ITALY AND NATIONALISM
ITALY is a fruitful field in which to study problems of nationalism and internationalism. The centralization of the Roman Empire was the only kind of internationalism possible in its era and the most complete that has been known. The opposite extreme prevailed in the first half of the last century, when the Italian nation was divided into principali- ties ruled by alien autocratic dynasties except in Rome herself and the surrounding Papal States, where the temporal power was misused by the unfit and unpopular authority of the Vatican. To-day Italy is a united nation : her monarchy is Italianized and popular, and the government is in the hands of one whom history may put among the most successful of Nationalist leaders. If we give due consideration to times and conditions, Mazzini will probably appear a greater Italian Nationalist than Signor Mussolini. The prudent statesman- ship of Cavour and the bold arm of Garibaldi could never have reaped if Mazzini had not sown, and the task of sowing his seed from a prisoner's cell at home or an exile's garret abroad was as nearly superhuman as any performed task in history. If Signor Mussolini combined the use of a bludgeon with the most persuasive oratory, so too Mazzini found fiery calls to war with Austria consistent with the highest spiritual and intellectual appeals to his country. We do not doubt the burning patriotism of Signor Mussolini, but the prepon- derance of the spiritual motive is not yet proved in. him...as it was in Mazzini. No one can realize what Signor Mussolini has done without forming high hopes for the permanent good results of his work, but they are not consolidated in history as can be claimed for Mazzini's struggle. Mazzini had a further vision than any that Signor Mussolini has developed publicly. Mazzini's nationalism was for him but a step towards internationalism, a brotherhood of free nations. Seventy years ago he wrote in terms that might be read as a prophecy of a successful League of Nations. Signor Mussolini has so far pointed no further ahead than to an Italian hegemony of the Mediterranean.
Two new books throw light upon this subject, rather a high light, since both are panegyrics rather- than cold history. Mrs. Hinkley writes with feminine hero-worship of Mazzini : he had many of the attributes of a saint, including persecution, and added a brilliant intellect. It is well to have so pleasant a biography set in days of such intense interest for all who care for Italy and Europe. But the authoress makes too little allowance for those, other than her hero, who worked to free Italy and could not always do without delay all that he called for. One can almost sympathize with the workers and fighters on the spot if they were irritated by the urgings that reached them incessantly from the idealist in London or Switzerland. We have little objection to her condemnation of Louis Napoleon, for he was the least single-minded man that ever posed as the deliverer of the oppressed ; but she is less than fair to the wretched King Charles Albert, torn hither and thither by powers greater than his own : she does not even allow that :he behaved decently at the Battle of Novara. Similarly, she shows nct sympathy with the pious Catholics who could not calmly face the terrific breaks with tradition entailed by the end of the temporal power though they knew its crying abuses. We cannot accept her one unsupported accusation against Leo XIII. as Cardinal Pecci. These errors of judgment need not detract from our estimation of the nobility of Mazzini, and the only error of fact that we notice is in the statement that Mazzini's friend, Sir James Stansfield, was a Cabinet Minister in 1859. England need not repent of having helped and sheltered this Italian, and we learnt from him valuable lessons upon voluntary co-opera- tion. Mrs. Hinkley rightly says that he had " no sympathy with State Socialism or Communism." The other book is an account of Italy since the War by a well-known Anglo- Italian publicist. Here the Fascisti are the heroes who can do no wrong, while men like Signor Nitti could do nothing right.
Signor Villari carries his tale down to the elections of last spring, which he says were conducted in absolute secrecy without any pressure of the party representatives at the polls ; a very different impression from that received by impartial observers at the time. But whatever dangerous lessons Signor Mussolini may have taught by his success (and his vigorous efforts to give a constitutional form to every act shows that he at any rate is conscious of. the dangers) ; what- ever unjustifiable use of force the Fascisti may have made, we think that Signor Villari makes good the plea that at the moment they saved Italy. His account confirms what was realized by few in this country, namely, that in 1919-20 Italy seemed to be rushing to destruction and has made an astonish- ing recovery. It was not merely that her politicians were of a poor type, nor that her government in Rome and the provinces was corrupt, nor that her commerce was decaying through incessant strikes, but law was not administered. A number of people of one political complexion were able to shoot and loot and terrorize with impunity. There was no sense of security for life or limb or property. As usual, this drove the people to take the law into their own hands. Hence came Fascism°, and the source of any dangers ahead must be traced back a step beyond Fascism°. Our earnest hope is that as Mazzini loved and trusted England, so Signor Mussolini will always regard us as true and disinterested friends of his nation.
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