MR. BUTT AND SIR JOHN TRELAWNY'S MOTION. ONE of the
defects of our strong engine of modern civilization, the press, is that its strokes, however terrific, are brief—its exposure of the abuses of the social and political system is transitory, and the excitement which it can create for a day passes by. This transitory nature of the power of the press is a serious cause of weakness ; questions full of importance for millions are opened only to be forgotten ; and in a dull season as much attention is devoted to the special pleading about a poor wretch who has stolen a pocket-handkerchief, as to the news of a battle lost or won in the greatest of empires. The effect created by the press almost ceases with the hour ; and great excitements issue in great reactions and lassitudes. An illustration of this fact is brought before us in a little work by Mr. W. T. Finla-son, entitled "Par- liamentary Influence and Official Intrigue," a summary as well as a commentary of the disclosures recently made before a Select Committee in connexion with the affairs of the Ameer Ali Moored Khan of Seinde. The subject, as the author observes, is of the deepest interest, since it affects the whole character of our repre- sentative institutions, and shows their practical working at the present day. The case must not be entirely superseded by "latest intelligence," especially as Parliament has not really settled it on its merits. The main question is whether the bar- gaining admitted by Mr. Butt as having teen made by the Ameer, was or was not a bargain for "valuable consideration' and for the attainment of objects to be reached only by the suc- c,essful use of Mr. Butt's Parliamentary influence. This question the Committee evaded ; let us see how it is answered by the facts.
Everybody knows how one of the Ameers of Scinde, being ad- judged by the East India Company to have forfeited his domin- ions, came over to this country, with a Mr. Coffey, a gentleman who held a high official post in Seinde, to seek redress. Mr. Coffey succeeded in securing the services of Mr. Butt. ,Now Mr. Butt happened to be not only a member of the Irish bar, but a Member of Parliament; and at the outset of the affair, he de- murred to accepting a retainer for his general future services, in order that he might feel more free to advocate the ease in Parlia- ment; but while refusing money as a general retainer, Mr. Butt
accepted money as fees, for work done by him as a lawyer, al- though "all legal efforts," as he acknowledges, failed. On the 21st of June 1856, Mr. Butt received a consultation-fee to attend a conference with the counsel of the Ameer ; and at that confer- ence he promptly arrived at the conclusion that the only remedy lay in bringing the case before Parliament. He prepared the petition ; he presented it himself, and was only prevented from advocating it in the House by the Speaker on the point of order. He moved for papers, and tried to bring on the ease in the dis- cussion of the Indian budget ; but failing in this again, a peti- tion to the Queen in Council was adopted. This petition was received in January 18,57, and in February Mr. Butt received another fee for attending a consultation, not followed, however, by proceedings before any legal tribunal. It so happened that immediately after this last "consultation," came on the debate on the China war, at the conclusion of which Mr. Butt voted against his own party, and with the Government. Ile then opened a negotiation with the Board of Control ; and writing long and strong letters to Mr. Vernon Smith, he managed at last, as the Ameer's claim appears really so far as people in England can judge of it to be a bad one, to make that gentleman believe that there was probably some soundness in it. The Court of Directors of the East India Company resolved to send an unfavourable reply to the demands of the Ameer ; the President of the Board of Control corrected and altered the despatch containing their decision, so as to involve' to a certain extent, a recognition of the claim ; and the Court of Directors yielded to this move for "fear of being left in the lurch" by the Minister. It is not necessary to do more than state this simple fact for the purpose of proving that there exists in the relations of the Company, Members of Parliament, and the Government, something that requires very grave consider- ation indeed.
Subsequently, Mr. Butt entered into an agreement to go to India with the Ameer, for which he was to receive 10,0001.; one half on leaving this country, the other half in India. Moreover, "in order to test the sincerity of the Ameer," Mr. Butt asked him for 5001. on account, and got 3001. Matters having been thus arranged, at the end of July, Mr. Butt took the Ameer to the President of the Board of Control; who told the chief that on returning to India he would be received as a friend, and would. be in the favour of the Government ; and the Minister was at the same time understood to hint that the Ameer's lands would be restored to him. On returning from this interview, Mr. Butt remarked to the Ameer—" Now you have heard this assurance, you need not rely on me any more." The Areeer, therefore, had to think of ratifying his agreement ; and he did so by paying, on the 21st of August, 2000/. to his advocate "for going out to India if necessary," giving at the same time bills for 8000/. more, Mr. Butt having ascertained that the bills would be discounted.
Meanwhile Mr. Coffey, the factotum of the Ameer, con- sidered himself aggrieved ; in a petition to the House of Commons he denounced Mr. Butt as having taken money to prosecute the case of the Ameer in Parliament ; and Mr. Roebuck, who pre- sented the petition, demanded an inquiry. The Select Com- mittee which was appointed, adopted the very- common course recently pursued by Select Committees, and made no analytical report, but simply declared the charge not proven ; saying—" It has not been shown that the payments to Mr. Butt had any re- ference to proceedings in Parliament."
Now there is nobody wishes to press hardly upon Mr. Butt ; but there is a strong necessity that Members generally should be made to feel that their possession of a Parliamentary seat and in- fluence precludes them from taking money in such a way as to render it doubtful whether they speak or act from conviction or money. It would have been quite easy to let off Mr. Butt,— which all parties were inclined to do—and yet to take such steps upon the case as would shut out any such course of conduct for the future. The rule which should be followed was well laid down by a resolution which the House passed as far back as the reign of William III. On the 2d of May, 1695, it was resolved by the House of Commons "That the offer of any money or other ad- vantage to any Member of Parliament, for the promoting of any matter whatsoever, depending or to be transacted in Parliament, Is a high crime and misdemeanour, and tends to the subversion of the English Constitution." The force of this resolution has been weakened by the late proceedings it is the duty of the Rouse of Commons to restore it ; and Sir John Trelawny is to take the initi- ative in the fulfilment of this duty by asking the House, on Tues- day next, to pass the following resolution— "That the receipt of any species of reward by a Member in consideration of the exercise of his influence in that capacity is calculated to lower the dignity and authority of this House, and is a high breach of the privilege of Parliament."
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