NEWS OF THE WEEK

TIORD WOLSELEY has decided to make an immediate rush on Metemneh, close to Shendy, where the Mandi has stationed a force variously estimated at from 5,000 to 3,000 men. Metemneh once cleared, the short road to Shendy is open ; and at Shendy General Gordon had recently four steamers watching for the arrival of the British. General Wolseley, therefore, has sent two convoys of supplies to Gakdul; and General Stewart, who had returned to Korti, was to proceed to Gakdul on the 8th inst. with all mounted men and 400 of the Sussex Regiment. He would advance on Metemneh at once, and it is hoped that lie would arrive there on the 15th inst.; but to do this, the Mandi's force must have been previously overthrown. It is posted, it is believed, on a spur of the hills which stretch down almost to Metemneh ; but of its strength or composition nothing appears to be accurately known. General Stewart's whole force cannot exceed 2,000 men, but it is believed to be adequate, even if the Soudanese fight as desperately as at El Teb. lihendy once occupied, the remainder of the force can be forwarded thither by the desert route, while General Stewart proceeds either in steamers or along the bank of the river to Khartoum, 110 miles away. This rush will be the most daring exploit of the war, but everything appears to have been most carefully calculated.

General Campenon, the French Minister of War, has resigned, or rather has been dismissed. In a speech to his subordinates, sent by himself to the Evertement, he told them that the Government had decided not to content itself with defending the Delta of Tonquin, but to advance towards certain undefined natural limits, to keep Formosa, and to dictate peace to China by an Expedition "to the very heart of the Empire," by which, he subsequently explained, he meant Pekin. He did not believe such a war could be undertaken without disorganising the Army, or employing an Army Corps, which must be replaced by calling out the Reserves. He was, therefore, opposed to it ; and also because he thought such a war unnecessary, and secretly instigated by Prince Bismarck, who, having embroiled France with Italy and Spain, was endeavouring to embroil her with Great Britain. France ought to wait, and prepare for a struggle in Europe, and not waste her force in distant expeditions, especially at a moment when the finances are so overpressed. These expressions of General Campenon are considered singularly indiscreet, especially by M. Ferry ; but they will be repeated in every variety of tone as soon as the Deputies meet, and are told that the "impossible" war with China has now been decided on.

The West African Conference has been asked to accept the following declaration, which defines what in future will be the legal method of taking possession of African territory :—" The Power which shall at any future time take possession of a territory or place on the coasts of Africa situated outside its actual possessions, or which shall assume the protection thereof, shall accompany the act in question by a simultaneous notification, addressed to the other Powers represen'ed in the present Conference, in order to enable them to recognise this [taking possession] as effective, or to advance any claims which they may have of their own." The Power taking possession must agree to establish a Government strong enough to maintain peace, and secure respect for established rights. There seems little to object to in this declaration ; but is the assent of the signatory Powers required for the annexation, or does it only afford opportunity for remonstrance ? The former demand would fetter this country too much, ns the Continental Powers are apt to pull together against England, and might forbid au acquisition out of mere jealousy of her progress.

The daily papers treated London on Monday to a sensation. Immediately on the rising of the Cabinet Council, it was said, orders had been telegraphed to Portsmouth and Plymouth to recall all men on leave, and send the Channel Fleet to sea at once. Of course, the alarmists declared that we were going to war with Germany at once, or with France, or with both, and the Funds actually fell an eighth. There was no truth whatever in the announcement, which seems to have been based upon a misconception of some orders telegraphed to the ' Northumberland,' and before evening the Funds and the public recovered themselves ; but the incident showed the mischief done by Jingo journalism. Men's minds grow hot, and they indulge in the luxury of alarm till a rumour that England intended to blockade the Continent until she received an apology for Prince Bismarck's conduct in refusing to drink British brandy, and declaring it very nasty, would receive full credence for an hour. England may go to war yet ; but the nation may rely on it that when she does, there will be an adequate reason, ample warning, and one speech at the least from Mr. Gladstone.

The recent action of Germany has stirred the Colonial Office into action. St. Lucia, in Zululand, was occupied by us last week-, and its occupation will not, it is believed, be contested ; and this week a Protectorate was formally declared over the whole eastern coast of South Africa between Cape Colony and Natal. Moreover, orders have been sent out to annex all the groups of islands in the great channel between Australia and New Guinea, including the Woodlark, the large island which dominates the eastern entrance, and to declare a protectorate over the large and long peninsula of New Guinea—why not use the proper name, Papua? — which stretches southwards towards Australia. There is no objection to these annexations, which protect South Africa from invasion, and provide a belt of dependencies for Australia. sheltering her from the North; but we want to ask a question. Why do we not go into hysterics over the French possession of Pondicherry There they have an open gate right into the heart of our Indian empire ; yet nobody particularly cares. The reason is that if France attacks us in India, we shall attack her in Cherbourg ; and that is the precise reason why the neighbourhood of Germany or Russia ought not to create such alarms.

The superficial area of Heligoland is one-fifth of a square mile, or 128 acres.

On Monday, Mr. Chamberlain made two speeches at a dinner given him by the Birmingham Artisans' Association, the trades represented being glasaworkers, brassworkers, ironworkers, bricklayers, and all the rest of the ordinary trades of a great industrial centre. In reply to the toast of his own health, Mr. Chamberlain spoke chiefly of the personal attacks which had been recently made upon him, and which, as he justly said, were adequately disproved by such a demonstration as that in the very place in which he had been accused of obtaining wealth by more or less unfair means. With reference to Lord Randolph Churchill's attempt to fasten on him the responsibility of the Aston riots, Mr. Chamberlain declared that the Tory indictment had virtually been withdrawn, and that the accusation brought against the Liberals of forging tickets for a Tory meeting had been dropped. The Tories had failed to produce even a single " rough " who so much as professed to have been paid by the Liberals. It had turned out that the Tories, after promising their leaders a great Tory demonstration, had succeeded in providing everything that was necessary except Tories; and failing in that, the demonstration itself had been a conspicuous failure.

In his second speech, Mr. Chamberlain declared that, in his position as member of the Government, he had had at times " to reserve and sometimes even to sacrifice " his own opinion ; and be only hoped that in doing so he had not dissatisfied his constituents, to which appeal he received a very hearty negative. He then went on to comment on the compromise. He suggested that Lord Salisbury might possibly have been acting in the spirit of a Russian tribe called the Tuvac, who, when they desire to take revenge on -their enemy, effect this by hanging themselves at the door of their enemy. He did not believe, however, that Lord Salisbury would have committed political suicide in order to revenge himself on Lord Hartington or Lord Granville ; and, therefore, he felt bound to believe that the dearest wish of Lord Salisbury's heart had been to speed the advent of this Radical Millennium, and to pave the way for the reign of the Democracy which everybody supposed that he had thought it his special mission to stem ;—for the Franchise Act had been passed, and the pistol of which Lord Salisbury had spoken so graphically was now charged, and pointed at the head of Parliament.

Mr. Chamberlain spoke with enthusiasm of the Redistribution Bill, on the passing of which they could now rely. It would do almost all the Radicals bad desired, but had not dared to hope, in the way of substituting living and energeticconstitnencies for constituencies of no serious political convictions ; and, so far from extinguishing the Caucus, it would vastly strengthen all the local organisations of popular opinion. The new electoral districts would doubtless have their own representatives and select their own _Members; but each of them would contribute its quota to the representative council of the borough as a whole, and instead of the Birmingham Eight Hundred, they would probably have in future the Birmingham Two Thousand. He dismissed with contempt the idea that the new Democracy would be bellicose. It would be far too strong for sensitiveness and querulousness. It had no wish for the Conscription, which must result from an aggressive spirit. But if it ever were forced into a war, it would be a very strong power, and a very formidable one, in its active association with the Democracies of our widespread Colonies. Mr. Chamberlain's remarks on Germany and the Australian question were, on the whole, decidedly pro-Australian ; and then he went on to predict that the new Democracy would insist on the duties of property as much as the old class-Government had insisted on its rights, would modify the game laws, pass a just law for the protection of our sailors iu the mercantile marine, secure decent dwellings to the artisans of our towns, give the agricultural labourers some hold on the soil, and secure to every child in the land a free education which would enable him to make the best use of his powers.

Mr. Gladstone has been suffering slightly. from his old euemies,—sleeplessness and lnmbago,—sluriug the early part of the past week, though at the last accounts his health was greatly improved, and it was not doubted that he was rapidly recovering his usual energy and elasticity. At the meeting of his Hawarden tenants on Wednesday. however, Mr. W. H. Gladstone had to apologise for his father's absence ; and though he made light of it, he dwelt once more ou his father's wish to retire, whenever occasion should serve, from the public service, or at least from that kind of service to the public which imposes on him such arduous efforts. Mr. W. H. Gladstone's language has probably been construed too seriously. Mr. Gladstone is not one who needlessly discounts the future ; and perhaps it is not necessary for us to do so. Assuredly the Liberal Party will be most reluctant to fight its first great battle in conjunction with the new allies whom Mr. Gladstone has won for them, under any other leader. After a sleepless night even young men will think respousibilities very arduous which a few hours' rest would render light enough. Let us hope that it will be so also with Mr. Gladstone.

The Bishop of London, Dr. Jackson, who has long been iu a failing state of health, died rather suddenly on Tuesday morning from heart-disease, which caused him some pain at first,— pain which soon subsided under the effect of the mustardplaster applied to his side. He had for a month or two appeared to be in very much better health than during the greater part of last year, had celebrated the communion at Fulham on Sunday, and preached in St. Paul's in the evening. Dr. Jackson was a thoroughly earnest and good Bishop. Without any personal sympathy with the Ritualist party, he yet entered heartily into the spirit of Archbishop Tait's wise dying effort to protect them against their party. foes ; and bad carried out, after the Archbishop's death, the spirit of his counsel in relation to the disposal of Mr. Mackonochie after his deprivation at St. Albans, Holborn. In Dr. Jackson's laborious administration of the great diocese under his control, he had gained the love and respect of all parties, and had been in the best sense a father to his clergy.

Various successors to Bishop Jackson are talked of in the Press; and one in particular, a great western diocesan, is almost spoken of as if Mr. Gladstone had no right or choice in the matter, but must absolutely recommend him to the Queen, whether he be or be not the man whom he himself thinks fittest for the post. We• should rejoice to see the very able administrator in question placed at the head of such a See as London, because we believe he would infuse an energy and a statesmanship into his work which might leave a permanent mark on the diocese. But we cannot believe that the dictatorial tone which is now so often adopted by the Newspaper Press in recommending soldiers, civilians, and ecclesiastics to special offices, is either warranted by adequate knowledge, or inspired by an adequate sense of responsibility ; and we prefer, therefore, to name no names, and to express our confidence in the Prime Minister's deep concern for the Church and wide knowledge of its wants. But London is certainly a diocese which needs great energy, considerable breadth of mind, and a certain enthusiasm of faith for its government. And yet it has not unfrequently happened that thoroughly humble men, who did not seem to be specially endowed with these characteristics, have practically succeeded better than men of more conspicuous talent and capacity.

Mr. Courtney made a speech at Liskearcl on Tuesday, in. which, after advancing his usual defence of proportional representation, he defended himself for his somewhat severe criticisms on the Government by saying that he had been more Gladstonian than the Government itself in his sympathy with Mr. Gladstone on all the doubtful issues of Colonial and Foreign policy which had recently been under discussion,—more Gladstonian than Mr. Gladstone's cesn collective Cabinet. We must think that Mr. Courtney's attempt to pose as an unmuzzled representative of the Prime Minister's political conscience, is not very constitutional, and exceedingly doubtful in point of fact. In the first place, he does not know how far Mr. Gladstone's judgment really diverges from that of his Cabinet, if it does so diverge,—indeed, none of us do knowexcept the Prime Minister and possibly some other members of the Cabinet. In the next place, it is more than probable that even if Mr. Courtney did divine Mr. Gladstone's personal leaning, he would be wholly unable to gauge the just influence over Mr. Gladstone's mind eserted by the judgment of his colleagues. In the third place. nothing can be less defensible on constitutional grounds than to profess to interpret the private wishes of a •Minister who expresses by his public acts, and by his public acts alone, the convictions for which he is to be held responsible. Mr. Courtney is a man of consummate ability ; but the more we see of his statesmanship in the larger sense,. the less we admire it.

The Convocation of the University of London carried unanimously on Tuesday a resolution of Mr. Anstie's to appoint a. special Committee of forty members to consider the proposals lately published for establishing a Teaching University in London ; but though the resolution was carried unanimously, it was obvious that the House did not consider the scheme recently discussed, but not adopted by the Association for extending University teaching in London, as a serious one. The feeling was that the present Examining University is not all that might be wished,—that it is especially less

closely related than it ought t) be to the prinei[ al London Colleges which supply it with examinees ; and that these Colleges are not as p oiverful or as numerous as might he desired. For the rest, though the House wisely refrained in that stage from expressing any opinion of its own, it did not receive without sympathy the view expressed by one of the graduates that the proposed Teaching University, which had been so eloquently advocated in the Press, very much resembled the Adam in an old German play, when he walks across the stage going to be created."

The trial of Madame Clovis Hugues for the murder of the spy Morin, who had accused her of prenuptial immorality, and had, as she imagined, sent her insulting post-cards, came off in Paris on Thursday. It was shown that Morin had been sentenced to two years' imprisonment for his false charge ; that he had not sent the post-cards, though he probably knew who did ; and that the assassination was premeditated. Madame Hngues, indeed, acknowledged this berself, and only pleaded that she "had been morally assassinated for two years." She refused to express any regret for her crime, though she regretted that Morin had forced upon her such a necessity. Nevertheless, evidence was allowed that the Chamber of Deputies was unanimous in her favour, the Jury at once acquitted her, and she was overwhelmed in Court with congratulations. Such a scene would seem to indicate that the Parisians have forgotten not only the morality of Christianity, but the first laws of civilisation. No well-constituted Pagan State allows of private vengeance, or considers that provocation can do more than extenuate murder. The only possible explanation of the verdict is that Parisians consider that where a man might defend his honour by a duel, a woman may defend it by a murder ; but a duel, bad as it is, ensures that the challenger shall ask an explanation, shall obey very stringent rules of procedure, and shall risk his own life. The verdict is not only a deliberate refusal of justice, but a proof that the protection of law does not exist in France.

The emigration from Germany hits increased five-fold since 1879, and Prince Bismarck, in a speech on the subject, made on Thursday in the Reichstag, affirmed that this was a result of Protection, which had made the peasants so prosperous that they had money enough to emigrate with. Herr Richter thereupon. showed that the emigration was largest from the poorest provinces, and that the tobacco-cutters, impoverished by the new duty on their raw material, had emigrated in shoals, and asked whether when Germany reached the acme of prosperity there would be nobody but the Chancellor left iu it. Prince Bismarck grew furious at this, declared that the Mommsen of 2,000 years hence would probably record that Germany was ruined by low corn duties, and, suddenly shifting his ground, declared that the peasants could not live, and that the Government intended to put a new import duty on corn. The Chancellor's economics bewilder Englishmen ; but the truth is that in finance he is only an elderly squire, and fancies that if wheat gives no profit the country is ruined. Mr. Chaplin would entirely agree with him, and Mr. Lowther will quote him as the great foreign statesman who insists so wisely that bread shall be dear.

Prince Edward of Wales attained his majority on Thursday, and the London morning papers were full of adulation. The Times even ventured to project its soul into futurity, and predicted that when Peterhouse celebrated its second sexceutenary (A.D. 2484), Prince Edward's heir would still be sitting on the English throne. He may be, or the descendant of the Marquis Tseng may be, which is at least as likely ; but how does the Times know it ? At the same time, the papers published with great pleasure an official announcement that Parliament would not be asked to vote any money for the Prince because he is of age. The loyalty expressed is not, therefore, loyalty of the pocket. We like neither the false adulation nor the real meanness. It is good, as long as the Monarchy exists, that there should be no Regent; and Prince Edward's majority is, therefore, a cause for moderate congratulation. That being so, and the existence of a King in reserve being admittedly beneficial, he ought to be allowed something to live on. If he is not worth that, why is everybody printing such enthusiastic declarations of gladness ? Could not the Pall Mall Gazette interview Prince Edward and hear his own opinion of his own situation and prospects ? That would sell.

Some one on the Times has been adding up the lists of

London chari ie; and their r..•ceipts. It appears that there are no less than 1,013 charitable institutions, and that their total revenue rises to the sum of £4,417,000, or more than the revenue of many second-class Powers—Sweden, for example— and equal to a tax of £5 Ss. on every house iu the Metropolis. These figures, if they are correct, include of course a groat mass of endowments ; but there can be no doubt about the immense amount of Loudon charity. What there is doubt about is its area. There is reason to believe that the number of givers bears no relation to the quantity given ; and that a startling proportion of the total sum received comes front about three thousand families who make of charity a habit—often an hereditary habit. The body of the people contribute a good deal ; but there are whole lists of donors who give on system, and who are as carefully visited for their subscriptions as they are for their taxes. Those who do not give soon lied the applications very few.

"F. R. S." misleads the public when he says, in a long letter published in yesterday's Times, that the Royal Commission on Vivisection " failed, after receiving evidence from all quarters, to bring to light a single instance of wanton cruelty or any serious abuses in this country." The Commission were divided on this point, and they held it to be their duty to pass uo opinion on it, but to report the evidence simply, and to point out the great need for restrictions on the practice. We ourselves hold that iu the case of one class of experiments at least, —Dr. Rutherford's,—there was evidence of very great abuse and of serious cruelty. And, unfortunately, the Act passed to limit vivisection did not succeed in preventing the repetition of those experiments on a considerable scale. We should say also that Dr. Ferrier's famous experiments on monkeys, as detailed by himself, experiments which have also been sanctioned under the Act, have been lamentably cruel, in spite of the fact that the first operations were performed under awesthetics. When " F. R. S." asserts that " a demoralised vivisector has not yet been discovered," we can only say that he speaks solely as the mouthpiece of those whom the practice has demoralised.

The Bank of England has just detected a series of forgeries, which must have been planned by a very acute mind. A note for £500 was presented on Tuesday by a respectable woman, which was found to be forged ; and on an inquiry being instituted, it was traced to a scavenger on Clapham Common, who at once acknowledged that he had found a box full of £500 and £100 notes. The notes were admirably executed, and quite beyond ordinary observation, although the numbers were wrong ; and the plan of the forger who lost the box must have been to open a deposit account with some London hank, pay them in, and draw a cheque speedily against them. If the Bank clerks did not suspect the notes, the cheque would be paid ; and before the notes reached the Bank of England, the forger would be away. He could not hope to pass notes so large with tradesmen, and would be suspected even by Continental money-changers, who would ask permission to telegraph to London. This is, we think, an innovation in note-forging, and not only gives the criminal a chance of a great haul, but exempts him from any necessity for confederates.

The L;rerpoo/ Post has received from lldngola sp 'eimens of the wood used in sonic of the boats employed to transport troops up the Nile. They are almost rotten, without fibre, and obviously totally unsuited to the :--,!rviee. On submitting them to an experienced boat-builder, he declared the wood to be Swedish spruce, a most inferior wood for the jeiqe ; turd the structure of the boats, which lie described technically, to be such that in a dangerous rush of water they would not be likely to hold together. The most severe inquiry shne1.1 he made by the Admiralty into these allegations; awl, if t hey :ire true, an eflurt should be made to punish tlio;e res;,on,iblo. It is too bad that

the lives of soldiers and sailors sisetid I F;wrificol either to greed or carelessues.

2.1,:'“21* coral 1 un,lcr.-tand why contracts for the State need be pl iced on the same footing as other contracts, or why failure to sui:ply good work, if shown to be wilful, should not be treated as treason. If one contractor were sentenced to penal servitude, we should bear no more of rotten meat or weevilly biscuits.