OUR WAR AIMS

SIR,—Either our entry into the war is justified by the highest moral principles, or else it is without justification. The Prime

Minister's speeches have been ennobled by his insistence on the appeal to conscience and to the highest motives. Some people, perhaps many, will not agree with me when I say that Munich abides to his credit as a high adventure of selfless probity ; even though it may now be construed historically as an example of how easily the wisdom of a Solomon can be made to wear the aspect of folly when met by the accident of failure.

As a Protestant Christian I note with mingled admiration and regret that it has been left to the Pope to give authentic expression to a virile Christian pronouncement on the root standards of spiritual values involved in the present world chaos. No such trenchant philosophical surgery has been applied to our diseased if not dying civilisation as that con- tained in the new Pope's first Encyclical. It is deserving of the responsive sanction of the whole of Christendom.

The ethics so nobly invoked are a withering condemnation of the Totalitarian State in whatever guise it may appear ; and apply with equal force both to Nazism and Bolshevism. I am one of many supporters of the Government who view with a puzzlement which is frankly disquieted the apparent trend of their (and consequently our) relations with Russia.

There may be good and sufficient reasons for an acquiescence to the rape of Poland by Stalin, but not by Hitler, but if so, we should know them. As we base our claims upon the very highest principles, so should we be jealous to maintain an inviolable consistency to the whole of the problems which have arisen through the War. We seem to be entirely indifferent to the savage suppression of the Christian religion in that part of Poland where Stalin now reigns. The spear- point of the Communist attack has ever been aimed at Christianity. Without protest we witness it being plunged into the heart of the Christian institutions in Poland—and discover ourselves to be less than Christian! It is the Church of Rome alone that speaks the language of the Universal Church! How is it possible to rebut the charge that we are employing the might of our arms against Germany, but con- doning the same identical offence by Russia?

Ignoring all recent events, and unmoved by the fact that in yet another country the next generation will be brought

up under the aegis of atheism, we are pursuing trade negotia- tions with the Soviet Union in the teeth of all our previous experience of trade pacts, not one of which has been loyally observed by that Government ; and without considering that through this medium there will be nothing to prevent Russia

supplying Germany with British goods to which she now has no access. It is even hinted in reliable quarters that we may send a statesman to Moscow to confer with Stalin with a view to a friendlier understanding between the two countries. Are we about to follow the example of von Ribbentrop and throw ourselves into the arms of that spider which dwells in the Kremlin? Without delay the Government should define its attitude.—Yours faithfully,

REGINALD L. SWABY.

39 Windsor Road, Willesden Green, N.W. 2.

SIR,—Much is being written and spoken on this subject, and, assuming that the war ends as is generally expected, the suggestions made in the article by Sir Arthur Salter are well worthy of full consideration at a later date—but something more concrete is needed as to the first steps to be taken, and the following suggestions, if acted upon, would clear the ground for final settlement. First, secure the persons of Herr Hitler and his chief supporters and intern them in S Helena. Any attempt to palliate his words and deeds is to exhibit a moral feebleness opposed to Christian principles. Second, place an Allied garrison in about twenty of the largest towns in Germany for a period of twelve months. This would remove misunderstanding and establish good relations. Third, take steps to ensure a free and secret plebiscite vote as to whether the German people desired a restoration of the Monarchy or their present system, and, this having been learned, a sei.ond election to select the person who shall be accepted as the head of the State. It would then be possible to open negotiations as to the full settlement of all other questions involved with some prospect of finality. But the issues at stake are not only concerned with political and economic subjects, and if the heads of the Anglican, Roman, Lutheran and orthodox Church were invited to participate there would be little chance of the Versailles Treaty blunder

being repeated.—I am, Sir, M. F. HALL. Monkton Farleigh Rectory.

SIR,—Lately I have remarked, with regret, that the speeches or writings of our publicists and statesmen almost invariably omit the case of Austria when the question of restitution by Germany is referred to.

Surely the invasion of Austria, though bloodless, was just as much brutal and unjustified aggression as were the later invasions of Czecho-Slovakia and Poland ; and, now that we have determined to make a stand against aggression, the time seems appropriate for making it clear that the oppressed Austrians have as great a call upon support in their efforts towards liberation as have the Czechs and the Poles.

If, as Sir A. Salter says, " we must, in some real sense, liberate the Czechs and Poles, or we have failed in our imme- diate objects," surely the same obligation applies in the case of Austria.

I am the more glad to read, in your last issue, the letter of Mr. Weiss taking up this point, following Sir A. Salter's omission to refer to Austria in his article.

So far as my experience goes, all evidence obtainable tends to show that the great majority of the Austrians, whether pro- Nazi or anti-Nazi, were against the Anschluss ; and, further, that even those who favoured the Anschluss are now painfully aware how greatly they were deceived.

I would like, therefore, to endorse the view, so ably stated by Mr. Weiss, that when the question of restitution of inde- pendence comes up for settlement, the cases of Austria, Czecho-Slovakia and Poland should be regarded as in-