NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE great struggle in Parliament is now ended. The Roman Catholic Relief 13111 was read a third time in the House of Lords last night, and passed! The final majority was ONE HUNDRED AND FOUR-149 present Peers and 64 proxies, to 76 Peers and 33 proxies. On the second reading (as we stated in our latest edition last week) the majority was one hundred and five-147 Peers pre- sent, and 70 proxies, to 79 Peers and 33 proxies. We shall now have done with the subject, after we have briefly recapitu- lated a few characteristic points of the best speeches—apart from the tiresome abstract question of the integrity of the exclusive laws on the one side, or the doctrine of expediency and justice on the other.

The adjourned debate on the second reading was opened (on Saturday) by the Earl of GUILFORD, who spoke against the bill. Lord LILFORD supported it. The Earl of WEsTMORLAND, though he supported the measure, took blame to himself, and every member of Lord Liverpool's Go- vernment for the last ten years, for its being now so imperiously necessary. He thus illustrated the state of parties in Ireland.

" He remembered a story in Erasmus—a conversation between the Evil Spirit and Charon—in which the former tells the latter that he must get a newer and a larger boat, for so many souls would be coming over, in con- sequence of religious disputes upon earth, it would be impossible to con- vey them in his present bark. The Evil One described the earth to be deluged with blood upon religious questions : father was opposed to son, brother to brother, landlord to tenant—in a word, human nature was at war upon points of religion. If Erasmus were alive now, he could not more accurately describe the existing state of things. Father was opposed to son, brother to brother, landlord to tenant—even the fair sex took part in the quarrel (Liu:Thies, in which the lairs seated near the Throne joinol); and every body was crying out on behalf of humanity and the poor suffer- ing Irish, although the Irish, as a body, had no more to do with it than the people of the Mogul empire."

Lord SIDMOUTH had other remedies than concession : lie would have the Irish emancipated from poverty, ignorance, and bigotry ; he would give them an officer similar to an English Lord Lieu- tenant, to control the Magistracy ; and he would abolish absenteeism. Lord LIVERPOOL saw little 'danger to the Church of Ireland, and none at all to the Church of England, from passing the bill. Lord TENTERDEN, the Lord Chief Justice of England, gave his opinion on the constitutional law of the case : he admitted that Par- liament had the power to alter the law ; nevertheless he opposed the bill, as inefficient to any good. Earl GREY, in a long and powerful speech, addressed himself to the arguments as to the exclusive nature of the Bill of Rights and the Oath of Supremacy. Both had been broken in upon. The Bill of Rights frequently, and in a manner which had materially abridged the privileges of the people. The integrity of the Oath of Supre- macy had been done away with by the admission of Catholics into the army and navy. Earl Grey called up some curious reminis- cences connected with the first introduction of that act into Parlia- ment.

"In the year 1807, 1, then holding the office of one of his Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, brought in a bill for the partial relief of the Roman Catholics. Under the provisions of that bill concessions were made to Catholics entering the Army, similar to those which had already received the sanction of the Parliament of Ireland. Does the noble and learned lord Eldon recollect the agitation and the fury which was excited against the Government by the announcement of that measure? Does he recollect the artifices which were then made use of to inflame the minds of the people, and to impress them with the belief that the safety of the State, and sanctity of the Throne and the Altar, would be endangered by this concession ? Does he recollect that it was declared, if this oath was removed, and Catholics admitted into the Army, all would be gone—that it would be the beginning of a revolution, and, as a noble lord declared, with some apprehension, the other evening, it was held, both in that. House and out of it, that if you gave the Catholics the power of the sword, it would be easy for them to take all else they required. The Sovereign, too, by the same arts, or worked upon by statements to which I do not wish to allude, was induced to declare, that any assent to a proposition such as that contained in the bill, would be a violation of his Coronation Oath, and destructive of the liberties of the people ; and the result was, that the Administration, of which I was a member, became the victim of the popular arts resorted to for its destruction. Another Administration was formed, and formed too upon the principle of the strictest exclusion of the Roman Catholics,—an Administration from which a pledge was even exacted that they were never, during their political existence, to attempt any revival of that question which had produced the dismission of their predecessors. I, my Lords, have, however, had the satisfaction to find, that when I, observing with fidelity my oath as a Privy Councillor, to advise the Crown according to the best of my judgment, refused to abandon that course which I thought necessary to its safety; I say. I have - had the satisfaction to tind those who profited by my exclusion, come down to this House and propose a measure of precisely the same descrip- . Con as that which they had denounced, and ambainst which they had raised a cry of danger and of destruction, very much like that by which some persons now attempt to agitate this country. (Cheers.) Those very mi- nisters who declaimed so virulently against any attempt to break in upon the Act of William III., actually Caine down to this House, and proposed to offer to the Catholics, not the Army, which was the object of the bill of 1807, but the Navy as well as the Army, and that proposition passed into a law, I believe, almost Nub lly this measure, a manifest in- vasion of the unchangeable Act of William HI., all ranks of the Army and the Navy were open to the Roman Catholics, and a person of that persua- sion may even now obtain the rank of Commander -in-Chief. (Hear, hear !) I have taken the liberty to state the course pursued with regard to this Act, because I think it a matter of curiosity to know what was the course pursued by Parliament in those times which the noble and learned lord Eldon no doubt considers the best and the happiest times of the British Constitution."

The Earl of ELDox's speech was pretty equally divided between defending himself, attacking (by implication) the present Chancellor, and denouncing the principles of the Roman religion. He frankly avowed that he would not attempt to convince those who differed with him. He said very little upon the principle of the bill, and indeed conceded some of the main points ; but he reserved himself for the Committee, when he promised to suggest some alterations. Lord PLUNKETT'S speech was a masterly piece of reasoning and wit, so closely connected that we cannot venture to give any sepa- rate specimens. It embraced the whole field of debate, and paid . especial attention to the Earl of Eldon. Lord FARNHAM expressed his belief that the Catholics of the present day were zealous idolators. The Duke of WELLINGTON replied to the charge of inconsistency.

" My Lords, it is true that I have voted against this question, and so have many of my colleagues ; and, my Lords, I must add, that when my colleagues and myself determined to adopt this measure, we did so, with a determination to sacrifice ourselves and our popularity to the duty which we owe to our Sovereign and to the country at large. (Chem.) 'We knew very well that if we had chosen to put oursclves at the head of the Protest- ant cry of ' No Popery,' we should have become much more popular than those who have raised the cry of No Popery' against us. But we felt that in doing so we should leave a burden by which it must ultimately be borne down ; and further, that we should deserve the hate and execration of the country. (Cheers.) The noble earl on the cross bench has alluded particularly to me, and has mentione4. the services which he is good enough to say I rendered to the country. I must tell the noble earl, that I performed these services under good repute and under bad repute, and that I was never deterred from ding my duty because the cry of time coun- try happened to be against me at the time. (Cheers.) Then, my Lords, I have been accused (maintaining the strictest secrecy pending this trans- action. In making this charge lord Eldon has not dealt fairly with me.' He knew how the Cabinet was constituted, and how its feelings were upon the present question. How, then, had I a right to say a single word toany man upon that measure until I had ascertained the feelings -and opinions of the first and most interested person in the kingdom upon it. (Cheers.) - I say, my Lords, that before the noble and learned lord accused me of secrecy, of improper secrecy, he ought to have known the day upon which. I received the sanction and approval of the Highest Personage in the country."

The House was in Committee on Tuesday and Wednesday. The first clause of the preamble led to a sort of theological disserta- tion, and to some sharp bickering. Lord ELnox attacked what he supposed to be the Bishop of Oxford's sentiments relative to the Catholic Church. He held the Catholic Chnrch to be altogether idolatrous ; and moreover they denied time Protestant Church to be any part of the Christian Church.

The Lord CHANCELLOR read the answer which Dr. Doyle gave on this point before the Committee of Parliament.

" I look on the Established Church in Ireland in two lights—as a Christian community, and as a corporation, enjoying vast temporal pos- sessions. As a Christian Church, consisting of a hierarchy, and pro- fessing the doctrines of the Gospel, I respect and esteem it more than

any other Church of the Universe separated from the See of Rome. (Loud and continued cheers)."

- The Lord Chancellor resumed his remarks-

" I am astonished that the Noble Lord can come down to the House, and, relying on its respect for his great talents and his industry, can so hastily and unadvisedly make such bold, such incorrect, and such unwise assertions." (Loud cheers.)

Lord ELDON rejoined-

" I have to tell the Noble and Learned Lord, that I have never borne down the House, and I will not be borne down by him, nor twenty such as he is." (Cheers and laughter.) Several other Peers having delivered their sentiments, the clause was carried by 142 to 63.

Lord MOUNTCHARLES proposed to exclude Catholic Peers in holy orders from seats. This amendment was withdrawn ' • and an amendment by Lord FALMOUTH to limit the number of Catholic members to one hundred, was negatived. The Earl of WINCHILSEA proposed to omit the clause by which the Catholics abjured the doctrine that princes who were excom- • municated might be murdered. It was held that some might account the clause a security, and it was retained. Lord KENYON proposed—lst, to prevent Catholic Bishops, being peers, from sitting in the House; 2d, to exclude them from those offices of State to which the Premiership might attach. The Arch- bishop of CANTERBURY and the Bishop of LONDON showed much solicitude to have the patronage of the Colonies vested in a Pro- testant. The clauses were held to be well enough as they stood; and the amendments were withdrawn.

Lord VERULAM wished to restrict his Majesty from creating one Catholic Peer till three Catholic peerages became extinct ; but as this interfered with the prerogative, it was negatived without a division.

Lord. FARNHAM moved that no Papist should be capable of Voting or of being a representative Peer of Scotland, on the ground that the measure infringed the Union. Lords DUNCAN, ROSE- EERY, and BELHAVEN, and the Earl of HADDINGTON denied that it interfered with the Union; and the motion was negatived. The other amendments proposed were—to exclude Catholics from the management of trusts for Protestant purposes ; to make it a misdemeanour to address a Catholic Prelate by the title of a Peer of the realm ; and to leave Jesuits who infrin

"See, my Lords, with respect to marriage, what is the spiritual power of the Roman Catholic clergy. The law of the land, looking at. the con- tract as a civil contract, says, that persons shall marry who are within a certain degree. What says the Roman Catholic priest? He says, No such thing—you shall not marry if you are within that degree; for if you do marry according to the law of the land, and as that law permits you, I shall punish you for offending the law of the Church of Rome ; and if you choose to live as husband and wife, which the law says you shall do, I say you shall not so live unless you get a dispensation from us, and unless that dispensation is confirmed by the Pope.' This is what the priests say, my Lords; although I know they have not the power of doing all this, for the parties who so marry and live together will be only following the law of the land in which they live. But how does that law agree with the law of the Church of Rome ? What do we do in our Ecclesiastical Courts when the husband and wife disobey the laws that guide those Courts ? If the laws desire the husband and wife to live together, and they are not obeyed, those Courts issue excommunications, which, being followed up by pro- cess from our Common Law Courts, that enforce respect and obedience to the decrees of the Ecclesiastical Courts, produce the desired effect, and

these proceedings are according to the laws of the country. No,' says the Roman Catholic priest, you shall not do anything that the laws of this country require, if they do not agree with the laws of the Church of

Rome ; for if you do I will appeal to the Church of Rome, and that will set all things right.' Our Courts say you shall be at liberty to do a cer- tain thing and why? because your Sovereign the King of England is at the bead Of the laws which he has sworn to administer, and which you

Must obey. The Church Establishments in Ireland are invaded as much as the laws are set at defiance. There are Catholic archbishops in every Protestant see in Ireland ; there are Catholic deans in every Protestant deanery; there are Catholic prebends in every Protestant prebendary; and there are Catholic priests called Catholic parish priests in every parish in Ireland."

He indulged in a complacent retrospect.

" I here declare before my countrymen, that I never solicited any thing from any man who held the office of Prime Minister. I have been called forth most unworthily to discharge functions most laboriously, and I have for many years held great situations in the State; but I never conde-

scended to solicit any preferment in my life, excepting that I desired to

retire from the office of Attorney-General, and to sit down in the situation of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, the duties of which I thought I had knowledge and talents to execute, and to a higher station I never thought

Myself equal. I was required to fill a higher station., and as well as I could I discharged its duties. Many thought of me very indulgently—some very harshly ; but I now say to my country, and in the face of my country I speak it, I devoted my whole life to my duties—I did all that the English people require from an Englishman. England expects every man to do his best, and no man can 00 more."

He has gloomy forebodings.

"I have opposed this bill while it has been passing through the House; but I have moved no amendments. I may be wrong., but it did appear

to me that no alteration would be permitted in this bill, and therefore I

thought that to propose any amendment would beonly wasting your Lord- shipezaeirsea Atis my firm belief and conviction, my Lords, that this measure will lead to the ruin of the purest Church and the purest system of C.hrietiartity the world ever saw. (Hcar, hear!) If I Niere to vote for it, I should vote against my decided opinion, which is, that it will pro- duce infinite danger to the country. I do believe, that if the Church of

England be distinct from the State, it cannot possibly survive the seuara-

tion. I said so when the act was passed to repeal the sacramental test last year. I am of opinion now that it cannot survive this measure.

* * I do not say that this will happen instantly. Those with whom we have to deal are much too wary to apprize us, by any immediate con- duct, of the danger to which we are bringing ourselves. But when I shall have undergone the common lot of mortality, and shall be consigned to the grave, I have no more doubt that this result will be accomplished than that I am standing here now. I pray to God that the evils may be averted which I foresee. Your Lordships now hear the words of a man who must soon go and render his great account to his Maker. May God forgive me, if F am doing wrong ; but it is a breach of every notion of the principles that should regulate my civil conduct—of every notion that I have of the sense I should have of all the oaths I have taken, if I did not persevere in my opposition to this measure. My Lords, pardon me, while a Man advanced so far as I am in years, declares that he is willing to give up the short remainder of his life, rather than know that this measure was carried. I declare solemnly, my Lords, that I would rather hear this moment that I shall cease to live to-morrow, or never awake to-morrow morning than, after all the consideration I have given to this subject during along life, possibly give my consent to the repeal of laws which. I deem fundamental, and as necessary to the preservation of the Throne as the Church, and for the security of the Aristocracy as for the safety of the Constitution of the country, as it is composed of Kings, Lords, and Commons !—I s*ity, that I would rather hear that I am not to exist to- morrow morning, and am never to awake froin'my sleep again, than I would that this measure is to become the law of the land. Such is my opinion and my feeling, that if I could support it, I should think that I acted as a traitor to my country." (Cheers.)

The Bishop of LICHFIELD trusted that Lord Eldon, in the full enjoyment of a vigorous old age, would live to enjoy the fruits of

the reverse of his prophecy—to see the Protestant Church freed by this bill from all the obstructions to its prosperity, and the light of the true Gospel illuminating and warming all who may be brought within its influence.

The Earl of HARROWBY made some good points.

If the Catholics should come to an attack on the property of the Church, they would not only have to meet and contend with the direct influence of the powerful body in possession of the Church, but they would also have to fight against the power of the Crown, to whom so much of the patronage of that Church belonged, as well as against the power of the landholders, who had also their share in the interests of

that Church. The Church of England, the proprietors of England, and the people of England, would all rise with one accord against such an attempt ; and the Catholics would speedily find that the hope of success was equally vain and unapproachable. But, in addition to this, there was a large body among the Catholics themselves who could have no desire to see such an event take place : there were many Catholics who had so large a stake in the country that it would he an injury to them to destroy the property of that Church which, by the Act of Union, was solemnly identified with their own property.

Those who opposed the bill called those who had brought it forward apostates and renegades :—perhaps they might be so ; but he begged those who made the accusation to remember, that if there had been no apos- tates and renegades, they would have had no Constitution Of I1l88, about which they said so much: if the great body of the Tories had not then apostatised from their favourite doctrine of passive obedience, and if the Church of England, about which they were now so zealous, had not fol- lowed the same course of apostacy, where now would be the glorious Revolution ? The Earl of RODEN thought the bill wrong in principle, but praiseworthy in enactment.

The Duke Of CUMBERLAND-

" At the outset of these proceedings I stated my opinion to the noble duke at the head of the Government, and at the same time intimated to him, that if anything should occur in the course of the discussions to alter that opinion, I should communicate it to him ; but as nothing has occur- red in the progress of the measure to change that impression which I had originally entertained of it, I shall feel it to be my duty, sincerely and conscientiously, to continue my opposition to it, and to vote against the bill."

The Duke of SUSSEX-

" I have supported this measure mainly on two principles—first, be- cause I do not consider exclusion to be a part of the British Constitution', nor persecution to be a part of the Church of England—exclusion istiot a part of the fabric, but an excrescence growing out of it Equal law and equal justice, in my opinion, belong to every British-born subject. It is the birthright which he enjoys by the Great Charter; and whenever re- strictions have been imposed, they have been imposed from temporary causes, and constitute not the principle of our Constitution, but excep- tions from it."

"In taking leave of this measure, I cannof forbear from congratulating the noble Duke (Wellington) at the close of the proceeding which lie so auspiciously commenced, and so successfully, so triumphantly conducted through this House. In the battles which he has fought I have traced his career as a soldier, and have followed him as faithfully as any soldier who ever followed him in the achievement of those victories which he has won for the country. (The Duke of Wellington bowed to his Royal highness.) Great and glorious as those victories have been, they are surpassed by the victory which he has this night won. The military crown ()Naomi which he now wears, by the act of this night will be interwoven with the olive of peace ; and to the gratitude of the country for his splendid services in war, will be superadcled the approbation of his own conscience, and the applauses of the present generation and of posterity, for bestowing the blessings of religious peace on millions of his grateful fellow-subjects." (Cheers.)

The Bishop of BATH and WELLS repeated his solemn protest against the measure. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE delivered a persuasive to mode- ration.

The time had now happily arrived when the Constitution was satis- fied. The time had now happily arrived when the Government and Par- liament, reverting to the original principles of the Constitution, had pro- vided for the future security of Ireland. Let him not, however, be mis- understood. They must all feel that whatever hope might be justly entertained with regard to the future condition of Ireland, there was still much more to be done in that country. He had never heard any man cha- racterize the present question, important as it was as of itself, and with- out t he union of other important measures, sufficient to insure the tranquillity and prosperity of Ireland. And when he said Government and Parliament had done their duty on this subject, it might not be use- less to call to the recollection of their Lordships, and of the public, that there were parties out of that House who ought also to do theirs. He earnestly hoped that they would aid the intentions of Govern- ment and the Legislature ; he earnestly hoped, addressing himself to the Protestant inhabitants of that part of the United Kingdom, out of whose statute-book the wisdom and justice of the Govern- ment and Parliament had removed the last degradation, that they would, now that the long-existing barriers had been removed, kindly admit their Catholic brethren within the pale of municipal and social life, uninfluenced by any of those feelings whose poisonous influence had hitherto been so pernicious. He more especially hoped this from the good sense of that most valuable class of the population of Ire- land, the Protestants of the North. As he was persuaded that they had not hitherto been actuated by any unholy zeal, or by any base love of as- cendancy, but by the recollections of their forefathers, and by their attach- ment to the religion in which they had been educated, he hoped that they would assiduously cultivate the most valuable part of the- religion which they professed, by exercising that charity so strongly recommended by it, and on the exercise of which would materially depend the prospect of finally allaying the dissensions which had so long convulsed the country. More especially he hoped that he might be allowed to express his anxiety

that the Roman Catholics of Ireland might feel the spirit in which this boon was granted them—that they were mainly indebted for that boon to the growth of Protestant opinion in theirlfavour.

Lord HOLLAND amused the House with some pleasant sallies. The Duke of WELLINGTON closed the debate. He adduced the very petitions against the bill as an answer to the charge of sur- prise; but acknowledged that he had been anxious to hasten the measure through Parliament, to *still the popular agitation.

The Irish Disfranchisement Bill was also read a third time last night, and passed without a division. It had undergone considerable discussion both on the second reading on Monday, and in the Com- mittee on Thursday. Lord REDESDALE supported the bill, be- cause the alteration in the value of money had thrown the small freeholds into hands for which they were never intended. The Earl Of MOUNTCASHEL and Lord GORT Should have liked the principles extended to cities and boroughs, as well as to the coun- try villages. Lord PLUNKETT held the measure to be one of sound political reform. The Earl of MALMESBURY resisted it, because the reform which it involved was too sweeping. Neither Lord BATHURST, Lord LAUDERDALE, the Earl of WieN.Love, nor the Earl of CA.RNARVON thought the principle of the mea- sure unobjectionable, but their objections were lost in the system of conciliation of which it was a part. The other speakers on this side of the question were the Duke of WELLINGTON, Lord MANNERS, the Marquis Of BUTE, the Earl of ROSEBERY, Lord HOLLAND, Lord ENNISKILLEN, the Duke of HAMILTON, Lord LONGFORD, the Earl Of HADDEVGTON, and Lord DUDLEY. Some of their Lordships thought that the bill would hereafter require to be modified; but those who were bent upon its passing, declined to risk the delay of attempting to make it perfect by pro- posing amendments. LordLANSDOWNE, though he supported the measure as a whole, had misgivings as to the consequences to the poor peasantry, if the landlords threw them out of their holdings to create a political influence by supplying their place with 10/. free- holders.

The Marquis of CLANRICARDE opposedthe bill on the ground last- mentioned ; he feared that it would leave thousands without a home, with no alternative but to become beggars or bandits. The Duke of RICHMOND opposed the bill, because it infringed the liber- ties of the people in a most unjustifiable manner: their Lordships were acting upon less evidence of the consequences of their mea- sure, than they would require for a common turnpike-bill. The Duke moved that the bill be read six months hence ; but the second reading was carried by 139 to 17. In the Committee the Duke of RICHMOND moved an amend- ment, making the operation of the bill prospective, and another to except the forty-shilling freeholders in fee-simple : but the first was negatived without a division, and the second by a majority of 66 to 12. Lord FARNHAM proposed first to extend the bill to freeholders in towns, and next to join two Magistrates with the Assistant Bar- rister in deciding upon votes ; but both amendments were nega- tived. The Duke of 'WELLINGTON assured their Lordships that the Assistant Barristers should be men perfectly uninfluenced by local connexions in the places where they were called to act.

The Earl of WINCHILSEA has again avowed himself a Reformer "1 am a Reformer to a certain extent ; and when I see a question that affects the interests of the whole State carried contrary to the sense of the nation—when I see this, and find the opinions of the people not repre- sented by the Parliament, if I find the Constitution so altered that the people have no power, and that the three parts of the Constitution, of which it consists, are reduced to two parts—if it no longer consists of three parts, then is the Constitution so altered—the people so disqua- lified—that it is time to carry it back to its original principles ; and till it is carried back I will not again enter these walls. I will not take part in legislating till the Constitution is again altered and restored. (Cheers and laughter.) I will reserve my right at present to make some comments on the question of reform. There is one reform, I must say, that I should like to see—I should like to see the duration of Parliament altered—septennial Parliaments done away, and triennial Parliaments restored. The measure of septennial Parliaments was dictated by necessity, and when the neces- sity has passed away we ought to return to the original plan. There are also some boroughs owned by individuals. I regard their property as a vested right, and I would not wish to see it taken away without an equi- valent ; but if individuals possess property which is contrary to the gene- ral interest, they must be contented to give up that property for an equivalent. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the qualification of voters, I have not made up my mind on the subject." • The Church also needs reform. " With respect to a measure which has been alluded to by one of the members of the bench, that we must have a discipline to have a church— that an established church cannot exist without discipline, without a power to remove from it such characters as disgrace it—I implore that Right Reverend Prelate to lose no time in obtaining the power to intro- duce that discipline ; for I tell him that if he waits till a dissolution of Parliament takes place, he will not be able to obtain such a power ; and if there be now a disposition unfavourable to the Established Church, I can tell him, if he wait till a dissolution of Parliament, that then his re- quest will not be attended to. I want also, in addition to this discipline in the Church, to see no translations from see to see. (Lout.lelle■Ts and laughter.) I wish also to see the revenues of the different situations in the Church equalized in proportion to the duties performed. (Cheers.) Another most important change which I should like to see made is, that no Minister should have any power over the appointments to the Bench of Bishops. The Bishops should choose among their own body three or four candidates on every vacancy, and submit them to the Throne ; and when the sees were once filled, there should be no removal except to the archbishopricks and to the bishoprick of London. (Hear, hear.) Ano- ther view which I take—which I know will not be acceptable to the right reverend Bench of Bishops—is, that, with all these reforms, they should no longer hold seats in this House. (Hear, hear t—Onler, ordert7Lowl laughter.) I know this will not be approved of; but whatever difference of opinion there may be on this subject, I must say that, consistently with

the real interests of rel■gion, with the best interests of Christianity, it would be a great deal better if the right reverend Prelates i had not seats in H the

House ; they would then have more weight and more influence n the country, and would be more useful by not being suspected of being con- nected with any party. I call God to witness that I am conscientiously in earnest."

The principal public business in the House of Commons was transacted on Monday, in a Committee of Supply. The sum of 200,000/. was voted in liquidation of claims against Britain, for Spanish property captured and destroyed during the war with America. The money is not to be paid over to the subjects of Ferdinand, but to form the third instalment (two instalments having been paid) of the 900,000/. which was negotiated as the amount of the British claims on Spain. The report of a previous Committee having been brought up, Mr. Hume objected to the vote of 16,000/. for propagating the gos- pel in Canada : the money, he said, was employed in establishing a useless ascendancy, and was the cause of division and discord. Sir GEORGE MURRAY and other members denied that there was any intention to support a dominant Church. On a subsequent money vote, some remarks were made on the state of pUblic feeling in the Cana.das. Sir GEORGE MURRAY declared that Ministers were doing all they could to conciliate the Canadians. Mr. HUME Ob- served, that the Canadians wanted nothing but the management of their own affairs : they were loyal to the Crown, and anxious to maintain their connexion with the mother-country ; but they were decidedly hostile to the local government. Mr. HUME next strongly objected to the sum of 160,000/. for civil contingencies ; and the different items furnished room for ample commentary. There were the plate and expenses of am- bassadors—the" trappings of royalty—baubles—snuff-boxes "—the expense of the band of the Life Guards—and not the least curious, the sum of 7000/. as the expenses of witnesses examined before the Committee for the disfranchisement of Penryn. The CHAN-. CELEOR of the EXCHEQUER gave some plausible reason for these and other objectionable votes ; and all of them passed the ordeal without reduction, though Mr. HUME was on his legs opposing them no fewer than thirteen times.

In the Eighteenth Report of the Commissioners of Judicial In- quiry in Ireland, two charges of malversation in the Court of Ad- miralty are mentioned: Sir Jonah Barrington, the Chief Judge of the Admiralty,is alleged to have detained first GOO/. and afterwards 2001. of which he gave no satisfactory account. In order to give Sir Jonah an opportunity of vindicating himself, and also to vindicate the administration of justice, Lord F. GOIVER has obtained a Com- mittee to inquire into the charges.

Three years ago, an act was passed to effect certain improvements in the Strand and at Charing Cross. The sums voted for this pur- pose was 851,2131.; but 1,147,5131. has been already spent ; while the available property in the hands of the Commissioners is only worth 956,9101. Mr. D. W. HARVEY, who made this statement, with a view to obtain returns of the manner in which the money had been spent, also mentioned some transactions on the part of the official persons employed, which seemed unfair both to the public and to private individuals. In reply, Lord LOWTHER said that all Mr. Harvey's charges were unfounded; and that the whole business of the Commissioners had been conducted in the most fair, open, and honourable manner. The difference of the expense had been incurred by adding the improvements at Exeter Change to the original plan. The whole accounts were to be laid before Parliament after the Easter holydays. The defective state of the law of patents has been brought under consideration by Mr. LENNARD, who has obtained a committee to inquire into the matter. A patent is a contract between the inge- nious inventor and the public : the former discloses his secret, in a way to make it available ; the latter guarantees an exclusive benefit for a limited time. At present the protection afforded by patents is so imperfect as to make it proverbial that a patent is worth no- thing unless backed by the verdict of a jury; and it was the object of Mr. Lennard to supersede these ruinous appeals to the law. He thought that means might be taken to ascertain thcea.ccuracy of the description of an invention before the specification was made out; and he suggested whether the law might not be assimilated to that of France, where a patent can be taken out for five years at a third. part of the expense of one for fifteen years ; it could thus be renewed as new improvements occurred.

The chair of Saint Peter is again filled. Cardinal Castiglioni, the new father of the Catholic Church, has assumed the title of Pius the Eighth. He is nearly seventy years of age.

According to a current story of the week, Don Miguel has at- tempted to assassinate his eldest sister. The lady was saved by the interference of a nobleman, who fell a victim to his zeal, and the frantic wrath of his misguided master. The story is not very credible.