111kbates an iproutbings in 41 arlfament.

PUBLIC BUSINESS.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, Lord Joule RUSSELL stated the course which he should pursue with respect to bills before the House. He believed that the Encumbered Estates Bill would be very beneficial to Ire- land: but it had been stated by persons well qualified to speak, and to act if they should think proper, that several millions of money mortgaged in Ire- land would be called in if the bill were passed; and at so late a period of the session it would be impossible to dissipate the alarm occasioned by that decla- ration. He therefore thought it better to defer the bill till next session. The Prisons Bill, which, he understood, was likely to lead to some discussion in the House of Lords, was not necessary to be carried into effect this season: he should propose, therefore, that the bill should not be proceeded with. The Custody of Offenders Bill had been well considered: it is a necessary measure, and Government would go on with it. He should propose to go into Com- mittee on the Parliamentary Electors Bill, but not to go beyond that stage in the present session. The Polls at Elections (Ireland) Bill, the Naviga- tion, and the Post-office Bills, and other bills on the order of the day, ha proposed to proceed with.

MORNING SITTINGS: HEALTH OF TOWNS BILL.

At the early sitting of the Commons on Monday, Lord GEORGE BEN- TENCH raised an objection to the morning sittings of the House, when the Go- vernment could scarcely keep sufficient Members together, and yet brought forward for decision such important measures as the Health of Towns Bill. The result of the early sitting was, that Lord John Russell could come down with his thirty-eight or forty placemen, and force on, almost without discussion, measures of great interest to the country. Lord Joust Rus- BELL maintained that the custom of early sittings towards the end of the session was attended with no inconvenience. He took occasion to declare his opinion that the conduct of Lord George on Friday last was without precedent, and totally unworthy of the position Lord George claimed to hold as the leader of a great party. Several other speakers joined in the conversation. The objection was first taken on the motion to authorize a Select Committee on a local bill to continue during the sit- ting of the House; but as it appeared that the Committee was not to sit till half-past three o'clock, Lord GEORGE lifncrrscK withdrew his motion. To bring the question to the point, however, Mr. Bouvmuw moved that all Committees have leave to sit during the early sitting of the House; and, after a short discussion, that motion was carried, by 67 to 14.

The House went into Committee on the Health of Towns Bill. On the 18th clause, [which empowered the Mayor, Aldermen, and burgesses in corporate towns, to act as Town Commissioners,] a long discussion arose. Mr. HENRY BERKELEY and several other Members contended that au- thority ought to be continued in several towns to local bodies who have already acquired experience in the management of affairs contemplated by the bill; and Mr. Berkeley moved an amendment authorizing Town-Coun- cils to delegate their powers to such bodies. Lord MORFETH and Lord Jour/ RUSSELL resisted this amendment. The Town-Councils are shifting and changing bodies, and ought not therefore to appoint permanent dele- gates. There would be other inconveniences in the proposed clause; but Lord John Russell promised to take the subject of it into the consideration of the Government; and Mr. BERKELEY left the matter in the hands of Ministers.

This admission of Government gave rise to a new discussion on the probable effect of altering the clause. The Earl of Liwcolw took the op- portunity to point out the effect which continued _alterations had had in reducing the bill to a state of confusion— He thought that the powers of the bill ought to be intrusted to some-repre- sentative body. Entertaining doubts as to the fitness of the Town-Councils, on the ground of political dissensions, he had proposed a separate body elected by the ratepayers. On the other hand, .he doubted whether any towns would like to give to their Commissioners the extraordinary powers proposed by the present bill. He thought that if the bill were adopted as it stood, there must be a repre- sentative body of some kind--either the Town-Council, or a body elected partly by the ratepayers, partly by the Town-Council, and partly- by the Commissioners. By the omission of two clauses which should have followed the 18th, [to extend the boundaries of boroughs, and in such case increase the number of the Coun- cil,] the bill would in many respects be rendered nugatory: and he pointed out actual cases in which the area of drainage, gas-works, and water-works, was such as would render the bill inoperative, and even absurd.

Lord Aloarwim and Lord Jorix- RUSSELL defended the bill, on the ground that although it would not extend to all towns in the country. it would operate beneficially in many, and would thus begin the work of im- provement.

Eventually, the 18th clause was agreed to; as well as the 19th, pro riding executive bodies for Oxford and Cambridge.

In Committee of the whole House, on Tuesday, Viscount Monrwrm moved a resolution authorizing the Treasury to advance such sums as might be requisite for preliminary inquiries under the Health of Towns Bill. Lord GEORGE BENTINCE and others objected to the indefinite and vague nature of the credit given, as involving a power of imposing un- limited burdens on local taxation; and Lord George suggested that the expenditure for the preliminary inquiries should be limited to the gross sum of 20,0001. The Earl of Liwcoix believed that that sum would cover every necessary expenditure, and therefore thought that Govern- ment need not resist the limitation. Lord Mourzim thought so too; but did not wish to cripple the future means of usefulness which the bill might afford. Mr. Humw was against limitation, for the peculiar reason that if any sum were fixed the Commissioners would be sure to spend it al/1 The resolution was adopted, and the House resumed.

The House immediately went into Committee on the Health of Towns Bill; but stuck at clause 20; which was postponed. The principal points of discussion were two. First, the practice of incorporating in one bill the clauses of another, as the present bill took in by reference, clauses from the Commissioners Clauses Act and the Town Improvements Act; the origi- nal clauses of the bill not tallying with others which were thus included in it by reference. Lord Jonw MANNERS objected ta that method of legislation, as leading to endless disturbance and confusion. Sir Joint JErv.ts said that this mode was not introduced by the present Govern- ment. Mr. WAHLEY suggested, as a means of avoiding confusion in future, that lawyers should be prohibited from introducing or drawing up bills, and that the duty should be intrusted to a lay commission. Without having attained to any result, the conversation was now turned by Mr. WAKLEY on the conduct of Mr. Hudson. In a previous debate, Dr. Laycock, a physician of York, had been quoted as an authority for de- scribing the want of sanatory improvements in that city; and Mr. Hudson, as Lord Mayor of York, averred that Dr. Laycock had exaggerated. Mr. Wa.kley now read a letter from Dr. Laycock, in contradiction of Mr. Hud- son's "wild statements "— The writer said, that on a public meeting of the Corporation, in November 1844, Mr. Hudson moved a vote of thanks to Dr. Laycock for the "able report" which he has recently impugned; but which was revised and confirmed by the Reverend W. V. Harcourt., Chairman of the Sanatory Commission, and eldest son of the Archbishop of York. "Mr. Hudson," said the letter, "has no knowledge of the sanatory condition of the city: he probably never visited a sick person in his life, unless at the earlier period of his career, when he was a Methodist exhorter and prayer-leader."

Mr. HUDSON retorted— He declared that when the cholera prevailed he visited every part of the city and the hospitals, and his fellow citizens gave him credit for watching over their interests. Dr. Laycock he regarded as a very young practitioner, who, he thought, showed some talent. Dr. Laycock suggested to him that a vote of thar'ks from the Town-Council might have the effect of promoting his profes sional advancement; and Dr. Laycock prevailed on him to propose such a vote. He was not ashamed to acknowledge that he had done this; for he really believed Dr. Laycock to be a deserving person, though he had not succeeded in obtaining as great a share of public patronage as perhaps his merits fairly entitled him to expect. He did not know whether it was the practice in Finsbury for a Member to visit his constituents; but in York it was usual for Members to go round the city to all the electors • and he had six times gone round York with the Members, and visited all the lanes and allies, and freely partaken of the humble meals of the working people in their own houses. As to his having been an exhorter and prayer-leader in the Methodist connexion, he never had that honour. As Lord Mayor of York, he had presided at their missionary meetings. Their missionary society, he thought, had done much good; and he never considered any connexion with them a disgrace, but rather an honour than otherwise. (Cheers.) It might perhaps gratify the spleen of the honourable Member for Finsbury to hold an in- quest over him. Indeed, he seemed very anxious to perform that office; his ayes seemed to glisten the other night at the mere anticipation of such an event. The honourable Member for Finsbury was very much given to boasting of his medical skill; but, without meaning the least disrespect to the honourable gentleman, he might be allowed to say that he placed very little confidence in that skill. If he had confided in it, he should have been much alarmed when the honourable gen- tleman warned him of the near approach of death. He thought very little of his skill either as a medical man or a coroner • and, notwithstanthng.the gloomy an- ticipations of the Member for Finsbury, he should continue to enjoy himself, and make all around him as happy as he could. ("Hear, hear! ")

The House resumed; the Committee to sit again on Thursday.

On Thursday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL made a statement-

" The House is aware that this bill was introduced at an early period of the ses- sion, although the state of public business did not allow it to be proceeded with sooner than it has been. It was read a second time, after some debate, by a great majority. There was a large majority in favour of going into Committee on it. The House likewise agreed to the first clauses to which most objection was made

in point of principle. Thus, on the second reading, on going into Committee, and on those first clauses, the principle of the measure has been approved. But in proceeding with those more important parts of the bill considerable debate took place on each clause. On Monday we could only go through two clauses, and at the last sitting of the House only one. Some clauses have been postponed for the of introducing amendments, which amendments again may give rise to purpose discussion; and when I state that there are fifty-eight clauses in the bill, and consider the debate those clauses are likely to lead to, though I think they would probably, with each amendments as might be introduced into the discussion, be adopted, yet at this period of the session and the Parliament, I cannot say we are likely to get through the Committee without a considerable time elapsing." He would not argue the question of delay: time may have been consumed by measures of importance; and there may have been other causes, about which he had his own opinion.

But the House would perceive that they could not hope to proceed with the bill this session. "I should say, that another and more special reason arises from the circumstances of the present time. We have not only advanced into the mid- dle of July, but the Parliament is approaching its termination. I believe this Parliament has now sat for a greater number of years than any Parliament since 1826; no Parliament since the dissolution of 1826 has sat so long as the present one. At the end of six years there is naturally an expectation of a dissolution; with that comes all the canvassing, the expense and the excitement consequent on a general election. This is the reason the Government, without varying in its opinion as to the great advantage of proceeding with the bill, finds it cannot do so.

I will not allow a word to drop from me which could at all intimate that my con- fidence in the principle of the measure as adopted by a great majority of the House is at all changed: the object itself is one demanded on all hands, and excites great interest throughout the country. I believe no one denies that legislation is required: it is therefore not to be expected, in dropping the bill at present,. that either this Government or any other can let the question alone and not persist in making such amendments of the law as may be necessary, at an early period of the ensuing session."

Lord John moved that the order of the day for going into Committee on the bill be read in order to its being discharged.

Mr. STUART approved of that course; although he approved also of the objects of the bill. But it was constructed on a system of legislation altogether faulty—

The 21st clause incorporated in the bill an act of Parliament, passed only a few months ago, which was very difficult of construction, and which very few Members of the House could have had the opportunity of considering until their attention was called to it by the present bill The act of Parliament thus incor- porated with the bill by the 21st clause contained 116 sections. This was not all, however; for towards the end of the bill, which itself consisted of 58 clauses, he found that another act of Parliament, called the Railway Clauses Consolidated Act, was also incorporated with it; and, from only a limited examination of the measure, he found there were incorporated with it no fewer than 790 clauses of existing acts of Parliament. Let the House reflect upon what it was doing when it proceeded to legislate in this way. All the sections of the Railway Clauses Consolidation Act, passed in 1847, which referred to the recovery of damages, were incorporated with the bill; and he found, upon referring to that act, that all the sections from 104 up to 165 consisted Of clauses relating to damages and compensation; and again those clauses were so interwoven with other clauses of the act and with the interpretation-clauses as to open a field for litigation of the extent of which the House could have no conception. This litigation must, of course, be attended with heavy expenses; which must be defrayed out of the rates to be levied upon every town in England within the scope of the bill.

Mr. Stuart mentioned a case in point. There is a local act for Liverpool con- taining 357 clauses; one of those clauses is so constructed that the town has for two months been engaged in litigation upon it; and the Lord Chancellor has or- dered an action at law to try the meaning of three words. Mr. Stuart would im- press upon the noble Lord opposite the necessity of well considering what he was about before giving rise to litigation of this kind. Speaking as a lawyer, he never felt himself and his profession so degraded as when, in consequence of some word improvidently introduced into an act of Parliament, questions were raised of the difficulty of solving which no person could form an idea who had not the oppor- tunity of witnessing the ingentuty of lawyers on each side when irritated indivi- duals were stimulated to put a construction upon words which would favour their views.

He agreed with Mr. Wakley's remark, that it would be desirable in framing acts of Parliament, to consult laymen more and lawyers less. He had come to the conclusion that it was imperatively necessary to simplify the construction of acts of Parliament. It was necessary to avoid holding out baits for the litigious por- tion of the community—a very numerous class—by legislating in more general terms, and trusting more to the discretion of the magistrates. Several Members expressed their satisfaction at the course the Ministers had now resolved on; though from different causes. Lord MOR.FETH de- clared that he had not been a party to the withdrawal of the bill without the deepest regret to himself; as well as on public grounds: and he re- newed the assurance that a measure would be reintroduced early next session.

• The order of the day for going into Committee was read and discharged. So the bill is lost.

MIRIBTERL&L INTERVENTION AT ELECTIONS.

On Thursday, Air. Baancis read the following letter, which had been

published in a Scotch paper. "Treasury, Whitehall, June 27th, 1847. "My dear Melgund—Understanding that it has been denied that any Govern- ment influence was exercised to prevent you originally from standing for Greenock,

I think it right that your opponents should know that, in consequence of repre- sentations that were made to myself and others respecting the state of parties in the borough, and the feelings that were entertained on the subject in other quar- ters, I certainly authorized a strong remonstrance being made to you' and endea- voured by every means in my power to dissuade you from coming forward as a Candidate.

"I am, yours truly, H. Tbr.8.e.LI.." Mr. Bankes wished an answer to these questions— First, did the honoarable gentleman acknowledge this letter as written by him, in an official capacity, as Secretary of the Treasury, it being dated from the "Treasury, Whitehall'? Secondly, what were the "means in his power" which he proposed to use to persuade Lord Melgund from coming forward as a candi- date? Thirdly, whether he wrote that letter with the sanction of the First Lord of the Treasury, the author of the Reform Bill? ("Bear, hear!" and laughter.) Mr. TCFNELL believed the letter quoted to be a copy of a private com- munication he had made to Lord Melgund. As soon as he found that this letter had been published in a newspaper, he wrote to Lord Melgund expressing his surprise that the letter should have been published. The means " he referred to in the letter were only such means as one friend would use towards another to persuade him not to appear as a candidate. Lord GEORGE BENTINCIL was proceeding to exact more explanations of the words " Government influence "; but Mr. Huma objected to farther discussion of a private communication which had been published by a breach of confidence.

STATE OF RELIEF MEASURES IN IRELAND.

On Thursday, the House resolved itself into Committee on the Destitute Persons (Ireland) (No. 3) Bill; and Sir CHARLES WOOD moved a fur- ther vote of 300,000/. for affording relief in Ireland to be advanced by

way of loan upon the security of rates. Sir Charles took the oppor- tunity of making a statement respecting the progress of the relief measures, and the actual condition of the people. He gave a retrospective sketch of the past, and then described the working of the Temporary Relief Act. That act is now in operation in the greater part of Ireland. There were in Ireland 2,049 electoral divisions. Of these, 1,386 had Relief Committees, which had received aid in advances of money on the security of the rates; 48 received aid by loans and also by grants, and 45 more received grants in aid of their own sub- scriptions; making in all 1,479 electoral divisions that were under the operation. of the act; while there were but 570 electoral divisions, principally in the North of Ireland, to which neither loans nor grants were advanced, and which were relieving their poor without any extra aid.

He was happy to say that the system of relief now in operation had been most successful. The appearance of the people, and their bodily health, especially throughout the Western parts of Ireland, where the distress had been greatest, were improved to a degree which those who visited them in the period of extreme distress were quite unprepared for. Colonel Jones, of the Board of Worlcs, was at this moment going round the Western coast of Ireland; and Government had received letters from him dated from various places that he had visited, all bear-

ing out this statement. 'In the first letter, dated at Bantry Bay, .1 26th, Co- lonel Jones described what he had seen at Skibbereen. He said—" At Skib- bereen I was greatly surprised with the appearance of the town and people; the latter looking in very good condition, very few miserable or famished objects to be seen; the former had signs of bustle, well-stocked shops, and an air of business. There is no want of food there at present. The fish-market was well supplied; and whilst I was in the town several boats arrived with mackerel." Sir Charles Wood cited similar reports from Valencia, Galway, and Westport. In the Gal. way market it was observed that the countrywomen "had each their baskets with something for sale, and a good deal of poultry. There were from twenty to thirty carts loaded with last year's oats for sale." Sir John Burgoyne had also sent a report, in which he stated that the accounts are generally that the people are getting perceptibly more healthy; that fever is decreasing in most parts, and the mortality in a still greater degree. The precautionary measures adopted under the Fever Act—cleansing, whitewashing, and removing nuisances— seem to have been attended with very beneficial effects. They have been effected at a very small expense, and have been greatly promoted by the exertions of our officers. From the reports of deaths made by the Constabulary, the same results appeared manifest. He had seen that day the last weekly report of the Consta- bulary, and it appeared from it that in the whole of Ireland there were only fear deaths during the week that could be attributed to want. There was also a re- markable decrease of crime within a short period, especially in the kinds excited by want of food. The decrease of the expenditure was equally striking. The expenses of every kind for the four weeks ending the 20th of March amounted to 1,020,592/.' while for the four weeks ending the 12th of June they were 589,6711.; showing a diminution of no less than 480,921/. in the comparison between the two periods. Various checks had been established against the abuses which were continually attempted in various parts of the country. First, the personal appearance of all parties requiring relief was uniformly insisted upon, exceptions only being made in favour of the sick; and another was the distribution of cook- ed instead of raw food. Relief has been given to the people by the establishment of a considerable number of fever hospitals. No less than 207 hospitals and seven dispensaries had been opened, in which 1,300 medical men were engaged. The Government had also been at great pains to encourage the fisheries of Ire- land.

The expense of the relief measures has not been so great as he anticipated. He had estimated it at 3,000,000/.; but it would not exceed 2,200,0001. The re- payments of loans have not begun; and it would be so arranged as not to press heavily on the debtors. In the course of the autumn they would only have to pay the second instalment of the advances of last session-27,0001.

Sir Charles referred to the future prospect in regard to food. Nothing could be more promising than the appearance of the growing crops in Ireland. As to potatoes, there was an appearance of the disease having been checked. He would not, however, venture to express a confident opinion on this subject, either one way or the other. Still, speaking generally, the grain crops throughout the country, and especially in Ireland, and the potato crops also, appeared to be pro- mising and satisfactory. It was impossible under present circumstances to over- rate the importance of a good harvest; and he most sincerely trusted that the hopes which had been formed of it would not be disappointed.

Sir Charles presented the following summary of the expenditure-

1. Grants.

Half of the expense of Works under 9th and 10th Vic., c. 107 £2,500,000 Grants by Relief Commissioners (Sir J. Burgoyne's Commission).. 1,000,000 Staff of Board of Works and Relief Commission 310,000 Donations to Relief Committees made previously to the establish- ment of the Relief Commission 190,000

Estimated Loss on Commissariat operations, lac., already voted 250,000

Making £4,260,000 Probable expenditure on Fishery Piers, and Neelgallon connected with Drainage 130,000 £4,380,000

2. Advance, tote repaid out of rates.

Half of the expense of Works under the 9th and 10th Vie., c. 107 2,800,000 Loans by Relief Commissioners 1,200,000 3. Advances /or works of utility, repayment of which might be depended on with certainty. For RaRroads 620,000 Board of Works Loan-fund 230,000 Estimated Advance for Land-Improvement up to April 1848 400,000 Making a grand total of X9,350,000

The whole sum, therefore, expended in Ireland since August last, and to be ex- pended up to the 31st of March 1848, was 9,350,0001.; of which the sum advanced on loan and charged upon the rates was 3,700,000/a and the sum charged upon land of one sort or another was 1,270,0001. The Committee would remembn-, that when be made his Irish statement early in the session, he estimated the pro- bable expense for the year of the relief of distress in Ireland, by all the various means to which he had referred, at 10,000,0001. He had said that 2,000,0001. had been already advanced, and he took a loan for 8,000,0001. more. The estimated ax. penditurc now was 9,350,0001.; which, deducted from 10,000,0001. left an available

balance in his hand of 650,0001. At the same time, there might be further demands for loans under the Land-Improvement Bill. He did not believe such a demand would be made; but he proposed to reserve that sum in hand in order to meet any contingent expenses. The vote he now asked for was a further loan of 300,0001., to be advanced by way of loan upon the security of the rates. That would make in all 1,200,000/. of loan to Ireland, and was the only vote to be taken on behalf of the destitute poor. He should afterwards propose to go into Committee in order to take a vote for the remission of one half of the sum advanced by loan on the credit of presentments for public works.

The vote was granted, and the House resumed.

The House immediately went into Committee on the vote for exonerating the several counties and districts in Ireland liable to the repayment of the loan just alluded to from the payment of one half of it. A long and de- sultory conversation ensued; several Members making vague critical re- marks on what had been done. Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE declared that the Government measures had done more harm than good; the people being completely demoralized. He looked forward to the approaching winter with horror and dismay. Mr. DENNIS CALLAGHAN was also desponding; and urged the necessity of establishing depots throughout Ireland, lest there should be another failure of the potato crop. Lord GEORGE BEN- TINCK hinted at the necessity of more energy, and especially of more rail- ways; and he was backed by Mr. DISRAELI. Mr. LABOUCHERE. and Lord Joust RUSSELL defended the conduct of Government, and repeated dis- claimers of the policy of superseding the provision-trade of a whole country.

The resolution was affirmed.

SPANISH BONDHOLDERS..

On Tuesday, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK moved an address to the Crown, praying the Queen to take such steps as might be deemed advisable to se- cure for the British holders of unpaid Spanish Bonds redress from the Government of Spain. The debt of Spain to her foreign creditors is 78,000,0001.; of that amount, 46,000,000/. is held by British subjects; but of the total sum' Spain only pays interest on 7,105,0001. The revenue of Spain has increased from 9,990,000/. in 1835 to 12,266,3531. in 1846; there is an excess of income over expenditure amounting to 422,581E, exclusively of a sinking-fund of 991,0001. The Spanish Colonies also are rich; the produce of Cuba alone being estimated at 9,300,000/.; while the island re- quires only 9,000 military for defence. Spain has liquidated the claims of her domestic creditors in the most liberal manner; and her expenditure can be proved to be on the most extravagant scale. Prussia, with a denser popu- lation and a revenue of only 8,600,0001., lays by 1,300,0001. a year for the payment of her debt. Lord George cited authorities on international law to show that the British Government might interpose in behalf of the Bondholders; and mentioned precedents, including demands made by Lord Palmerston on Portugal [for the British Legion] in 1840, which had the desired effect of extorting payment. Lord George professed to speak, not for the rich, but for the orphans and widows of many veterans who had bled for their country in Spain and had invested their savings in its funds.

Lord PALMERSTON did not dispute the principles laid down by Lord George; but he differed as to the practical application and the degree of enforcing them, and must therefore resist the motion. He drew a distinc- tion between ordinary dealings in trade, in which the Government must see its subjects rightly treated according to the laws of the country with which they trade, and the dealings between the subjects of one country and the government of another. In the latter case, if the subjects disposed to advance the money obtain a guarantee from their own government, it must be enforced; but otherwise they advance the money at their own risk- " It is for the advantage of this country to encourage dealings between its sub- jects and those of foreign powers: I do not know that it is for the advantage of this country to give any great encouragement to British subjects to invest their capital in loans to foreign states. I think it inexpedient, for many reasons, to ex- pose British subjects to loss by trusting governments which are not trustworthy; and if the principle were established in practice, that the claims of British sub- jects would be enforced by the arms of England, it would subject the Govern- ment to the liability of being involved in serious disputes with foreign powers., on matters with regard to which the Government of the day might have had no opportunity of being consulted, or of giving an opinion one way or the other."

Such was Lord Palmerston's view on the point of expediency. Still he did not deny that England had a right to interfere; and he sympathized with the Bondholders in their loss, perhaps in many cases of the small remnants of a dilapidated fortune-

" Some no doubt, invested them as speculations, being tempted by the high rate of interest promised them; but the greater number really, as I believe, acted from generous impulses at seeing these countries struggling in difficulties and engaged in conflicts for the liberty we now enjoy. I am persuaded that generous and good feelings operated on a great number of men, and induced them to ad- vance their money in these loans. And that, Sir, adds, I would say, to the base- ness of the Governments who have broken their engagements and have not ful- filled their pledges. Sir, I cannot retract the expression, because there is hardly one Government which is indebted in this manner to British subjects who might not have paid, if not the whole, at least some portion of the interest on the debts which they have contracted. Instead of doing this, they go on squandering away their resources, allowing their revenues to be plundered and pillaged in the col- lection, and pertaining even members of the Administration to amass fortunes by the misapplication of the public foods; so that one half of the revenues are not cellestW and-a great portion of the other half goes to purposes unconnected with the interests of the country. And then they come forward in the form of paupers to tell us they are unable to meet their engagements." (All this was *such cheered.) Sonia of the South American States may have been unable to meet their engage- menbs, and Spain at one time may have been so; but that is no longer the case. The income of Spain has doubled within the last ten years. And her revenue might be yet greater than it is. "And why is the income of Spain not larger? Because Spain chooses to persevere in a system of commercial restriction and ex- clusion, by which she positively makes her income inadequate to her expenditure. Why, Sir, Spain goes on to this day in spite of all the experience and example of other countries, prohibiting a great portion of the commerce which would naturally flow into her ports. At this moment, I believe I do not at all exaggerate the facts, for I have heard from a person well acquainted with what he spoke about, that there are in Spain not less than 130,000 parsers professionally employed in carry- log on the smuggling trade. It is a monstrous thing, but I cannot disbelieve it, from the way in which it was stated to me. There are also 12,000, or 15,000, or perhaps 20,000 more persons, professedly employed in watching those smugglers. There are, therefore, 150,000 ot the population of Spain employed in one way or another in this contraband trade. These are all the most active part of the popu- lation; and if their labour were employed in industrial pursuits they would be most valuable instruments in adding. to the public wealth of the country. At pre- sent they are employed in that province of commerce which is assigned to the distributors of wealth. (A laugh.) Then Sir, when the Spanish Government are urged to abolish these prohibitions, and to allow these commodities so smug- gled to come in upon the payment of moderate duties, they say, We are unable to do it; we must give protection to native industryl (A laugh.) But the 'native industry ' which they protect is really nothing but the industry I have been describing; because, as to Spanish manufactures, the simple fact IS, that the greater part of the commodities smuggled into Spain (a great part of the cottons and silks which are said to be produced by the industrious artisans of Catalonia and other provinces) are really introduced by three or four houses in Barcelona, by great smugglers, by capitalist smugglers who regularly receive from Man- chester and Lyons cottons and silks of English and French manufacture, which are stamped with the Spanish mark, and which are afterwards distributed through- out Spain as the produce of Spanish industry. Spain, therefore, loses all the re- venue which she would derive from levying moderate and proper duties on the commodities now smuggled into the country; and no sort of industry is protected and encouraged except that industry of smuggling which tends to demoralize the people, to engender hatred or contempt for the law, and which makes the man engaged today in smuggling become tomorrow a robber, and which leads the man who carried the contraband goods over the mountain one day to carry off the nn- offending passenger up the mountain the next day in order to get possession of his

i property. That s the state and principle of commerce under which the Spanish Government voluntarily sacrifice a large annual income more than sufficient to pay

all their foreign creditors and which income might be received without injuring any Spanish interest whatever but that which I have just described." (Much cheering throughout.) England has urged successive Spanish Governments to alter this most foolish and absurd system' but successive Governments of France have opposed obstacles to any plan for liberalizing the commerce of Spain. The change would be no less desirable for France and Spain than for England: her commerce finds its way in spite of restriction; it is they that lose. At all events, he insisted on the duty of honesty in all governments to their foreign creditors. Many of the states indebted

to this country are really guilty of malversation towards their foreign creditors. "I have no doubt that this money is no longer theirs; that these Governments are only receivers for the foreign creditor; and that they have no right to apply a

single farthing to any service of their own, however urgent that service may be. They ought to pay the interest on their debts first, and then see what remains; and, if the revenue is not sufficient, lay on fresh taxes, or else confine the public

expenditure to the income. I think that is a doctrine indisputably true; and I hope that the discussions in this House and the opinions proclaimed in public here may bring these Governments, in proportion as they become more settled, to see that not only their honour but their Interest requires them to make good their obligations. I will admit that many of the South American States have been in a state of internal confusion, which has afforded some excuse for the neglect of their undisputed obligations. I heard a remark lately made by an intelligent citizen of

the North American Union, who said, There is this difference between us and our South American neighbours that they use the cartridge-box and we use the bal. lot-box. (A laugh.) We think that the latter is the least troublesome, and that

it leaves us more at liberty to attend to our domestic affairs.' Sir, I am happy to say that the South American States are beginning to leave off the cartridge-box,' and I hope that they will soon set a good example by paying what is due from them. I hope that the rest will follow that example; and if it be set by those who have hitherto been in the habit of dealing with the cartridge-box, I should

hope it will not be lost on those who have been in the habit of dealing with the ballot-box. (Cheers and laughter.) The North American States really are able to pay, and have no excuse for not paying the demands against them. They have no internal revolutions; they have no military dictator, and no civil war which can justify a breach of pubhc faith on their part towards their foreign creditors."

At the close of his speech, Lord Palmerston, interrupted by frequent

bursts of cheering, addressed the defaulters still more emphatically-a- ,s

" Sir, I do not wish to modify or do away with the assent I give to the general principle laid down by my noble friend; and though I entreat the House on grounds of public policy not to impose on the Government the obligations which the adoption of this address would throw upon them, I take this opportunity of reminding those Governments who may be debtors to the British people, that the time may come when this House can no longer sit patiently under the wrongs and injustice inflicted upon the subjects of this country; that the time may come when the British nation may no longer see with the same tranquillity 150,000,0001. due to English subjects, the interest and principal of which are alike unpaid; and that if more proper efforts adequately to fulfil their engagements are not made, the Government of this country, whoever may be the men who compose it, may be compelled by public opinion, ay, and by the votes of Parliament, to deviate from the hitherto established practice, and to insist upon the payment of those debts. Sir, that we have the means to do so I do not for one moment dispute. It is not that we are afraid of any of those states, or of one or all of them put together, that we have abstained from taking the steps which my noble friend has urged upon us. I trust that we sfiall always have the means of obtaining justice from any country on the face of the earth, and also of compelling them to discharge their just obligations to us: and therefore, let no foreign country that has done a wrong to British subjects deceive itself by the false impression that the British nation and the British Parliament will for ever remain acquiescent and passive un- der the wropg; or that, whenever they call upon the British Government to in - terfere and enforce the rights of the people of England, the Government will not have ample means and power to obtain far them a full measure of justice." (Loud cheers.)

Mr. HumE, Lord GEORGE BENTINCK, and Mr. BORTHWICK, expressed great satisfaction at the tone of Lord Palmerston's speech; anticipating from it a good effect. Sir DE LACY EVANS uttered a few words of ex- tenuation in favour of the Spanish- Government. The motion was then withdrawn.

PORTUGAL.

On Monday, Mr. OSBORNE called attention to the affairs of Portugal. He did not intend to reopen the question, to disinter the facts and despatches of the blue book; but he took up the subject where it had been left by the last pro- ceedings of Government. He accused the Government of not only dissembling their love" of constitutional freedom, but of " kicking " the popular party in For-' tugal "down stairs"; of having, in fact, been birdlimed by that great master of diplomacy Loins Philippe. England has been betrayed into an expenditure of 1501. a day to support the prisoners of war, besides other outlay, in order to maintain a particular dynasty on the throne of Portugal, without any prospect of a termina- tion to the interference, and with an imminent risk of exciting a general war. The. terms even of the last convention have not been observed: the amnesty issued from the Palace of Necessidades,—and if the Queen had not been in necessity it would never have been issued at all,—was qualified by the clause that it was to take. effect "as soon as due submission had been made": the Ministry remains a Cab- ral Ministry, all its members being partisans of that Jonathan Wild of European diplomacy Costa Cabral; Count di Tojal, the Minister of the Exterior, has been accused of assassination; the Minister of Finance, the Sir Charles Wood of Portu- gal, was some years ago a defaulter on the English Stock Exchange; Saldanha and his associates have robbed the prisoners taken at Torres Vedras, and those unfortunate persons have been sent to a penal settlement. With respect to them, the British Government ought to have said to the Queen of Portugal, We will do nothing for you until you send out a ship to Angola to recall the Count de Beam and his companions." Mr. Osborne concluded by moving a resolution' to the effect that as the British Government had interfered in the affairs of Portugal they should Sake measures for preserving the rights and privileges of the Portuguese people, and for obtaining the recall of the Torres Vedras prisoners. • Lord PALMERSTON declined to go into the whole question of Portuguese intervention; treating it as having been settled by the debate of which Mr. Hume's speech was the prologue, the speech just delivered by Mr. Osborne was properly the epilogue: and he rested the defence of Govern- ment on the able speech of Sir Robert Peel. Neither was it his part to defend the Government of Portugal; for he admitted that in many cases it had been wrong. He briefly retraced the arguments derived from the fact that Spain and France had declared a cams facleris to have arisen. The British Government endea- voured first to 'persuade the Government of Portugal to make proper concession in the way of redressing grievances; but, failing in that, France and Spain threatening to interfere the British Government had joined in the inter- vention to protect popular rights. He did not see, if they had refused to interfere, that constitutional principles would have been at all promoted by the refusal. On the other hand, there was facility' such as by the intervention of a fleet, for forcibly preventing the entrance of the Spanish troops. [Mr. OSBORNE—" You did that before; Mr. Canning did it."] That was a very different case. Mr. Canning was compelled to do it in the execution and fulfil- ment of the engagements of a treaty: but in the present case there was no such treaty, and to make war on Spain would have been a purely Quixotic enterprise. Mr. Osborne's other objections from the non-fulfilment of the recent convention, Lord Pahnerston answered by the intelligence received that day. The Junta bad acceded to the terms of the amnesty, which would take immediate effect; and as soon as the country was tranquil the elections would take place. Cliff.. OSBORNE—" What do you say about the change of Ministry? "] Well, it is stated that this is the Ministry against which the revolt in October took place; but the men now in office are not the men who were in office then—(A derisive cry of "Hear, hear!")—and he could assure his honourable friend that no in- fluence of the British Government would fail to be exerted to obtain a full and faithful execution of the fourth article of the treaty. Alluding to some apparent discrepancies between the French and English accounts of the diplomatic trans- actions, Lord Palmerston showed that they really confirmed each other. It was true that the Spanish Minister in the first instance refused to be bound by a joint interference; and M. de Jarnae had stated, very truly, that there was in Spam a great desire for independent action-' but by the convention which the British Go- vernment had been able to bring to a conclusion, the conditions so important to the people of Portugal had been made a matter of common consent of the three Powers, with a proportionate security to the people of Portugal. The Government had been charged with a desire to crush popular liberties and establish despotic authority in Portugal: that, however, is not the course which they have pursued, or which England would in these days permit to be pursued. "Sir, it was very well for that great and powerful people in ancient times to hold that it was their peculiar and appropriate duty to impose their fetters on every neighbouring land—to crush and trample under foot every man whose bosom lowed with magnanimous sentiments of native independence—and only to spare from the ruthless edge of their destroying sword those whom they had subdued, or who had submitted to them. Far different has been the allotted task of Eng- land in these latter days. Our duty and our vocation have been, not to enslave, but to set free. We stand—I may say it without vain-glorious boasting, without giving just offence to any nation—we stand at the bead of moral, social, and political civilization. Sir, it is our task to lead the way and direct the march of other nations. I do not mean that we ought to goad on the unwilling, or to force forward the reluctant. But if we see a people struggling with difficulties and battling against obstacles, it may be permitted to us to cheer them with our sym- pathy, to encourage them with our approval, and even when occasion occurs to stretch forth a helping hand to bear them up amid the difficulties with which their path may be beset. Well, we have done this in the pre- sent instance. England has often, and with success interfered in this manner.' Greece and Spain were instances cited by Lord Palmerston; and in Portugal had been preserved a national dynasty and political freedom. "Our object has been neither to serve the Portuguese Crown nor to oppress the Portuguese people. We found Portugal a prey to civil war, which threatened to lay waste the country, to deluge it with blood, to ruin its finances to put an end to its prosperity, and to bring in famine as the only stop to military operations. Looking, then, at Por- tugal as our natural ally, as a country which it was important for British inte- rests to maintain as a material element in the balance of European power—view- ing it as very important to British interests that this country should remain a wealthy and prosperous friend—we thought we should best consult our duty in obtaining for the Portuguese nation those constitutional securities which by the bad advice of the counsellors of the Crown in that country had been suspended. Our object was to put an end to bloodshed; and in that we have succeeded. And in bringing the war to a peaceful termination—in transferring the struggle from the field of battle to the arena of Parliamentary debate—we have, I think, earned thanks of political parties in this country, and given the Portuguese nation the means which the constitution and popular institutions of the country have secured to them of stating their grievances; of obtaining, and, if necessary, I will say of extorting, redress from the Crown. That has been the object and that the limit of our interference; and, whatever honourable gentlemen may think, I leave it with confidence to this country, and to the impartial judgment not only of our contemporaries but also to future times, to determine whether we have swerved one hair's breadth from the course which the Government of this free country ought to have pursued." (Cheers.)

A debate of some length followed; many speakers repeating, without so much precision or detail, the views expressed in the debate on Mr. Hume's motion.

Mr. BORTHWICH deplored the bad faith of the Portuguese; and described "the Napoleon of Peace" as creating by intrigues that dominion in the Peninsula which a nobler Napoleon endeavoured to establish by means of war. Mr. Horan protested against the right arrogated by Lord Palmerston to interfere in the internal affairs of every part of the world. Lord GEORGE Bniernecn declared that the conduct of Ministers had placed England in a disgraceful position. Lord Joins MANNERS protested against the Minis- terial idea that the people of England were satisfied with what had been done in Portugal; where an English fleet has triumphed over the unani- mous voice of the oppressed and unhappy people. He looked forward to the future with dread and alarm. The whole of our triumphs may be summed up in the lines of Dryden-

" The Duke shall wield his conquering sword, The Premier make a speech, The Queen shall pass her honest word, The pawned revenue sums afford " And then

But it was impossible he could finish the quotation. ( Great laughter.) Other speakers objected to reopening the question' and defended the con- duct of Government: these were Mr. RICHILAM Escorr, Sir DE LACY Evans, Mr. Holleman, Mr. EWART, and Lord Joan RUSSELL.

The speakers on both sides strongly urged the intervention of the British Government to obtain the recall of the Torres Vedras prisoners from Angola; and elicited more than one assurance that they would be recalled. Lord Pauseasrosi signified as much in reply during Mr. Borth- wick's speech; and Lord Jon RuSSELL declared that the recall was in- cluded in one of the articles of the convention, which stipulated that all prisoners should be restored to liberty. He added a brief exhortation-

" I trust i that, after the news we have lately received, importing the conclusion of the civil war n Portugal, that country will be restored to tranquillity. I trust that the Government of Portugal will see that the only hope of prosperity and peace in that country is in a strict observance of and compliance with constitu- tional rights and principles. The violent factions which have prevailed in that country—factions which are disposed to indulge in the excesses of passion and revenge—may, I think, be allayed in a constitutional manner: yet I cannot but feel that the only hope of the continuance of peace in that country is in the Go- vernment of Portugal observing the constitution with the utmost strictness; and if there be a party in that country which has a majority, whatever that party may be, or whoever may be at the head of that party, I trust it will exercise the power it may possess in a constitutional manner, without any attempt to restrict or embarrass the Crown. It is from this course of proceeding alone that I can hope for any security for peace and property in that country. However necessary may have 'leen the recent interference in the affairs of Portugal, I agree with the doctrine that a perpetual interference with a foreign government can secure neither the rights of the Crown nor those of the subjects; and I do hope that in future years we may see the accomplishment of our hopes without the necessity of any interference whatever."

The motion was withdrawn.

CASE OF TUE RAJAH OF SATTARA.

On Monday, by favour of ths motion for Committee of Supply, Mr. Hymn moved a resolution declaring it the duty of the House to institute an inquiry into the conduct pursued by the East India Company towards the Rajah of Sattara; whose case be recapitulated. In 1818, after the Ilabratta war, the Rajah was placed upon the throne of Setters as an independent sovereign; and on the 25th of September 1819, a large revenue was secured to him by treaty. Subsequently, a dispute arose between the Rajah and the Eat India Company, respecting the management of certain jaghires or feudal estates, over which the Company insisted on having a control. The Company being thwarted in that attempt, a series of charges was get up against the Rajah,—that he had attempted to seduce the Native officers of the Twenty-fifth Regiment from their British allegiance- that he had entered into a treaty with the Viceroy of the Portuguese settlement at Goa for the invasion of British India with 30,000 Portuguese; and that he had carried on a clandestine correspondence with the Ex-Rajah of Nagpore. On those grounds the Rajah was deprived of his sovereignty and his property; and he was exiled without having had any trial. Troops entered his capital in the dead of the night, and carried him off, almost in a state of nudity he was conveyed to Benares, where his subjects witnessed a series of cruelties which could not be expected to be dis- closed in this country. In 1842, the Rajah sent a complete answer to these charges, and demanded inquiry. Sir John Hobhonse, the first to give authority for dethroning the Rajah without any inquiry except before a Secret Committee, declared his disbelief of the charge respecting intrigues with the Viceroy of Goa. The Governor of Goa had solemnly declared that he had never bad any correspondence on political subjects with the Rajah. Mr. Macaulay, in his essay on Warren Hastings' has shown that when the Indian Government wished to rum a particu- lar man, they can in twenty-four hours be furnished with grave charges, accom- panied with depositions to an extent which no man unaccustomed to Asiatic men- dacity could have any idea of. Sir Robert Grant evidently dissented from the sentence on the Rajah; Mr. St. George Tucker has expressed commiseration for that larince-' and two members of the Secret Committee, Mr. Lusbington and Mr. Jenkins, have admitted that if they had pursued the inquiry further than they did it would have been seriously detrimental to the Indian Government. The confidential correspondence between .the Rajah and his agents in England was opened; but still his accusers had failed to show any grounds for their accu- sations. Rewards had been given to persons who came forward and offered to prove that the Rajah was guilty of treasonable conduct; and papers were eventu- ally produced, to which seals were attached, purporting to be the seals of the Ex- Rajah. Those documents and the seals were torgenes. Colonel Ovens had in possession at the time the seals of the Rajah, and it was impossible for him not to have detected the imposture. In the coarse of his speech, Mr. Hume alluded to a past debate in which Sir John Hoblionse had mentioned Mr. George Thompson in a disparaging manner: "but," added Mr. Hume, "let me tell the right honourable gentleman, that if Mr. Thompson gets into Parliament next session he will be as a pigmy in the hands of a giant if Thompson gets hold of him." (Much laughter.)

Mr. EWART seconded the motion; and the debate was immediately ad- journed, on the motion of Mr. HENLEY.

On Tuesday, the debate was taken up by Sir Joint Honnocan; who Claimed the indulgence of the House on account of its being impossible to invest so trite a subject with any interest. He declared that no false pride would prevent him from advising his friends in Leadenhall Street to re- trace their steps if he were convinced that they had erred; but he was convinced of the contrary, and must oppose the motion.

Mr. Hume's definition of the Rajah's position was not accurate: he was not an independent prince at all but a prince created by the British Government, on distinct conditions, under a specific treaty; which treaty was repeatedly but fruit- lessly pressed on his consideration. The Rajah's father and grandfather were tributaries—merely the tools of the Peishawnr ; he himself was ban in a prison, and in 1818 or '19 he was raised to the throne by the benevolence of the British Government. He was then placed by Mr. Elphinstone in charge of Captain Grant, now Captain Grant Duff; who said of him—" Opposed to the Rajah's good qualities are these: he is very sly, and this he mistakes for wisdom." A similar opinion was then expressed by General Briggs—though, now that he is released from the responsibility of office, that gentleman has changed his opinion; and by General Lodwick, who found the Rajah faithless to his treaties,. and attempting to corrupt the fidelity of certain officers in the Twenty-fifth Native Infantry. A Commission was appointed to inquire into the charges against the Rajah: it con- sisted of General Lodwick, Colonel Ovens, and Mr. Willoughby, Secretary to the Bombay Government. They spent twenty-four days in the inquiry; though the inquiry was secret all the proceedings are published in a blue book; and the Rajah himself and his witnesses were deliberately examined. The Rajah con- tented himself with a denial of the story. The Commissioners reported; and the result of the inquiry was such that Sir Robert Grant, a most honourable and conscientious man said, "The extent and magnitude of the plots of this prince against his benefactors left no fear on his mind that his deposal would be condemned." Mr. Farish and Mr. Anderson, of Sir Robert's Council, and Mr. Willoughby Burgh, the Secretary to the Government of India, all held that, though his schemes were frivolous and futile, the Rajah must be set aside. When Sir James Carnac went out to India, the last thing Sir John Hobhouse desired, at parting, was that Sir James should deal le- niently with the Rajah. Sir James went out with kindly foam; but he 00- cided on examination that the Rajah should be dethroned. The Rajah, in fac refused to fulfil the second article of the treaty, which stipulated that he sh ould be bound in all things by the British Resident; for then' he said, he should be no more than the puppet of the British Government: the refusal proved that the

suspicions entertained of him were justified by his own feelings. The former revenue of the Rajah was 130,0001. or 140,0001. a year; out of which he had to support the state of a prince: the "beggary" to which he is now reduced is an annual allowance of 12,0001. Sir John was sorry to hear that the Rajah has 700 followers; for he is, no doubt, of a generous disposition, and does not like to dis- miss his old followers. Sir John totally denied the stories of cruelty in the mode of the Rajah's removal, such as the idle tale that Colonel Ovens entered his chamber at Bemires "in the dead of the night," &c. As to the seals which Colonel Ovens was accused of "forging," the proofs of the Rajah's treachery did not depend upon them; and Colonel Ovens was actually the first person to cast a doubt upon the authenticity of the seals in question. Sir John Hobhouse called upon the House not to reopen a question which had repeatedly been decided; not to weaken British authority in her remote dominions; not to let public servants have reason to suppose that for every trivial cause they were to be cast off and abandoned to calumny daring their life and to dishonour in their graves.

The motion for inquiry was supported, with a reiteration of some argu- ments "already used, by Mr. EWART, Mr. BORTHWICK, Dr. BOWRING, Mr. BICKIIAM ESCOTT, and Sir EDWARD COLEBROOKE. Sir JAMES HOGG supported Ministers.

On a division, Mr. Mune's motion was negatived, by 44 to 23.

PUBLIC MONEY AND PRIVATE BILLS. On Wednesday, Mr. PARKER moved that the Argyle Canal Company have leave to sit and report on the following day. Mr. CErnigroriran opposed the progress of the bill: he had discovered that the measure involved the expenditure of 140,000/. of public money; and such a grant ought not to be obtained under the guise of a private bill. Sir CHARLES Woon explained, that the object of the work was solely to give employment to the desti- tute Highlanders; but the canal, which would be available for ships, would be a real improvement. A conversation followed, of a somewhat animated character. Mr. HUME moved that the debate be adjourned to that day three months: which Was objected to' as informal. Ultimately, Sir CHARLES WOOD undertook that the bill should not _proceed until Ministers had taken a grant for it in a Com- mittee of the whole House; and then, both the motion and the amendment were withdrawn, and the order for committing the bill was discharged.

THE POOR-REMOVAL AcT AMENDMENT BILL was read a second time in the House of Commons, on Wednesday, after a brief discussion. The object of the bill is to extend over the whole union the expense of maintaining the paupers entitled under the Removal Act to relief from the parish.

EDUCATION. In reply to Mr. VERNON Smarr, on Thursday, Lord Jonx RUSSELL stated that it was not intended to propose a vote for the education of Roman Catholics in the present session of Parliament; but Ministers intended to ask for a vote in the next session.

FURLOUGH IN INDIA. In reply to Mr. EwAnT, on Thursday, Sir JOHN HODHOUSE stated that it was thought better to wait for the decision of the civil service furlough before any further steps were taken for extending the benefits of the furlough in the military service.

REWARDS FOR NAVAL SERVICE. On Thursday, the Earl of HARDWICKE moved an address, praying that the Admiralty order directed to persons serving on board any ship of war engaged with the enemy between 1793 and 1815, the Captain of which should have received a medal, should equally apply to the pe- riod between 1793 and 1846. He contended that other actions equally deserved honour with those that had been rewarded; particularly instancing Lord Ex- mouth's action at Algiers, which had been passed over. The Earl of AUCKLAND dwelt upon the necessity of adhering to strict rules, but promised that the sub- ject should receive further consideration from the Admiralty.

TKE WELLINGTON STATUE. On Thursday, Lord BROUGHAM called the at- tention of the Peers to this subject. He declared that the clamour against the statue had be greatly overrated. The more the statue was seen by people of good taste, the mole its present position was approved of. The horse is not like the horses of the Elgin marbles: it is more like a real horse than an ideal horse, such as sculptors think ought to be erected when they are to make them. It is placed where all eyes can see it; and there cannot be for it a more commanding position or a more beneficial exposure. He wished the statue to remain in the neighbour- hood of the Duke's mansion; that his eye might rest upon it while he enjoyed that repose in his mansion which he had given to his country. It was well known why the Duke did not complain of the proposed removal; because it is his noble, magnanimous, and graceful practice, above all things to abhor talking of himself. But his words were, "They must be idiots who suppose that I should not feel that I was insulted and exposed to ridicule if that statue were removed." "And now," cried Lord Brougham, "remove it if you dare!" He moved for the papers and correspondence connected with the Wellington statue. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE willingly consented to produce the correspondence; and intimated that the object was to erect a testimonial worthy of the Duke's fame.

PROGRESS OF RAILWAY BILIS IN PART rAmF-NT.

LORDS.

BILLs SUSPENDED UNDER RESOLUTION or JUNE 10.—Eastern-Counties (Cambridge to Royston and Ware). Leeds-Dewsbury-and-Manchester (Omen branch and Dews- bury and Morley stations). Manchester-Sheffield-and-Lincolnshire (Sheffield Canal purchase). Manchester-Sheffield-and-Lincolnshire (station approach in Manchester). Manchester-Sheffield-and-Lincolnshire (junction with the Midland Mi Barnsley, and branches therefrom). Scottish-Midland Junction (amendment and branch to Laurence- kirk). Strathtay-and-Breadaibane Extension. South-eastern (Mid Kent and Direct Tunbridge). South-eastern (North Kent). South-eastern (Street' to Maidstone). Mid- land (Gloucester and Stonehouse junction) PREAMBLES moven IN COMMITTEE. July 5.—Great-Western (amendment and ex- tensions). Eastern-Counties (Wisbeach to Spalding). Great-Northern (branch to King's Lynn). Glasgow-Airdrie-and-Monklands Junction (Cowlairs branch).

July 7th.— Buckingham-and-Brackley Junction, &c. Midland (Syston to Peter- borough). East-Lancashire (Preston extension).

July 8M.—EdInburgh-and-Northem (improvement of the ferry between Ferry Port and Craig). Edinburgh-and-Northern (branch from BurntIsland to Dunfermline branch) (No. 2).

Julybts.—York-and-North-Mldland (Harrowgate branch, Boroughbridge-and-Knares- borough extension). Chester-and-Holyhead (extension to Holyhead). York-and- North-Midland (Hull station and branches).

COMSIONS.

PREAMBLE PROVF.D IN COMMITTEE. July SM.—Southampton-and-Dorchester (Wim- borne-and-Blandford branch).

ROYAL ASSENT.

July 9th.--Leeds-tual-Thirsk (deviation of main line in Crimple Valley, &c.) Lon- don-and-North-western (St. Alban's branch). York-and-Newcastle and Newcastle.and- Berwick Railways Amalgamation. York-and-Newcastle (['claw Tyne Dock and branches).. )ildiand (extension from near Leicester via Bedford). North-British (No. 1.) Ipswich-and-Bury St. Edmund's (branch from Ipswich to Woodbridge). Blanchester-Sheffield-and-Lincolnshire (Louth and liomcastle). London-and-North- western (Birmingham and Lichfield). York-and-North-311diand (Harrogate branch extension and terminus). York-and-North-ldidland (Knottingley branch). Aber- deen (branch deviation). Great-Northern (deviations between Galnsborough and Don- caster). Shrewsbury-and-Chester branches, Ste. Guildford-Extension and Ports- mouth-and-Fareham. Portadown-and-Dungannon. Dublln-Dundrum-and-Rathfarn- ham (extension to Stephen's Green). Boston-Stamford-and-Birmingham (branch to 1VIsbech Harbour, and Wisbech Harbour Improvements). Eastern-Counties (purchase -of the North Woolwich Railway, &c.) Eastern-Counties (enlargement of London and Stratford stations, and amendment of acts). Eastern-Counties Extension (Cambridge to Bedford, &c.) London-and-North-western (lease and purchase of the Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal, and the Leeds-Dewsbury-and-Manchester Rail- way). Cheltenham-and-Oxford. Huddersfield-and-Manchester (deviations and alte- rations, Oldham branch). Mold. Manchester-and-Leeds ; (alterations of levels of

Brighouse branch, &c.) Blackburn-Darwett-and-Bolton Acts Amendment (diversion of line In the parishes of Blackburn and Bolton in the Moors). Great-Northern (de- viations between Grantham and York). Chester-and-Holyhead (No. 2.) Great. Northern (purchase of Ambergate, &c.) Birmingham-Wolverhampton-and-Dudley (Stourbridge and Westbromwich). Midland (hfasborough and Normantou stations en-

largement). Edinburgh-Leith-and-Granton (Leith extension). Edinburgh-Leith-anGranton (Leith and Granton junction). Manchester-Sheffield-and-Lincolnshire (branch to Thorgoland Coal branch). Manchester and-Leeds (branches, extensions, deviations, and alterations of levels). Direct-London-and-Portsmonth. Glasgow-Paisley-and- Greenock (branch to the Caledonian Railway, and diversion of Canal). Caledonian-and. Glasgow-PaLsloy-and-Greenock Amalgamation. Lynn-and-Ely (deviation and King's Lynn Docks). Lynn-and-Ely (Lynn and Wormegay navigation). Caledonian (branches to Cannobie) (No. 4.) East-Lothian-Central-Railway. Eastern-Union-and-Ipswich- and-Bury-St.-Edmund's amalgamation. Chard-Canal-and-Railway (extension and amal- gamation). Midland-Great-western-of-Ireland (extension from Athlone to Galway). Newport-Abergavenny-and-Hereford (extension to Taff Vale Railway). Northampton.. and-Banbury. Swansea-and-Annan-Junction. Dublin-and-Drogheda (purchase of Na. van Branch). Glasgow-Dumfries-and-Carllsle-and-Glasgow-Paisley-Ellmamock-and- Ayr (No. 2). Glasgow-Paisley-Kilmarnock-and-Ayr (No. I.) Glasgow-Dumfries-and- Cathsle-and-Glasgow-Paisley-Klimarnock-and-Ayr (No. 4). Glasgow-Paisley-KRmamock-and-Ayr (No. 2). Glasgow-Paisley-Kilmarnock-and-Ayr (No. 4). Park- gate-and-Chester and Birkenhead-Junction. London-and-North-westem (Portobello and Wolverhampton branch). South-Staffordshire (Cannock, Wyrley, and Norton branches). Manchester- Sheffield - and - Lincolnshire and Manchester- and-Lincoln. Union-and Chesterfield-and-Gainsborough-Canal Amalgamation. Midland (Erewash Valley, 8r.c.) Edinburgh-and-Northern (Burntisland Pier, &c). Boston-Stamford-and- Birmingham (Wisbech to Sutton Bridge). Cork-and-Bandon. Aberdeen-and-Great- North-of-Scotland (amalgamation or leasing).