and had taken care that the works should be on the most improved construction. Another point to be at Mined, was that the evidence on the subject should be taken on the spot from im- partial witnesses, and not, as at present, at a great distance from the place, and at a prodigious charge to the parties. Ile knew no reason why a bill should not be p...sed under which any town agreeing upon a plan for constructing water- woris harbours, piers, or for paving and lighting the streets, erecting markets, or any other improvement, might attain their object without incurring the enormous expense and trouble of an application to Parliament. He wished to know whether after Easter Ministers would consent to appoint a Committee to take into con- sideration the best mode of preparing model-bills for the accomplishment of these various objects? To raise the question, he would move that a Select Committee be appointed. Sir JestEs GRAHAM readily assented to the motion; remarking that valuable public interests were involved in the question— Last year a general enclosure bill had been passed, and he saw no reason why the same principle should not be applied to the other subjects specified by Mr. Hume. Lord Lincoln, had he been in the House, was prepared to introduce a measure providing for the health of large towns by supplying them with water and by attending to the drainage. The unusual number of water-work bills brought in this year was to be accounted for by the anxiety of parties to obtain possession of the springs in and near London; and on the part of Government he intended to introduce a clause into all of them depriving the companies of an in defeasible title to the springs, and giving them only a contingent title until the passing of any general measure Parliament might think it expedient to adopt.

The motion was agreed to. The Committee to be named after Easter.

THE POLISH INSURRECTION.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord BEAUMONT brought under no- tice the proceedings of the Austrian Government during the late insurrec- the in Poland, in encouraging the peasants of Galicia to rise against their alders, under an offer of a reward for each person brought in, dead or gave--

41a.d Lord Aberdeen received any information relative to the transactions re- fired to; and had any means been taken to make known the feelings of the Eng- lish Government on the subject?

The Earl of ABERDEEN answered, that such was the conflicting nature of the statements made, that it was very difficult precisely to say Chat was the amount of truth and what the amount of falsehood in any of them— As to the allegation that the Galician peasantry had been incited to murder the proprietors of the land by the offer of a reward from the Austrian Government, he could only state, that for many years he had lived in terms of intimacy and friendship with Prince Metternich, and he felt satisfied that any policy of that kind was as impossible for him to adopt as for any of their Lordships. He had very little information on the subject beyond what was possessed by the public; and be did not think it netsgssry to make official inquiry, feeling. that it was not the duty of the English Government to interfere. Mr. Mogen's, however, her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna, had forwarded several statements as to what was passing; and he could see nothing in the details communicated to jus- tify the assertions of Lord Beaumont. [Lord Aberdeen read extracts from those communications.] The Austrian Government had always treated the peasantry of Galicia in the most liberal, humane, and considerate manner; and it was not unnatural that the peasantry should feel an attachment to that Government in consequence. Lord Known believed that the proclamation offering the reward for the apprehension of the insurgents, dead or alive, was founded on a statute law which conferred such a power on -every Governor. He was certain from the character of Prince Metternich, that he never could have sanc- tioned anything so barbarous as a proclamation of the kind.

" Lord Bearamer hoped that Lord Aberdeen would use his influence to get the statute law referred to by Lord Kinnaird repealed.

HIGHWAYS. The Government bill on this subject, brought into the Commons last week, renders it compulsory on the part of parishes and districts to combine for the management of the highways. Under the existing act (5 and 6 William PT. c. 50) a permissive /rower to combine is given; but so few parishes have availed themselves of the advantage, that it is deemed advisable to make the arrangement compulsory. The sum levied annually in England for highway- rates amounts to 1,600,0001.; and the number of officers employed in managing the rate and the highways is from 14,000 to 15,000. Under the compulsory sys- tem it is expected that from 500 to 600 persons will suffice. The new bill re- peals the present act, and consists of 116 clauses; but with the exception of 35 they are merely a reinactment of the present law with very slight modifications. Certain parishes are to be united, and the districts thus formed are to be placed under the management of local boards, the repairs of the highways in each being conducted by a competent paid surveyor. The formation of the districts is to be arranged by the Commissioners of Enclosure; and these gentlemen are to perform important functions of various kinds under the bill when passed. The board in each district is to be elected for two years' by the ratepayers of the several parishes; each of which is to be represented by one or more waywardens, as the Commissioners of Enclosure shall determine. No hamlet or divisiim of a parish containing less than fear miles of highway is to have a separate waywarden, but is to be combined for highway purposes with the parish of which it forms part. The waywardens, when elected, are to serve for two years. They are to be elected precisely in the same manner and according to the same scale of voting as the guardians of the poor. They are to appoint a district surveyor, a clerk, and trea- surer—the latter unpaid, as he would probably be the banker of the district; and they are to fix the salaries of the two former, subject to the approval of the En- closure Commissioners. At the annual meeting the accounts are to be sub- mitted, and at the same time the surveyor is to present his estimate of the probable expenses of maintaining the several highways in the district for the en- suing year. He is to have power, with the unanimous consent of the waywardens, to convert the charge into a union, instead of a township or parochial charge. Except where it is settled otherwise by such consent, there will be two rates to be contributed by the parishes of each district —first, a rate for the joint expenses of the district, viz, the salaries of officers and necessary expenses of the board; the Commissioners of Enclosure to determine in what proportion each of the constituent parishes is to contribute to this rate: second, a rate for the separate repairs of the highways in each parish. The accounts are to be audited by the Poor-law Auditor. It is also proposed that the maximum to be levied, viz. 10d. at one time, or 2s. 6d. in the pound per annum, shall be retained as in the repealed act. South Wales is exempted from the operation of the act.

ABOLITION OF DEODANDS AND COMPENSATION FOR ACCIDENTS. OR Tuesday, Lord CAMPBELL introduced two bills similar to those which passed the House of Lords last session, but which were rejected by the Commons. The ob- ject of the one bill is to abolish the law of deodands; that of the other, to provide that if a wrong is done to any one by the loss of life, there shall be a civil remedy, as in Scotland.

THE BUDGET. On Monday, in reply to a question from Colonel SIBTIIORP as to the time when the budget would -be brought forward, the CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expressed a wish that he could give as satisfactory an answer as to the day, as he could with regard to the state of the revenue. " As my honourable and gallant friend has alluded to the revenue, I would ask him rather

to consult his own good sense upon matters of that kind than to regard the ex- travagant statements which are given to the public in particular newspapers. When our financial plans were developed last session, we anticipated a surplus of 90,0001. at the end of the year, exclusive of the payments to be received from China; but it would be found, if I could make my financial statement tomorrow, that, instead of 90,0001., our surplus revenue will be a million and three quarters of money, independently of the Chinese payments."

BUILDING SOCIETIES. In reply to a question on Wednesday by Mr. EWART, Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that the Government did not intend to exempt Build- ing Societies from the expense of taking conveyances of land.

Wiciax ELEcriox PcrrrioN. The Committee met on Tuesday, and after bearing evidence, decided that Mr. Lindsay was duly elected.

NEW WRIT for Melton, in the room of Mr. Childers, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

EASTER RECESS. On Tuesday, the House of Lords adjourned for the Easter recess, to Tuesday the 21st instant. On Wednesday, the Commons adjourned to Friday the 17th.